Venice
June 1555, 16-30

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Institute of Historical Research

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Rawdon Brown (editor)

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1877

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110-124

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'Venice: June 1555, 16-30', Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6: 1555-1558 (1877), pp. 110-124. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=100550 Date accessed: 01 September 2014.


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June 1555, 16–30

June 17. Filza, No. 134, Miscellanea di Atti diversi, Manoscritti, Venetian Archives. 137. Mr. [Dr. John] Storye to Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire.
My most humble commendation to your Honour premised, with like thanks that it pleased your Lordship to address your honourable letters to so poor a man as I am, nevertheless your daily orator and loving servant, our lives enduring. Albeit I be not other as it were relegate from the Court and tied in the city for the better purging of the same from schism, sedition, and heresy, so that I can not (as my heart desireth) certify your Lordship, as this bearer (your Lordship's bondman) can do, yet have I thought it my bounden duty to let your Honour to understand that the state of the city, being (as you know) the spectacle of this realm, daily drawing, partly for love and partly for fear, to conformity, doth not a little amend, whereof God grant increase and restitution to the old state and dignity, to God's honour and glory. And where of late through too much pietie [pity?] mixed with sinful civility, the inferior sort—yea in times of executions—began to be stout, and seemed to glory in their malignity; now the sharpness of the sword, and other corrections, hath begun to bring forth that, the Word, in stony hearts could not do; so that by discreet severity we have good hope of universal unity in religion, and thereby perfect unanimity among the superior sort, unless some lurking darns (fn. 1) (which as yet in every assembly lacketh not), interturbet omnia. The full cause of all good men is, that by God's gracious assistance, and the good counsel of your Lordships and others, the late instruments of God's fury, being now worldlings respecting only the weathercock, shall shortly so be weeded, that these choke not the corn, which God grant, and to your Lordship, your heart's desire. With my most hearty commendation to my fond (fownde) patrone and second father, good Mr. Bonvise, fautor of all good Catholic men, whom I trust your Lordship hath or will visit, whereof I know he will be very glad.
Your L. orator,
(Signed) Jo. St.
London, 17th June 1555.
[Addressed:] “To the Right Honourable and my singular good Lord, my Lord the Earl of Devon.”
[Contemporary endorsement:] “17 June 1555, from Mr. Storie.”
[And again, also in a hand of the time:] “Mr. Storye, 15 June 1555, from London to Brussels.”
June 17. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 138. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Doge and Senate
Six of the Spanish lords, the Imperial ambassador, and himself, came hither to-day from the Court, the Portuguese ambassador remaining behind from indisposition, all of them having been invited by the Royal Council, in the Queen's name, to honour the obsequies of the Queen of Spain, which to-day, at the vesper-hour, were commenced with great solemnity in St. Paul's Cathedral, and will end to-morrow after the mass. The French ambassador was in company with them, having been invited like the rest, and both at church, and in the evening, at the supper in the Bishop's palace prepared for them and the peers of the realm (Signori del Regno), he had his place. Taking into account the great number of persons who attended the ceremony, all being clad in long mourning cloaks generously given to each of them by her Majesty, and independently of the wax candles and furniture (apparato), which was very handsome, the cost could not have been less than from 6,000 to 7,000 ducats.
They return to the Court to-morrow with full hope either of finding the Queen auspiciously delivered, or that she will be so very speedily; the King with his own lips having told him three days ago, that she had commenced being troubled by certain pains which indicate the announcement of childbirth (che dan segno di esser nontii del parto).
Yesterday (Sunday), whilst with the King [at Hampton Court] for the purpose of accompanying him [to mass], the Chancellor, the Earl of Arundel, and Lord Paget arrived from the conference of Calais, and having withdrawn with his Majesty, narrated to him briefly the whole of the negotiation.
Was told subsequently by the Chancellor that although the conference is broken up (è rotta), the negotiation still remains on foot (resta viva), and by means of letters and embassies on one part and the other they will be more intent on it than ever, nor does his Lordship despair of some good result.
Hitherto it has been hard to discover the truth, as to which of the parties abstained from proceeding to the adjustment, because they each defend their cause according to interest and passion; but well nigh every one reports, that the Imperialists held more to their own (essere stati più sulla sua) than the French, and would not yield an atom of what concerns their grandeur and repute; having always been firm and constant on one point, that those who have been despoiled be in the first place restored; and then, that the [French] King's claims on the Milanese, etc., be referred to and decided by a council according to the form devised and proposed by the Chancellor; but on the return of Cardinal Pole, which will take place in two or three days — his right reverend Lordship having stopped at Canterbury for rest, being extremely tired (in addition to his constitutional debility) from mental and bodily fatigue endured, and from violent sea-sickness—every particular will be heard authentically and distinctly, and be communicated to his Serenity.
