|Gilbert, Earl of Shrewsbury to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1595/6, Jan. 1.
||In favour of Dr. Clayton, who desires to acknowledge to Cecil and Lord Burghley their favour in his having become Master of St. John's College.— “The first day of this new yere, at my house in Brodstrete, 1595.”|
|Holograph. Seal. 2/3 p. (29. 93.)|
|Sir Edward Norreys to the Earl of Essex.|
|1595/6, Jan. 1.
||My former by the same bearer have been often at sea, and, sometimes by weather and lately by a ship of Dunkirk, driven back again, yet since the writing of them little is happened worthy the writing; the Cardinal still expected but not known how soon, Mondragon lately dead, and great posting into Spain to get his office.|
|The States do here bestow very great cost upon fortification, and the enemy not likely to enterprise anything until summer; so that I must again importune your lordship to procure my leave, especially considering that always by the grace of God within six days I may be here again.—Ostend, this first January, 1595.|
|Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (171. 45.)|
|Sir George Peckham to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1595/6, Jan. 3.
||Deplores his present distressed estate; has been visited with sickness for the most part ever since Bartholomew-tide, and has not come out of bed these three weeks, the great charge whereof has forced him to sell what little he had. Has not one groat nor provision of victual or fuel, nor has had these two days, so is almost famished with hunger and cold. The extremity of his case enforceth him to beseech commiseration. — “My lodging in Houburne [Holborn],” 3 January.|
|Endorsed :— 3 Jan. 1595.|
|Holograph. Seal. ⅓ p. (29. 94.)|
|The Council of the North to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1595/6, Jan. 3.
||Enclose the examination of Jane Baxter accused to have coined in the house of one Allyn, a mercer, her uncle, dwelling in Cheapside, together with the examinations of one Ellen Beneland, that chargeth her with the confessions to herself of that offence, and of Ann Atkinson, vouched by Ellen Beneland for a witness in that matter; for such further order as shall seem best. The circumstances of the fact and repugnance of the witnesses do show us that the matter is not so pregnant in proof as by former information we had thought it would have been.—At York, 3 January, 1595.|
|Signed : Humfrey Purefey, E Stanhope, Charles Hales, Jo. Ferne.|
|½ p. (29. 95.)|
|The enclosures :—|
|(i.) The examination of Jane Baxter, of Hatfield, co. York, of the age of 18 years, taken before Edward Stanhope and John Ferne, esquires, two of her Majesty's Council in the North. Saith she was almost a year with one Mr. Francis Allen that married her father's sister, a mercer in Cheapside at the Queen's Arms, where she learnt needlework and such like; but saith it is three years next May day since she came thence, and was never there since. Examined whether ever she saw coining in her uncle's house, or did help to coin there or elsewhere, she saith, No, saving that about two or three days before she came from London, her father being then come for her, he and her uncle Allen and one Gunby and others went to the Tower to see novelties there, and amongst the rest saw them coining, and was helped to lift the hammer by the coiners to stamp a tester, and gave them a tester for it. And this is all she knoweth of any particular coining.|
|She further denieth that ever she had any talk with Ellen Beanland of any particular matter of coining either in her uncle's house by candlelight or otherwise, either in bed or near Tudworth or otherwise, more than the same Ellen, being her father's neighbour, might happily hear her speak of coining this 6d. in the Tower.|
|She further confesseth, being confronted, that the things fell forth of her purse as Ellen Beanland and she went to the wedding, and that they lay together as Ellen Beanland hath said, but remembereth nothing she told her of the coining of the tester.|
|(ii.) The examination of Ellen Beanland, wife of John Beanland, of Hatfield aforesaid, taken before the same the 25th day of December, 1595.|
|(iii.) 30 December, 1595. The examination of Anne Atkinson.|
|½ p. (36. 102, 103.)|
|M. De Saldaigne to Otwell Smith.|
|1595/6, Jan. 3/13.
||“Je vous ay escript par ung nomme Lamy, de Dieppe, deppuis le retour d'Arnault. Ce mot est pour accompaigner la lettre que vous eseript Monsr. Edmondes, par laquelle vous voirrez que je lui ay paye les 400 W. que maviez ordonne. Je luy a faict aussy bailler 4 jambons, vous remercyant derechef des aultres que mavez envoyez. Le Roy a eu advis de la venue de Monsr. Onton : quand il arrivera iey il sera le tres bien venu. Monsieur le Marisehal de Bouillon est arrive ce soir. J'espere que dans la sepmaine prochaine
nous mettrons leau dans la prairie de la Fere, et que dans peu temps sa Majeste lemportera, Dieu aydant; et s'il plaist a la Royne d'Angleterre nous assister de ses forces & moyens, Je croy que le Cardinal daustriche ne fera point en ce sien voiage le fruict quil s'est promis. Je me recommande a votre bonne grace.—Fellembrai, 13 Jan. 1596.”|
|Endorsed :— “13 Jan. 1595, new stile.”|
|Holograph. (204. 30.)|
|William, Earl of Derby to his uncle Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1595/6, Jan. 4.
||According to his postscript will come to be a suitor to her Majesty himself; is not a little joyful to understand her graciousness so highly to favour his wife and himself.|
|Endorsed :— “4 January, 1595.”|
|Holograph. ⅓ p. (29. 96.)|
|[Mr. Bodley to Lord Burghley.]|
|1595/6, Jan. 4.
||Upon reading his Lordship's letters of December 15, received the 28th, he spoke with Mr. Barnvelt, to win him to undertake his former offer; who answered that the state of their affairs had been notably changed, and the College of the States was waxen very jealous of his dealing in the matter, so as the second time to intermeddle in it was to hazard his credit overmuch, if it should not succeed. After two days' debate, Barnvelt answered that though many things had happened which were evident impeachments to the course he proposed, he continued in hope that to stand in good assurance of her Majesty's amity and obtain a full release of all her demands, the country might yield to some offer beyond their ability; wherein he would take pains to satisfy her Majesty by all the ways he could invent. Patience was necessary till his fellows might be wrought to allow the proposal. Barnvelt wished him to set it on foot, and he would second it, but he told him his commission would not bear that he should speak in their public assembly of any new motion as proceeding from her Majesty; but that after he had uttered her pleasure unto them, he would in general terms propose his private opinion, that he had often weighed their allegations in excuse of their refusals, and saw they might easily satisfy her Majesty without dangerous diminution of the strength of the country; after which, if in their private conference Barnvelt would provoke his colleagues to send two or three to know the means he could plot to give her Highness contentation, he would recommend such an overture as they had in communication. Had audience of the States three days ago and, after imparting his charge, delivered them his private advice that though at present her Highness seened to say little and to wink at their dealings, yet since the matter touched her in honour in regard of her earnest and often pursuit, she would not so give it over but, when the season served, they might be troubled with the fruits of a Prince's indignation. These Spanish preparations might prove but a scarecrow that the enemy might otherwise be driven to his shifts by some notable damage, or that they might by some attempt attain a great amendment of their means; in any of which cases it would cost them very dear, so that her Majesty might perceive that it were not to ruin their country; whereas now they might prevent it with some kind presentation to be made by their Deputies, such as she might accept and they afford without impairing their estate. He was certain the country was provided of competent means for a reasonable offer, and if they would recommend it to the people with some care, it was like enough to pass without any opposition.|
|To what was declared in her Majesty's name, they answered that they marvelled at the sharpness of his message, when their letters had so plainly reported the state of their affairs as they thought it impossible but she would have given way to their true allegations. Touching the matter he uttered of his own proper motion, they found it very ticklish to be bruited abroad that they and he were in talk how to dissolve the contract with her Majesty and take order for reimbursement; nevertheless, they would discuss it among themselves.|
|His further conversation with Barnvelt, who promised to prepare the humours of his fellows, “which would be the harder because they are not one man's children, and hardly meet in one conceit in the weightiest causes of the country.” The least contributing Provinces, as Gelderland, Overissel, Utrecht, and Groningen, are none of the stiffest in refusing a peace, and have nothing so much feeling of her Majesty's offence as Holland and Zeeland, that stand upon their traffic, and can quickly make the reckoning to how much danger they are subject if her Majesty would be drawn to make trial of her puissance. Nevertheless, because they give the law in a manner to all the rest, Barnvelt will first sound the chiefest of them, and if they will comprehend it, will make less doubt of the residue of the Provinces.|
|The letter further sets out the steps which Barnvelt proposed to take to further the project, which he desired might not be mentioned, and the difficulty in getting men of such jealous natures “to taste a point of such consequence as will bereave them of the benefit of a singular treaty with a Prince of so much power,” whose aid hath maintained their estate so many years against such an enemy. Bodley thought it best to use Barnvelt alone, whose soundness of dealing he had tried for a number of years.—From the Hague, January 4, '95.|
|[P.S.]—They purposed to have sent Deputies to England about the first of next month, which is not now intended for the speech he delivered in her Highness's name, unless this be granted wherein he is busied.|
|Endorsed :— “Copie of my letter to my Lord Treasurer.”|
|Printed almost in extenso in Birch's Memoirs, Vol. 1., pp. 361–364.|
|6 pp. (29. 97.)|
|News from Constantinople.|
|1595/6, Jan. 5.