During this conference, the Constable served his King by inspecting that very important frontier, providing Montreuil and Boulogne with many things of which they stood in need, and enlarging the fortress of Ardres so that it can now lodge a large number of cavalry, of which it had need; and during his stay there he had a bastion raised, and enclosed the suburb, and, to hasten the operation, he made his own lackeys, and those of the noblemen with him, work.
As to affairs here, the King is anxiously awaiting the delivery, that he may confer with his father, and at length arrange the government and his affairs, which much to his detriment remain more undecided than ever, everything being deferred until that meeting, at which, as the Doge will have heard, the most Serene King of the Romans will also be present, in order to treat and decide whatever they have to do together concerning their public or private business, lest by the Emperor's absence or death any remain [unsettled] to disturb King Philip; and to unite the house of Austria (as it is supposed) with new states and alliances (congiontioni), for its utmost possible defence and conservation.
Through the Sigr. Carlo da Sanguino, brother of the chief harbinger (Forier Maggior), who serves here as Esquire carver, (gentilhomo della bocca), the Neapolitan representatives (quelli del Regno di Napoli) sent to offer King Philip a donation of 16,000 (?) crowns, a much smaller sum than was expected, and had been very earnestly solicited by Cardinal Pacheco, apologising for its smallness on the plea of their great poverty. This so incensed the King against Cardinal Pacheco, by reason of the strange forms which he is understood to have used in demanding it, that his Majesty cannot bear to hear him mentioned, and if it were in his power to maltreat him he would; nor was it true what his secretary saidas told me according to what I wrotefrom ostentation, about the large sum of money he had saved; it being known on the contrary that, so far from having laid by one penny, he had rather incurred debt.
London, 17th June 1555.
(Italian, partly in cipher; the portions in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
June 24. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x. Printed vol. v. “Epistolarum Reginaldi Poli,” &c. pp. 14, 15. 139. Cardinal Pole to Pope Paul IV.
As he is sending to his Holiness the Bishop designate of St. Asaph [Thomas Goldwell], a pupil of the Pope's house (for such he may with truth style one who during many years lived in the order of the Regular Clerks (Clericorum Regularium) (fn. 2) founded by his Holiness), he has no cause to trouble him with many words. Requests the Pope to give Goldwell such credence for what he will tell him about the state of affairs in England, and the matters intrusted to Pole by the two late Pontiffs of blessed memory, Julius and Marcellus, and by his present Holiness, as due to the piety of a person who lived religiously and holily in that order, which, moreover, caused the King and Queen to nominate him to the see of St. Asaph, an appointment highly commended by Pole; and having been born and educated in England, Goldwell will be able to give the Pope a very sure and clear account; and he undertook the task the more willingly, both from seeing the apostolic throne filled by his Holiness, and for the performance of an act of obedience.
Richmond, 24th June 1555.
[Latin, 14 lines.]
June 25 ? MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x. No date of time or place in MS. 140. Account of Negotiations at the Conference [of Marck (a village in the Calais Pale) in the months of May and June 1555.]
His Holiness may be informed that, although the deputies of both sovereigns departed without decision, what has been done is not fruitless, as by means of this congress (congresso), it has been proved that the Emperor and the King of France wish for mutual friendship, and also desire to contract a matrimonial alliance. The Pope therefore should urge both sovereigns to peace, to which they seem more disposed than formerly. Should the Pope wish for more particular information about the course pursued by his Legate and the Queen's deputies in treating this peace, and the difficulties which occurred, Pole's agent may acquaint him with the substance of what took place at the conference as follows:—
On the first day of the Congress, which was Ascension Day [23rd May], after each party had visited the Legate, they assembled in a chamber arranged for the conference, and after mutual loving salutations and embraces, they seated themselves at a table, at the head of which was the Legate, and the Queen's deputies on either side of him, and on their right hand were the deputies of the Emperor, and on their left those of the King [of France].
The Legate commenced by congratulating himself with the deputies, and thanking God for having caused their Princes to send persons of such quality to negotiate so pious and holy a matter, and one so useful and necessary for the whole of Christendom, promising for himself and the other mediators to act with all faith and sincerity in endeavouring to bring this business to a good end, most especially as they were those same persons whose authority and assistance it had pleased God to employ for the reconciliation of England to his Church, after which they endeavoured to make peace between these two most powerful Princes. Then, using the words of the Prophet, “Pax est opus justitiœ,” Pole said that to stipulate a good peace they must first hear the claims and differences of one side and the other, in order to find means for adjusting them, exhorting both parties to state the right of their Princes in such a form as to show that they have truly the desire evinced by them, and as it might be expected they would do.
The Duke de Medina Celi answered immediately, and the Cardinal of Lorraine followed; next spoke the Bishop of Arras and the Constable; each of them saying the most they could about the goodwill of their Princes, and their inclination towards the peace, expressing their own readiness to perform every good office to this end. Thus ended the colloquy on the first day, it being arranged that on the morrow both parties were to return and confer separately with the Legate and the personages sent by the Queen of England, as they did, and they sought to justify the proceedings of their Princes, both in beginning this war and with regard to their claims on the places taken in the course of it, and on the territories held by them previously, about which a difficulty is made.
Three days were passed in these discussions, after the first conference, and the mediators having made some replies to the French on behalf of the Imperialists, the French on their part expressed a wish to justify their cause in the presence of the Imperialists. As this did not seem a good way for coming to an agreement, but rather a means of irritating and increasing discord, one part doing its utmost to impugn the right and justification of the other, it was proposed that they should continue to treat their disputes separately with the Legate and the other mediators, until the basis of a conclusion was arrived at; but as both parties seemed moderate as to the rights of their Princes, without offending each other, it was settled for them to meet in the common house, where they justified the rights of their Princes without any harsh language, leaving, however, small hope of concluding any agreement in that way; so to try what could be done, seeing that the chief difficulty consisted in the Duchy of Milan, and Piedmont and Savoy, it was proposed by the Chancellor that the best way would be to have recourse to marriages. First, to marry the French King's eldest daughter, Madame Elizabeth, to the Prince of Spain, Don Carlos, to whom King Philip might cede the right claimed by him to the Milanese, she being assigned a suitable dowry on the Duchy, and in the event of her death without issue the King's claims to remain in their original force. This marriage seemed to be approved by the deputies on both sides, nor did the Imperialists make any difficulty about the terms, but the French said that the King would never consent to cede his rights, and that in this way the marriage would not be a good means for peace, the seed of fresh war remaining always alive. The Legate then said, that it having been seen by the experience of many years that it was impossible to settle these differences either by force of arms or by alleging rights, no better way remained than to elect arbitrators, and that it would be a great honour for the parties were they to consent to this for the public quiet, they doing honour to Christendom by showing it contained persons to whom they could reasonably refer their controversies.
As they made no further reply to this, the Legate requested them all to consider the matter, and on the morrow the mediators sent to request each of the parties to send one of the deputies to Calais to confer with them, and announce some opinion which might serve for negotiation. On the part of the Imperialists there came Monsr. de Viglius [President of the Council of Brussels], (fn. 3) and for the French the Bishop of Orleans, who were a long while with the Legate and the other mediators, without, however, concluding anything, as they brought nothing new, but it was arranged to meet on the morrow, when the Chancellor, in the name of all the mediators, said that notwithstanding the great difficulties which prevent the adjustment between the Emperor and the King of France, it nevertheless seemed that as a commencement of the peace they ought not to omit making the marriage between the daughter of the King of France and Don Carlos, the son of the King of England, (fn. 4) and that the King's claims upon Milan should be decided by a Council General, to be requested of the Pope by the Emperor and King Henry conjointly, immediately on his creation (the Apostolic See being then vacant), by means of their ambassadors. Then, with regard to Piedmont and Savoy, on which the King of France has in like manner claims, the Chancellor proposed another marriage, between the King's sister (fn. 5) and the Duke [Emanuel Philibert], he taking possession of those territories, but leaving certain fortresses in the hands of the King until the council aforesaid shall have decided about his rights. At the moment the only reply made by the Imperialists was that as the matter was of such great importance they demanded four days time to acquaint the Emperor with the whole and receive his answer. The French deputies accepted the first part respecting the marriage between Don Carlos and the King's daughter, but not the second with regard to the Duke of Savoy, to whom they said that the King would restore nothing whatever, laying claim to the territory until his rights to the Milanese were acknowledged, and possession of it given him, and they said the like about what related to the other parties concerned; but in order not to break off entirely it was agreed to await the Emperor's reply, and such was the end of that day's conference.