||1. The Turkish Army at Bellograde, 600,000 fighting men.|
|2. Hatvan besieged by Maximilian, and taken in sight of Giaffar Bassa, Cigal Ogli and the prince's brother, of Tartars who were sent to the rescue but durst do nothing. The inhabitants, even women and children, cruelly slain, and the castle razed because of the news of the Turk's approach.|
|3. The Turk came to Agria the 11 of September, encamped within a mile and a half : caused his janissaries to entrench within arquebus shot : continued battery and assault, with blowing up of mines, till the 29th. An English trumpeter and an Hungarian fled and gave notice to the Turk of the weakness of the town : the 30th, the town yielded upon condition, yet the town sacked, and the soldiers spoilt and slain, contrary to promise.|
|4. During this siege the Polonians discomfited the Tartarians in passing the river of Neister, the fear of which Tartarians had kept the Transylvanians from joining with Maximilian and the Hungars to succour the town.|
|5. Hassan Bassa left the charge of certain great ordnance to a dumb man, who was assailed by 700 Hungars, but defended his charge, and although he received his death wound, yet lived till he had delivered the same to the Turk's hands.|
|6. About the 2 of October, Giaffar Bassa and Velli Bassa with 6000 Turks discomfited by the Christians.|
|7. The 5 of October, the Turk with his army came within sight of the Christians, and at the passing of a small river found resistance, where the Turk himself was within shot of the ordnance all the day, and at night retired, losing 6 field pieces.|
|8. 16 October, the Christians ordered their battle. The Turks thinking they had been retired passed the river, but the Christians meeting them with a warlike and resolute march, made them retire over the river and pursued them; gaven an assault on the Turk who fled, the great Turk standing in the gate of his pavilion and beholding all the disorder. The Christians took the Turk's artillery and treasure, being 70 chests of gold, and fell to spoil the tents; two parts of three of the Turk's army flying. But the Grand Signor stood firm. Hassan Bassa and Cigal Ogli who had the rearward, came to the succour, and put the Christians to the sword whom they found intending the spoil, and therewithal assailing the body of the Christian army.|
|9. The Christian horsemen ran away and abandoned the foot to the mercy of the enemy, so as none escaped; the ordnance taken, with strange pieces of artillery and carriage; the number of Christians slain, 30,000; of Turks, 3,000.|
|10. A description of the conditions of the Tartar.|
|11. The ambassador's loss of horse and camels in his return to Bellograde.|
|12. His answer to slanders.|
|13. His service in hindering Spanish proceedings there.|
|14. The reasons of his flight on the day of battle.|
|15. The reasons of his journey to the wars with the Turks.|
|16. His request for satisfying Mr. Bate.|
|17. The Persian ambassador entered Constantinople with a present. The French Ambassador has delivered his, so as none is behind but her Majesty and the King of Polonia.|
|18. The Turk hath received Michael, Prince of Wallachia, into favour. The Prince of Transylvania sueth for the like.|
|19. 4,000 soldiers sent by the Emperor to disturb the repairing of Buda, Agria, Solnok and Hatvan, overthrown.|
|20. The cover of Mahomet's tomb sent from Mecca.|
|21. The names of principal persons taken prisoners.|
|Endorsed :— “5 Jan. 1596. Extract out of Mr. Barton's letter from Constantinople.”|
|Sir Edward Norreys to the Earl of Essex.|
|1595/6, Jan. 5.
||No man can have a greater feeling of the trouble of my mind in this exceeding villanous slander raised upon me than your lordship, who know by yourself how much the reputation and honour of a man doth master every other affection. The discourse is too long to be written, and unpleasing; I beseech you to give credit to Captain Smyth, and out of your honourable conceit, not only of me but of all honest men, so to favour the course that I have held, that this bearer may be despatched in such sort that I may comfort myself in
hope of satisfaction of my name by the punishment of those villains which have been the authors of the slander.—Ostend, this 5 January, 1595.|
|Holograph. Seal. 1½ pp. (171. 47.)|
|The Queen to the Lord Mayor and Commonalty of London.|
|1595/6, Jan. 7.
||We have understood by our Council that you have sent certain committees of our city of London with a full declaration of your readiness to provide twelve good ships and two pinnaces, to be used in service this year coming, wherein although former experience hath so sufficiently taught you how willingly we do employ both our own private treasure and all other contributions for the defence of our people, as in this case your charge tendeth to no other end than to provide for your own preservation, yet finding by report of our Council in general with what willingness and freedom of spirit the same is granted, and more particularly by our Admiral, with how good and substantial an equipage the said number shall be set forth, we must confess that the manner hereof doth so much please us as we are desirous that by this our own writing notice may be taken of our gracious acceptation, and thanks returned to you all. And by authority hereof, we do give you warrant for providing and setting forth the said ships with all things thereto belonging, and do command you to follow therein the directions of our Admiral of England from time to time.|
|Endorsed :— “To the Lord Maior and his brethren and the Commonalty of London, 7 January 1595.”|
|Draft. 1¼ pp. (29. 101.)|
|Claude de la Tremouille to the [Earl of Essex].|
|1595/6, Jan. 7.