Then on the fourth day the reply arrived; its substance, as announced by the Bishop of Arras, purporting that the Emperor's differences (differentic) with the King of France were so based on justice that there was no occasion to compromise them (mettere in compromesso), but that, nevertheless, as a testimony of his wish for peace and the public quiet, he approved what had been proposed by the mediators, provided the differences for reference to the Council were limited and defined, as he did not intend to include such as had been already decided by other treaties between them; and the King's deputies again repeated what they had said before about the affairs of the Duke of Savoy. Thereupon the Legate commended the piety of the sovereigns in referring their disputes to the judge appointed by Christ for his Church, by means of a Council, saying that this was a revival of the ancient piety of Constantine and Charlemagne, and that Pole, having on that day received a brief from the newly-elected Pope [Paul IV., Caraffa, elected 23rd May], (fn. 6) announcing his election, and giving him stringent commission to continue endeavouring by all means to effect the peace, took occasion, from his Holiness' qualities, to say it was evident that the Almighty called them to peace in every way, and that in order to conclude it by a council, his divine goodness had given them a Pope who had always shown himself very desirous of peace for the Church with God and between sovereigns. With this the Legate ended his discourse, exhorting them all to accept so great an invitation and such assistance from God, and such a mediator and judge of their differences, and not to reject a benefit which was no less necessary than it was universal and particular, and that they should condescend to some restitution of conquests made in war, as otherwise he did not see how it was possible to arrive at any good conclusion of peace.
Subsequently the parties debated the matter at great length, both separately and together, neither side agreeing to the restitution of Piedmont and Savoy, and the French deputies saying they could no longer remain away from the King, notwithstanding all the suit to the contrary made by the mediators; so by the consent of all parties the colloquy was dissolved, with the understanding, however, that the negotiation for peace was not closed; and thus both sides thanking the mediators, and offering their assistance whenever in their power to be of use in this business, all returned homewards, with the same loving demonstrations as when they embraced each other on the first day of the congress.
From London, 25th June 1555? (fn. 7)
[Italian.]
June 25. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 141. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Doge and Senate.
The most illustrious Legate [Cardinal Pole] returned looking perfectly well, notwithstanding the great fatigue and inconvenience undergone by him, and he confirms what the Chancellor [Gardiner] told me concerning the affair of the peace, that it was not yet utterly hopeless, and besides, that while before they assembled at the conference the French then were more anxious, tractable, and submissive, after it met they were harsher and more intractable, either because having dissembled until then, they came to increase their repute, or else because the papal election, considered so very advantageous for them as being their act, and the speedy putting to sea of the Turkish fleet, as is more credible, made them change their mind. In short, they would neither consent to, nor accept any of, the conditions proposed, and the difficulty consisted in arranging the affairs of the injured parties under the protection of the Emperor, namely, the Duke of Savoy, the Duke of Mantua for the affairs of Casale and Montferrat, and the Genoese for Corsica, as with regard to the other reciprocal claims and grievances between the Emperor and the King, their adjustment was not difficult, seeing that the Emperor, from his wish for peace, consented to refer the matters of Mentz, Verdun, and other places of Lorraine, to the next Imperial Diet, and would moreover easily have settled the affair of Marienburg, either by restitution or exchange; whilst respecting the Duchy of Milan, concerning which the French urged their claims more strongly than ever, in virtue of the Emperor's repeated promises and their own rights, of which they have been unjustly deprived, and other demands made by one side and the other, provided they could have adjusted the affairs of the despoiled potentates, which have nothing to do either with the Emperor or the King of France, those two powers had, amongst other conventions, arrived at the two following: the one, to make a marriage between the Infant Don Carlos, King Philip's son, and a daughter of the most Christian King, desisting in the meanwhile from hostilities, and thus renewing the friendship and family connexion between these two sovereigns, their own [political?] affairs remaining in their present state (restando le cose proprie loro nelli termini che si trovano). The other was, the marriage not taking place, that matters still remaining as they are, without alteration or change, the disputes and claims of both sides were to be referred to a future Council-General, the parties abiding absolutely by its decision.