||Touts les gens de bien ont creu que si vos advis eussent esté suyvis, que nous eussions eu l'assistance que la necessite present requeroit; mais je croy que le temps fera cognoistre combien ils sont utiles pour vostre estat, et pour le nostre, et d'entretenir la guerre commencée, et que pour cest effect vous y apportiez ce que monstre requerir l'utilite commune, que vous cognoissez si clairement que de vous en representer les raisons il seroit vous dire ce que vous scavez mieulx que nul autre. Parmy les bons Francois, ceux de la religion ont un particulier interest qui estiment partie de leur repos consister au trouble de celuy qui ne peult avoir paix sans nostre dommage. Je croy que si vous et le Pais Bas traictes ensemble avec nous, il s'en tireroit plus de solidité et de seureté pour nous de la religion, qui ne peuvent que s'augmenter en ceste guerre. Nous sommes en estat d'avoir pour ennemy Monsr. d'Espernon, qui tient des places que nous desirions plustost entre vos mains qu'entre les siennes. Si vous nous assistes contre le Roy d'Espaigne, les conseils de le ruyner n'auront telle force, la ruine duquel nous est souhaitable. Cest le seul qui a au milieu de nos villes des moyens qui nous pourront faire un jour beaucoup de mal et qui ne luy peuvent estre aultres qui ne nous demeurent. Travailles y, Monsieur, je vous supplie bien humblement.|
|Endorsed :— “Copye of Monsr. de la Tremouille's letter to my lord. Received by H. Wotton, 7 January, 1595.”|
|[See Birch's Memorials, i. p. 396.]|
|1 p. (171. 48.)|
|R. Douglas to his uncle, Archibald Douglas.|
|1595/6, Jan. 8.
||I am assured you marvel that being so long time passed now since I came from you, yet you have received no word back again from me, and condemn me either of negligence, or marvel what else should be the cause thereof. It is of truth that upon the twenty-fifth of last month, weary and extremely weather-beaten as ever I was or almost any man could be in travel, came I to my father's house, where, in place of comfort and rest whereof I had great mister, I found a poor desolate family, my father—whom of late before God had called to His mercy—even but buried upon the Sunday before my return, my mother and all the poor house all begotten and woebegone, which at my coming received [me] as if she had sorrowed nothing before. Then, albeit I had as great need of comfort as any of them, who was that unfortunate as to come home so near his death, and yet not that happy to have come before it and received his last blessing, yet forgetting or at least putting up for a season my private sorrow, I was forced to begin to comfort my poor mother, whom for her weak constitution of body, now far more weakened by her fasting and extraordinary sorrow and care, I fear I shall not have long to comfort, or to be a stay and help to our poor afflicted family. Yet of necessity and for that natural duty whereby I am bound to her, I stayed with her two days, comforting her and giving her the best reasons I could to be contented with God's will, which he had manifested and declared after so long delay. Thereafter, not without great difficulty, I obtained her licence to go west towards his Majesty, whom I found preoccupied with a number of lies and false informations made against both you and me, so that divers would have dissuaded me at the first to have gone towards his Highness, until I had caused others to deal with him and prepare him before. But carrying an upright and sound conscience, and assured that I had not offended his Majesty, but by the contrary done him good service, I would not be stayed, but went directly unto him, and had at the first above an hour's conference with his Highness; so that as clouds or mist vanish away at the sunrising, so all these false impressions were put out of his mind after I had “cossned” a while with his Grace upon the matters I had to deliver unto him, and deduced to him the causes of my long stay there. It were long to set down to you in this letter all the conference, for the matter I delivered ye remember, I know, sufficiently, which proceeded all from yourself; the rest, of his Highness' part, was either yielding to that which I propounded—as unto the most part he did, finding it grounded upon great wisdom and policy—or else, interrogations of the particular state of that country, whereintill I satisfied his Majesty the best way my small judgment could. Other matters, whereof either of before he was otherwise informed, or else he thought not altogether according to his reason, his answer was that either he would confer more upon that hereafter, or else advise upon it at greater length. Three sundry days, and every day above two hours, had I conference with his Majesty, albeit it was in the heat of his greatest affairs, wherein, for the weal and quietness of his state and country, as for the particular of his crown and living, he is presently continually occupied from morning to night, and yet I have not delivered all the particulars ye gave me. Our last conference was upon the first of this instant, which I brake off, being unable to stand or to remain at Court any longer for my old disease which, contracted in my journey by cold and evil weather, and since my return by particular grief and lack of rest being augmented, since that day has compelled me to keep my chamber, not without great pain and unquietness. Before