These conditions, subjecting them to no innovation (non li portando innovation alcuna), pleased the French, who consented alike both to Don Carlos' marriage, but without detriment to the claims of either side, insisting on this being specified, and to the arbitration of a council or other judges, their aim and intention being, without surrendering anything they hold, solely to protract (di scorrer) and gain time, knowing that it would always be in their power, by excuses and obstacles of one sort and another, to put off the decision as long as they liked. As soon, however, as they came to the restitution demanded for the Duke of Savoy and the other despoiled potentates, and their restoration, the French rejected every proposal, saying that the Emperor also on his part should give up what he held belonging to their friends and confederates, urging as a counter claim to Piedmont their right to the kingdom of Navarre, on the plea that the King having died lately, there is the Duke de Vendôme [Antoine de Bourbon], his cousin, in their phraseology his brother. To the Emperor's demands for Corsica, they retort by claiming Sienna, and the Duke of Mantua's rights are disposed of by referring to those of Duke Ottavio Farnese.
Moreover, with regard to the Duke of Savoy, they put forward many claims in right of the mother of King Francis, Madame Louise of Savoy, whereby they maintain that their present possession of those territories is legitimate, and that they are not bound to make any restitution, as having found their enemies there and expelled them, they, according to martial law (le leggi della guerra), are its legitimate masters, which argument they also apply to the affairs of Casale and Corsica, and thus defend their occupation of those places; and returning to the Duke of Savoy, they also said they declined to treat or discuss his affairs with the Emperor or his ministers, but only with the Duke or the Duke's agents, and that whenever he went or sent to France he would be received to his satisfaction. To this it was said that the Duke would form no resolve without the Emperor's knowledge and consent, and that negotiating with one he negotiated with the other. They rejoined that, touching the Duke's resolve, he might make it to the pleasure of the Emperor, but that they would treat with none but himself; and although it was proposed to them that the Emperor would consent to his marriage with Madame Margaret, the King's sister, provided they reinstated him, and that they might retain the same number of his fortresses as those remaining to the Emperor until the affairs of the Milanese, which apparently gave rise to the contest, were adjusted, yet would they give no ear to it. On the other hand, in lieu of Savoy and Piedmont now held by them, they offered to cede to the Emperor their rights to the Milanese, he making such compensation to the Duke of Savoy as he might think fit, or else that the Emperor might give him the Milanese, which belonged to them, making him cede them as recompense Savoy and Piedmont, with which they would be content, thus showing in what great account they held those provinces, by preferring them to the Milanese, which Duchy, they said openly, they would not confer on the Duke of Orleans, but annex it to the royal crown, to which they said it had devolved.
Thus they renounced any adjustment, though at the end they took leave of each other very courteously and without any anger, praying Cardinal Pole and the English commissioners to persevere in the negotiation, as perchance the Almighty would offer some better mode and form than had then been adopted. Now on their departure Cardinal Pole, in his own name and that of the English commissioners, sent the Abbot of San Saluto after them, giving them to understand that as the terms proposed for the adjustment between the Emperor and the King seemed not to offer many difficulties, there remaining those of the [other?] parties concerned, and most especially of the Duke of Savoy, which impeded these [affairs of the two crowns?], they should be pleased to think of some form of treaty with the said adherents (interessati), as Cardinal Pole hoped that when their difficulties were settled, all the others would adjust themselves. The French repeated what they had already said, that the Duke and the others were to come or send to France; that there a parley would be held, and means be found to satisfy them. They answered that this was not to be thought of, but that there was a middle course (una forma media) to which, should the French consent, endeavours would be made to obtain the consent of the Imperialists, as assented to by both, thus, that each was to treat and hear from his confederates and dependents who are concerned, what they would finally content themselves with, the Imperial nominees (nominati) as aforesaid being Savoy, Mantua, and Genoa; and those of France, Sienna, Duke Ottavio (Farnese), and, for the affairs of Navarre, Mons. de Vendôme, about which last it was strongly urged that nothing should be said, as the matter was of ancient date, and would make the Imperialists revive many other quarrels of the same sort, to the ruin of the whole negotiation.
The Abbot [of San Saluto] then proposed of his own accord that it would be well to fix a term and limited period for this tractation (questa trattatione), during which interval a truce should be made. Thereupon, with regard to time, the French referred themselves to the Emperor, and as to the truce, they seemed inclined towards it; but to this the Imperialists did not assent; and as to the time, referred themselves to the return to Flanders of the Duke of Savoy, in order to know his mind.
Matters remain in this state; and hence comes the hope entertained by Cardinal Pole and Chancellor Gardiner of the agreement; which if not effected in this way, it is the opinion of those who discover secrets (che penetrano nelli secreti), that the Imperialists, despairing of its ever being effected either now or hereafter, will without farther delay, form a fresh resolve, and that at the congress about to be held between the Emperor, the King of the Romans, and King Philip (questa Maestà), they will principally discuss the Milanese, with a view to appointing a Duke of its own, (per mettervi un particolar duca) dependent on themselves; endeavouring to form a league with the States of Italy, not only for her defence, but for the recovery, so far as possible, of Piedmont and Savoy; and they rely greatly on your Serenity, who will have no lack of offers and conditions, as has been already hinted to me from several quarters.