my coming the provost of Edinburgh, and Mr. David Foullis in his company, was directed ambassador to her Majesty, and almost ready to take his journey; but I think the matters I delivered have stayed him as yet, and so soon as I can go abroad, I will deal particularly, both with his Majesty and some of his Council, and with the gentleman himself, for staying of that journey altogether, for many causes which I leave to you to imagine, for ye know how unmeet it were at this time. This is the effect and sum of that I have as yet dealt into with his Majesty, who thinks himself not a little obliged to your grave and wise advertisements, as ye will have the proof hereafter. As to all other things which ye craved, I doubt nothing in grace of God, so soon as I may go abroad and wait upon them, but I shall obtain them to you without any great difficulty, so well do I find both his Majesty and Council affected at this time towards you. The only stay will be upon my part, who now, by the death of my father, having a burthen without profit laid upon me, which in conscience and duty towards my sisters and brethren I cannot refuse, will be compelled to leave this town for a space, and go “eist” for taking order, both with such things as may fall in question betwixt my mother and eldest brother, as also for other things which by my father's death are fallen to the rest of my brethren and sisters, for whom I must have a care to see an equal division amongst them; and so they may be contented, I protest I shall willingly give over all my particular interest, for alas! it will all be but a small thing and then divided amongst so many. But be assured this travail and burthen whereunto I am tied, shall hinder me very little from doing of any other thing whereintill I may do you service, as you shall have proof if God spare my life but until your happy return in this country, which is the principal thing I aim at.|
|As for the estate of this country, I thank God for it, I never saw so good appearance of good as at this hour, for I perceive his Majesty has, since the death of the Chancellor, begun to take a deeper sight of the state of his country and his own than he did before, and sees now how far both this country and he has been misgoverned; and therefore, not giving the credit to any particular persons, his Highness sees matters himself both devised and executed, so that first he has begun both wisely and gravely at the taking away of all discords and factions about his court, which by the policy of some were nourished of purpose to hold him in disquietness. So that he has agreed the Queen with the Earl of Mar, and him with the Master of Glamis and Buccleuch and Sesforde; and for avoiding of any stir that their being at court might produce, all them who has with daily business to follow the court or some office there, he has commanded to retire them to their own dwelling places. The next care has been to agree and take up other deadly feuds in the country betwixt noblemen and gentlemen, wherein his Highness' travails has been marvellously blessed, so that within a month it is thought there shall not be a deadly feud in all Scotland. But because one of the greatest abuses within this country was the not putting to execution of the lords' decrees, and many “bangstairs” cared not for hearing, his Majesty has commanded all men who has decrees and letters of hearing thereupon, and fears not to get execution, to bring their letters to him, and he shall see them satisfied; whereupon, ye will not believe what marvellous obedience followed, and parties who never looked for justice have obtained all they could crave; so that before the latter end of this month, it is assuredly believed there shall not be in all this country one person lying at the “heue” as was but over common heretofore. And then, because the Borders were altogether troubled with broken men and thieves, both in England and
Scotland, he has first begun at the Merse, appointing a justice court there by commission to the Lord Hume, assisted by Wederburne of Aitonne, which is begun to the great terror of all thieves and broken men, and is thought shall be rigorously followed forth. The like order is to be taken with all the rest of the borders; and for the west, the Lord Herries, Drumlanrich, and Johnstone are all in close ward until sufficient order be taken amongst them. His Highness is likewise presently occupied with reducing of his own patrimony and casualties to a better state, which, by the greed and negligence of his officers, has been miserably dissipated; so that there is good hope it shall be reduced to that state that his Highness may live honourably thereupon. I need not to write unto you of the care he has taken to arm and train his subjects, principally them remaining next unto all the coast sides, in case of any foreign invasion, for I know ye heard of it sufficiently of before. However it be, and albeit his behaviour has made all princes to be his friends, and that he needs not to fear any invasion in his country, yet his Majesty thinks it good policy not to be sleeping when neighbour princes are in arms, and therefore, whatsoever should fall out, his resolution is to have twenty thousand men ready armed and to be brought together upon a “sudainite” whenas any matter occurs. And because it is necessary for his Majesty not only to have his country well governed at home, but also to be strengthened with foreign friendship, and be sufficiently advertised of the intention of other princes, principally at this time when great matters are thought to be in working, therefore his Majesty is to directly presently a gentleman of good account to the King of France, as well to enter in more strict friendship with him, as also to concur with him to help to pacify