Richmond, 25th June 1555.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portions in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
June 26. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 142. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Doge and Senate.
On our return here to the Court after the obsequies, we expected, by reason of the pains which her Majesty had commenced suffering, to find the Queen in childbed; but from the result, we have become aware (si siamo accorti) that they were not of that sort, so there is no one, either of the physicians, or of the women, or others, all having been deceived, who at present dare any longer form an opinion about it, all persons resigning themselves to such hour and time as shall best please our Lord God; the universal persuasion and belief being, that so will it come to pass in this, as in all her Majesty's other circumstances, which the more they were despaired of according to human reasoning and discourse, the better and more auspicious did their result then show itself, thus fully proving to the world that they were regulated exclusively by Divine Providence.
Elsewhere, as here, this delay will give rise from day to day to various comments and conversations, all persons interpreting it according to their own interest and passion, rather than rightfully and reasonably; which I mention, because last week two gentlemen (persone nobili) of no ordinary repute (di non vulgar consideratione) were imprisoned in the Tower, on a charge, according to report, of having spoken about this delivery licentiously, in a tone unbecoming their grade. One of the two, by name Master Harper (Mastro Harper), a factious individual, who having been condemned last year for Wyatt's rebellion, was subsequently released by the Queen at the King's intercession; so the punishment of these men may perhaps repress the audacity of the others. (fn. 8)
They have commenced fitting out the fleet for the King's passage after the delivery, and within a month it will be all assembled and well armed; for this likewise, as told me by the Admiral, the Queen has even spent from 8,000l. to 9,000l. sterling, nor will it disarm until his Majesty's return.
A public proclamation was made in London ordering all persons possessed of books by Lutheran authors, whose names were specified, to bring them to the Bishop of the city within ten days, under heavy penalties, as otherwise, the due domiciliary visits being made, all persons found in possession of such works will be punished according to the penalty announced. (fn. 9) In the meanwhile, as a good precaution (per buon rispetto), London is in the custody of the Earl of Pembroke, who will, however, re-cross the Channel shortly; and by order of the Royal Council, to prevent any cause for commotion, the Lord Mayor has been desired not to permit the performance of the usual pageant on setting the Midsummer watches. (fn. 10)
At the last sitting of the Council (nella ultima consulta), the King pardoned many persons who had been outlawed from the Milanese, and despatched favourably the suits of many Neapolitans, dismissing all as well satisfied as possible, considering the present times.
The summaries contained in your Serenity's letters of the 6th have been communicated as usual.
Richmond, 26th June 1555.
[Italian.]
June 26. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 143. Federico Badoer, Venetian Ambassador with the Emperor, to the Doge and Senate.
I yesterday condoled with the Emperor on the death of the most Serene Queen his mother, adding, for his consolation, that he would soon receive such news as not only to moderate his grief, but to cause extreme joy, by its announcing the auspicious delivery of the Queen of England, which birth, I said, would give your Serenity as much satisfaction as if you had heard of the stipulation of the peace, and that his commissioners had comported themselves so well in treating the conditions of the peace that he could not but obtain great praise. His Majesty replied that my condolence was a proof of that affection which corresponded with the friendship he had ever had with your Serenity, and that he resigned himself to the will of God, thanking me for my good wishes concerning the delivery of the Queen of England, about whom he said that, by reason of her goodness and religion, he believed that the Lord God would assist her in childbirth, which, to say the truth, was no less tardy in taking place than the news received here of its fulfilment had been premature; nor did he doubt your Serenity's being as glad to hear of this delivery as of the conclusion of the peace, which failed by fault of the French, who made demands synonymous, to use his Majesty's own expression, with stamping on his throat (metterle il piede in su la gola); and suiting the action to the word, he placed his right hand on his neck, and with great vehemence explained this conceit, and repeated it twice. He proceeded then to say, that from constant proofs he very well knew the nature of Frenchmen, which would be better known to persons read in history, as he supposed I was, and better still than either of us by a Republic which had lasted so long as that of Venice, whose boundless experience would have enabled her to comprehend that they have ever sought to dominate not a part, but the whole of the world (de dominare non una parte, ma tutto il mondo); notwithstanding which, he would willingly condescend again to make peace on suitable terms. Throughout the conversation he shewed himself so kind and gracious that more could not be desired; and I found him looking very well, and so inclined to talk at length that he seemed to enjoy it, and when I saw that he had enough, I took leave of him.
Brussels, 26th June 1555.
[Italian.]
June 28. Parti Comuni Consiglio X. vol. xxii. p. (69), 28. 144. Motion made in the Council of Ten concerning Viscount Montagu.
That the jewels of the Sanctuary and the armoury halls of this Council be shown to the English ambassador, Lord Montagu (Mons. di Monte Agut).
Ayes, 15. Noes, 0. Neutral, 0. (fn. 11)
June 30. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 145. Federico Badoer, Venetian Ambassador with the Emperor, to the Doge and Senate.
The English ambassador went yesterday to the Bishop of Arras, saying he was commissioned by the Queen's Council to let him know, for the Emperor's information, that many troops have mustered on the Scottish borders; so she had determined to make the necessary preparations against any attack meditated by the Scots, and wrote to her ambassador in France to ascertain from the King (as he had the Queen of Scotland in his power, and was the confederate of that kingdom) the cause of this stir. He also prayed the Bishop to induce the Emperor to allow Lord Courtenay to depart for Italy, to which he replied that the Emperor did not interfere in this business, but that Courtenay would have the permission from the Queen of England, telling the ambassador (as from himself) to dissuade the undertaking of this journey for the present, that he might remain to see this war, with other loving expressions about Lord Courtenay, who seems much troubled at not obtaining this licence.
Lottino, who was sent by the Emperor to King Philip, to acquaint him with the narrations (relationi) received from Cardinal Sta. Fiore and Don Juan Metich of the mode in which the Pope's election took place, has returned, (fn. 12) and the day before yesterday had audience of his Majesty, who confirmed to him the authority given by the King to the said Cardinal, to grant what terms he pleases to Paolo Giordano Orsini, son-in-law of the Duke of Florence, and his right reverend Lordship's nephew. To-day his Majesty had a packet consigned to Lottino for Don Francesco de Toledo, charging him to enter Sienna as his lieutenant, by which same packet I have heard the Emperor writes to the Duke of Alva, I could not discover what, concerning Duke Ottavio [Farnese], to whom he had been already commissioned to offer honourable terms, in order to bring him back to his Majesty's allegiance (per ritornarlo alla devotion di S.M).
Brussels, 30th June 1555.
[Italian.]
June 30. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 146. Giacomo Soranzo, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
After communicating the Turkish advices to the King, told him that although the conference had produced but little result, many persons nevertheless did not quite despair of it, and that he, knowing the goodness of his Majesty's disposition, was one of these. The King replied that his ministers had proceeded in such a way as to render his goodwill evident, not only by referring the disputes to the Council General (al concilio generale), but even to Cardinal Pole alone, but that the Imperialists showed themselves so obstructive that there was no way of effecting an adjustment; and although Cardinal Pole did not fail in his goodwill, yet, as the Queen of England was in retirement on account of her pregnancy (saying with a laugh, “I know not whether she be or be not pregnant”), he had not yet spoken to her Majesty; and that the Bishop of Arras likewise had told his most Christian Majesty's ministers that they were not to consider this departure from the conference as a total suppression of the business, but that it proceeded from the difficulty which had prevented an agreement, and that they should not fail using their good offices, as he also would do the like with his Imperial Majesty.
The King stated that he had intercepted letters written to the Emperor by his daughter in Spain concerning public affairs, and that the Royal Council of England having heard this, requested him to send them, not the letters of the Emperor, nor those of the King of England, but such as were contained in the packet, and addressed to private individuals, whose names they gave him; in reply to which his Majesty sent the letters requested of him, without saying whether the packet had been intercepted or not.
Poissy, 30th June 1555.
[Italian.]
June 30. Filza No. 134, Miscellanea di Atti diversi, Manoscritti, Venetian Archives. 147. Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire, to Mr. William Cordell.
Mr. Cordall,—I received your letters of the 27th of May, whereby I both received your good advice and perceived the will and contentation you have to the furtherance of my affairs, for which I most heartily thank you. I have hitherto made you no answer, partly because it was long before your letter came to my hands, and partly because I abode the return of this messenger, whom now I have sent to you to declare to you my mind by mouth at full, whom I pray you credit accordingly. This for this time, with my most hearty commendations, I bid you well to fare.
Your loving friend,
(Signed) E. Devon.
Brussels, 30th June 1555.
[Holograph.]