his country, and if another peace shall be treated, that his Majesty may see it be not prejudicial to him; and to do this his Majesty is secretly invited by letters from that state. Many persuasions have been used and are daily used unto him to begin some dealing with Spain; and some who are no enemies to that country [England] think it very meet, as the time is now, as well to know and learn that King his intention and “preparatiffs” and whither they tend, as also to divert him from invading that whereunto after her Majesty he is the only just heir. But this is not as yet concluded, but for my part I think—and so I am also quietly advertised—that it shall go forward; but yet I know, if he shall be moved to follow that course, the principal mean shall be the hope to do good to that country that way. Albeit he wants not daily persuasions and great offers to move him against that state, I pray God her Majesty and Council may take so honourable a course with his Highness that he may have just occasion to be their only friend, and that he may be so dealt with that he may have a sufficient reason to give to other princes his friends why he ought and should be only friend to her Majesty.|
|This is the principal matter I had to write to your Lordship at this time, requesting you to excuse this long delay, for, being distasted as I am, with great difficulty could I write at this time. Hereafter I shall advertise you more frequently albeit my address be failed, for Captain Carvell is by commandment gone to Carlisle, there to lie in garrison with his band, and this I have directed to the postmaster, to whom I pray you cause send a command for receiving and safe sending up of my letters.—Edinburgh, this 8 of January, 1595.|
|Holograph. Seal. 4½ pp. (33. 23.)|
|Auditor John Hill to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1595/6, Jan. 9.
||Upon a warrant, signed by Sir John Fostescue, received yesterday afternoon by John Shaw, a messenger of her
Majesty's Chamber, has made forth the particular here enclosed.—At London, this 9 January, 1595.|
|Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (29. 102.)|
|Roger Smith and Henry Watson.|
|1595/6, Jan. 10.
||Recognizance in 100l. to appear before the Lord Treasurer on or before February 8 next, to answer such matters as shall be objected against them.—Alnwick, Northumberland, 10 January, 38 Elizabeth.|
|Signed. ½ p. (29. 110.)|
|Jane Carvell to Archibald Douglas.|
|1595/6, Jan. 10.
||In the absence of her husband, presently employed with his company in her Majesty's service upon the west borders near Carlisle, troubles him with these lines. Received this day a packet directed to him from Mr. Richard Douglas, and with the advice of Postmaster Shafto acquainted Mr. Governor with it, who said it should pass away unto him with the next packet for her Majesty's affairs. If it comes not with such expedition as he expected, he must procure a warrant from the Council that his letters may presently pass as they come.—Berwick, 10 January, 1595.|
|Holograph. Seal. 2/3 p. (29. 111.)|
|Sir Horatio Palavicino to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1595/6, Jan. 10.
||In reply to Cecil's courteous letter can only protest his devotion. Learns from beyond sea that the “L” had arrived at Middleburgh and left for Antwerp, where he will have arrived in time; for the coming of the Cardinal approaches, who was already in Burgundy. They write that on his way he had hoped to make himself master of Geneva, but the plot was discovered and the traitors within the city taken. Another plot in Marseilles had a similar result and his partisans “cioe un Consolo et suo figlio Casotti” are slain. These are good lessons for the King of France. Letters from Spain of 6 Dec. reported that the King had ordered the ships of war to meet at La Crogna and Sant Andera to take in munitions and provisions. They said the armada was for Brittany; but it behoves us to be watchful. Mondragone, castellan of Antwerp, has died suddenly.—Badb[urham], 10 Jan. 1595.|
|Italian. Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (171. 49.)|
|John Lee to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1595/6, Jan. 11.
||Is constrained to importune him by the unkind proceedings of Mr. William Cholmley, now one of Lord Burghley's retinue, late her Majesty's ward, whose committee, with Thomas Buskell, his brother in law, now deceased, he was constrained by his lordship's appointment to be. Mr. Cholmley refuseth to compound for his marriage, being full two years since he came of age. The suit commenced in the names of Buskell and Lee two years ago, was referred to Mr. Attorney to hear and determine in his chamber, where it was proved Lee might have had for the marriage 1,400l. Mr. Attorney reported to Lord Burghley, who thought him worthy to have 500l., and said he would make an end between them. But by reason of the suit he
made to Cecil and his father for the place he now enjoys, he forbore to press his lordship therein, hoping to agree with Cholmley otherwise; moreover, Mr. Auditor Connicrs, grandfather to Cholmley's wife, when he took the “remayne” at the Tower, entreated him to forbear, and he would make a final end between them; but Cholmley will yield to no agreement but such as is made by his lordship. Prays his assistance. Did ever offer Cholmley to abate 100l. of his part of the price he might have had for his marriage.|
|Endorsed :—“11 January, 1595.”|
|Signed. Seal. 1 p. (29. 112.)|
|Gerard Lowther, junior, to Mr. John Stanhope, one of her Majesty's Privy Chamber.|
|1595/6, Jan. 12.