[Endorsed also in Courtenay's own hand:] “To my lovinge frend Mr. W. Cordall, the Quene's Maties Sollicitor Ger~le thies wt sped at the Court.”
[And again, also by Courtenay:] “Last of June 1555. Copye. Cordall.”
June 30. Filza No. 134, Miscellanea di Atti diversi Manoscritti, Venetian Archives. 148. Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire, to Mr. Basset.
Would have long since answered his letters of the 25th and 26th May, “touching my affaires,” but that partly it was long ere he received them, and partly he waited for the return of “this messenger, who brought me from you full answer and satisfaction of that wherein I sent to you.” Sends same messenger back to him now, to declare his mind verbally about his affairs. Begs his most hearty commendation to Don (Sr.) Ruy Gomez (Rigomez), thanking him for the services which Basset's letter had mentioned. Also to be commended “to the rest of my friends.”
In a P.S. he adds,—
“News we have none here but such as I am sure you are not ignorant of touching matters of importance. But touching myself, you shall understand I find here great favour at the Bishop of Arras's hands, who yesterday did me this honour, that he came unto my house to me, onely to salute and visit me, which I assure you for my part I cannot but think myself very greatly bound unto him for, and also gather thereby assured hope of further favour otherwise, not a little to my contentation.”
Brussels, 30th June 1555.
[Endorsed in same hand:]
“A copye sent to Mr. Bassat the last of June 1555, from Brussels.”
June 30. Filza No. 134, Miscellanea di Atti diversi Manoscritti, Venetian Archives. 149. Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire (in his Secretary's hand), to Mr. [Sir Francis] Englefeld.
Has received his letters of 11th instant. Sees his gentle carefulness about his affairs, and thanks him. Understood from “this messenger” Englefeld's “mynd at full.” Asks continuance of his friendship about his affairs. “And thus for this time, as one that is but an ill and a gross secretary, I omit to trouble you with a long letter, beseeching God to have you in his keeping.”
Your assured friend
E. Devon.
Brussels, 30th June 1555.
[Endorsed by Courtenay's secretary:]
“A coppye to Mr. Englefeld of the last of June 1555, frõ Bruxels.”

Footnotes

1 Darnels, weeds, or tares?
2 The order of Regular Clerks, or “Theatins,” was founded by S. Gaetano (Gasparo Tiene) and Gio. Pietro Caraffa, A.D. 1524, September 14. I do not know in what year Goldwell entered the order.
3 See Foreign Calendar, April 11, 1555 (No. 344, p. 162).
4 Don Carlos was born on the 12th July 1545, and the Princess Elizabeth of France on the 13th April 1545. (See L'Art de Vérifier les Dates.)
5 Margaret of France was married to Emanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, on the 9th July 1559. (See L'Art de Vérifier les Dates.)
6 The news of the election arrived in London on the 6th June. (See letter of the Ambassador Michiel.)
7 By the Michiel correspondence it is seen that Cardinal Pole was back in London from the Conference of Marck on the 25th June, and I therefore assign that date to the foregoing document.
8 Sir George Harper had been released from the Tower on the 18th January 1555, as appears by an entry in Machyn's Diary, where I find no mention of his second imprisonment.
9 Machyn (p. 90) dates this proclamation 14th June 1555, and the authors named by him are Luther, Tindal, Miles Coverdale, and Cranmer.
10 Che non permettesse che si facesse la festa solita di San Giovanni.
11

On the 31st August 1554, the Council of Ten granted a similar permit, thus, “To Mr. Richard Bertie, husband of the Duchess of Suffolk of England.” Ayes, 17; No, 0; Neutral, 0. The title “of England,” seems to have been given to Katherine Willoughby in right of her first husband, whose second wife was the sister of Henry VIII. In Burke's “Extinct Peerages” (p. 54) is the following paragraph: “During the reign of Queen Mary the Duchess of Suffolk, being a zealous supporter of the Reformation, was obliged to retire, accompanied by Mr. Bertie, from England, and they subsequently encountered great privations and dangers upon the Continent.”

I am unable to ascertain when Lady Willoughby de Eresby left England, but from the wording of the “permit” given by the Council of Ten, it may be inferred that she was with her husband in Venice on the 31st August 1554.

12 Francesco Lotino or Lottino, secretary of Guido Ascanio Sforza, Cardinal di Santa-fiore, gave account to the Emperor of many illegal proceedings which took place at the election of Paul IV. (See Andrea Morosini, Storia Veneziana, vol. 2, p. 260.)