||Half my suit being taken from me, the unexpected delay in the rest, with my lord's continuing backwardness, promise small hope of recompence to my daily increasing charge and former losses, and especially in that her Majesty's most gracious disposition hath twice without effect been long since signified to his honour. Wherefore pardon my burdensome fortunes to pray once more your over laboured favour in bringing me to any end without too much disgrace.—London, 12 January, '95.|
|Holograph. 2/3 p. (29. 113.)|
|Philip II., King of Spain, to the Earl of Tyrone.|
|1595/6, Jan. 12/22.
||Learns, by letters and otherwise, his exertions in the Catholic cause against the English who would extinguish it. Encourages him to proceed, and promises that he shall not lack assistance. Credence for the bearer.—Madrid, 22 Jan. 1596.|
|Endorsed in the same hand :—“Received at Liffer, at the hands of Alonso Cobos, 15 May, 1596.”|
|Copy. Latin. 1 p. (37. 87.)|
|Another copy of this is in the Public Record Office, State Papers, Ireland, Vol. CXC., 6 v.|
|Sir Henry Unton's Mission to the King of France.|
|1595/6, Jan. 12/22.
||“The French King's answer to Mr. Unton” : that, having experience of the Queen's friendship both before and since his coming to the throne, in the extreme peril of his province of Picardy during his Lyons journey he frankly asked her assistance, as his Council at Paris had already done; trusting to have it the rather as Picardy lies so near England, and as he himself, having left his army behind in order to come quicker, was not in a position to appear before the enemy. If he presumed too far the Queen must blame her own goodness which encouraged it. Learning that the state of her realm will not permit her to succour him, he has undertaken the siege of this place of La Fere with more courage than means; but, not wishing to draw a profit from her to her hurt, he desists from his suit for succour and will seek other remedies. The Queen need not have sent Mr. Unton to excuse her refusal; for though he has acquitted himself well, he has said nothing but what the secretary Edmondes had already represented, and can only have the same answer. Still it seems strange that the Queen should now propose a conference of their servants, after
having before refused it and represented, by Edmondes, that it would be better to have their affairs managed by a single person whom she would shortly send; for it looks like wishing to gain time and keep him in hope, the very way to ruin him when he has a powerful enemy ready to invade his realm, as he will have on the arrival of the Cardinal of Austria, and will need men and means and not conferences, treaties delays. But for the King's trust in the Queen's good will and Unton's integrity, the mission would have rather caused suspicion than pleasure, and would only have served to increase the jealousy which France has begun to conceive at the cooling of the Queen's assistance at the very time of the Cardinal's arrival with reinforcements of men and money; whereas the treaties between the two crowns bind them to help each other in case of invasion, the confirmation of which treaties the King has often vainly asked, by M. de Beauvoir, his ambassador. The only answer the King can make to Mr. Unton, therefore, is, that in the peril of his kingdom he will employ such means as God shall give him, and that, as to his promise sent to the Queen by Mr. Wilkes in A.D. 1593, which was followed by another from her—not to make peace with the enemy without mutual consent—he will do his best to keep it, but as the said promise also bound them to mutual assistance, it were reasonable that his good sister should not leave him with the whole burden of the war, as she has done for some time, and it must be understood that he is not bound to things beyond his power, and that the safety of his realm is dearer to him than life.—Folembray, 22 Jan. 1596. Signature, copied, of Henry and De Neufville.|
|Endorsed :—“A copy of the Counselle answer to my negociation.”|
|French. 4 pp. (37. 92.)|
|A modern copy of the same, headed, “Jan. 22, Henry IV. to Queen Elizabeth, translated.”|
|Translation of a portion of the above in a modern hand.|
|1 p. (49. 4d.)|
|Robert Bowes, Ambassador to Scotland.|
|1595/6, Jan. 13.
||Warrant to Lord Burghley, High Treasurer of England, and Sir John Fortescue, knight, Chancellor of the Exchequer, for a grant to Robert Bowes, Ambassador to the King of Scots, of an estate in fee farm of lands and tenements to the yearly value of 40l., being no entire manors nor of any of the ancient possessions of the Crown, nor of the Duchy of Cornwall or Principality of Wales, and also of a lease in reversion of like lands of the yearly value of 40l.—Manor of Richmond, 13 January, 38 Eliz.|
|Sign Manual. Privy seal. 1 p. (173. 29.)|
|“Thomas Mascoll” (Mr. Wyat) to “Mr. William Lewson” (Sir Robert Cecil).|
|1595/6, Jan. 15.
||I came to Mantes the 10 January, where I found the drum sounding to take up pioneers to go to La Fere, the old having been discharged by reason of the great sickness which was among them. When I came to Poyssy I understood that the Prince of Condé had been at mass the 7th and 9th only, and was to go the 11th, being Sunday, openly to St. Germain's church, which I stayed to see, and saw him go
accompanied with his governor, the Marquis of Pisany, and a great train of gentlemen which came from Paris of purpose to accompany him. I also met 18 coaches going thither as I went to Paris. It is here reported for truth that the King hath executed the governor of Beaumond for suffering certain horses laden with powder and salt to enter La Fere through his quarter; but such gentlemen as came lately from the camp heard nothing thereof. There was a Spanish gentleman and his man executed the 9th of this month at Paris on the wheel, who confessed that they came to murther Don Perez, and denied that they had either charge or intent to touch the person of the King. The ambassador arrived at La Fere the 7th of this month, and, as it is generally spoken by such as came from the camp, had very cold entertainment, and that the King should say, his embassage heard, that he looked for satisfaction of his demands rather than that he heard, and that he was not so petty a companion as to be played withal so apparently; and divers other words of discontent in the hearing of many. Whether the ambassador were present or no I could not learn. The ambassadors that were despatched are not yet gone, neither goeth any for Spain, but there is one gone to the Duke of Savoy, who is a mean between the two Kings for the peace, which is apparently sought by the French, who of all sorts and conditions importune the King to accept any reasonable conditions. The Pope's nuncio is daily looked for here. The Duke D'Epernon, being in Bruniole and in terms to yield himself to the King's obedience, was blown up with powder as he sat by the fire in his chamber, and divers gentlemen with him. The first post brought news that he was dead, but the news which came sithence to the court is that he was blown in his chair forty paces off and there found sore bruised and one of his hands torn in pieces; and this day the news at the palace was that he died of that hurt. The manner was thus; they of the town conveyed certain sacks of powder into a vault under his chamber among the corn there laid in for his provision, and therewith blew him up.|
|There sallied out of La Fere some fifty horse in the night hoping to escape, but were all slain and taken. The French that survived the King hanged, and sent the Spaniards back into the town — From Paris, 15 January, 1595, stilo antiquo.|
|Endorsed :—“Mr. Wyat to my master [Sir Robert Cecil] by the name of Maskall. From Paris. Received at London the 7th of February and answered the same day.”|
|Holograph. 1½ pp. (29. 122.)|
|James Dillon to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1595/6, Jan. 15.
||Necessity from the backward estate my father left me in so urgeth me that gladly I would move her Highness to grant me in fee farm the reversion of 50l. only of such lands as I hold of her for 60 years, omitting altogether the motion of exchange : wherein I will never proceed unless you stand my good friend and recommend my suit to your father. Upon your favour I erect all my hopes.—From the Middle Temple, 15 January, 1595.|
|Holograph. ½ p. (29. 123.)|
|Sir Philip Butler to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1595/6, Jan. 15.
||I beseech you continue your loving good will now, and be my friend unto your father in furthering my suit concerning the
payment of such money as I am indebted to her Majesty, for some convenient time for payment; if I cannot obtain thus much I mean with all speed possible to make payment, to which if I be forced with haste, I shall punish myself by making of waste.—15 January, 1595.|
|Holograph. ½ p. (29. 124.)|
|William Tallentire, and Robert his son, to The Queen.|
|1595/6, Jan. 15.
||Pray for leases in reversion for their services, the former as gunner for great ordnance, the latter as gentleman of the Queen's Chapel.—Undated.|
|Note by Dr. Julius Cæsar, that the Queen refers the matter to the Lord Treasurer.—15 Jan. 1595.|
|½ p. (1404.)|
|M. Montmartin to the Earl of Essex.|
|1595/6, Jan. 15/25.||There has been a truce in Brittany for four months, but to all appearance M. de Mercœur will remain firm and bound to the wishes of the King of Spain. The deputies of the clergy of France made yesterday a long harangue to the King, in which there were three principal points; the happy success of his affairs since his conversion, that benefices be only given to ecclesiastical persons, and that all those of the religion, called by them “of the new opinion,” be altogether excluded; the Bishop of Mans spoke for them. M. de Bouillon has to-day gone to Limousin. M. de la Trimoulle has charge to make war in Saintonge against the Due d'Epernon. The army of the Cardinal of Austria in the Low Countries and the great preparations of the King of Spain make people fear some grand enterprise in the spring. If the war continue, their province will soon be under the tyranny of the Spaniard.—Before La Fere, 25 Jan. 1596.|
|Holograph. French. 2 pp. (30. 22.)|