Cecil Papers
1588

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Institute of Historical Research

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E. Salisbury (editor)

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1915

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362-399

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'Cecil Papers: 1588', Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, Volume 13: Addenda (1915), pp. 362-399. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=112048 Date accessed: 28 November 2014.


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1588

Richard Douglas to Archibald Douglas.
1587–8, Jan. 8.Since my last, bearing date 27 of December, his Majesty has almost ever been in Burley, while within these two days that he is returned to this town I have been, as well by myself as the Justice Clerk, very earnest to obtain answer to your letters, and to have had the Justice Clerk writing to you as his Majesty commanded, and he promised; but as yet I can have none other but that his Majesty sees no appearance of true or upright meaning to him from that country, but only superficial dealing to amuse him, and make him look for that he sees no mind in them to perform. If they meant honestly to him or thought they would have his friendship entirely and soundly, he is assured that considering the wrong done him they would come of [off] with a more square form of proceeding, and would acknowledge him with such kind of offers as were both honorable and sure for him to accept, whereof he can see no appearance neither of the one sort nor the other. And therefore seeing he cannot have of them that which he would, and partly looked for, he must be [con]tented, referring his honest part to God, Who he doubts not will assist him . . . to maintain himself, and obtain that whereunto he [ha]s undoubted right; in the meantime fears that that country have to do . . . friendship, when neither they may so honourably require it . . . so civilly grant it. This is the effect of the last answer the Justice Clerk had of his Majesty, which he desi[res m]e to write to you, excusing himself that he might not do it as [he] had promised. As for my own part, I see matters so disposed in this country that the King and his counsellors think assuredly that as time. . . now, and considering the certain report of the Spanish army prepared [to] invade that country, the Queen and Council should seek to assure themselves of his Majesty's friendship and good will by whatsoever means, which seeing they may have upon very reasonable conditions, his Majesty marvels much that they are so slow in seeking of it, and thereupon seems to gather small appearance of any good will meant towards him there. And therefore for myself I fear their unkind dealing procure him to embrace the contrary party, whereunto he is sought by all means possible.
Lately Colonel Steuart is come in this country from the Duke of Parme, as is thought, with very large offers of friendship. He landed yesternight and is looked for to be here this night or else to-morrow. What the assured cause of his coming and what shall be his Majesty's mind thereanent, I shall learn against the next occasion. It is here put out of all question by the greater sort that some great forces of Spaniards are to land in this country, conducted by the Lord Maxwell, and from thence to invade England. I know his Majesty would be sorry that any such matter should be, but if that come to pass it is to be feared that the hard dealing his Majesty receives from that country [would] move him, if not to join with them, at least suffer them do their wor[st], if he be not in time dealt with in the contrary. I am not certain yet of his Majesty's resolution, nor what course he will follow, but I hope within this fortnight to understand his Highness' determination, and thereafter shall let you know of it with expedition. His Majesty has declared himself lately a great enemy to all "Jesuistes," priests, notorious papists and their maintainers, to the great comfort of the better sort of his subjects. Strait acts are set out against them, as of pain of death if they be after a month found in the [coun]try, and confiscation of goods and loss of "lyffrentt" to the. . . . Commission is directed to certain noblemen and gentlemen . . . affected to religion in every shire by his Majesty, with power . . . and seek, apprehend and bring to justice all such persons. All . . . . . . persons in religion by open proclamation are discharged of . . . office, as namely of lieutenant, wardens, sheriff and such. . . . . . . . The Earl of Huntley's commission of lieutenancy in the . . . . . . . back. In like manner his Majesty has promised to purge . . . and session from all suspect persons in religion; and . . . . . . . required either by the Kirk or nobleman for surety. . . . His Majesty by granting thereunto 'shaues' the . . . . . . to the establishing thereof; as presently . . . . . there is an assembly both of the best of the Min[isters ?] . . . to advise upon matters concerning the preventing the p . . . the papists, and advancement of our religion. The . . . . . . this great while very quiet and no breach . . . in them of . . . betwixt the Lord Chancellor and Lord Hunsdon continues, . . . shall meet is as yet uncertain. The resolution his H[ighness' ?] . . . before of my sending to you is now altogether changed, for he . . . not that I shall go for a space, upon withal occasion I . . . except dissuaded therefrom by the Chancellor, who is sorry . . . should be the doer of any good offices betwixt that country and . . . It lies not in my hand to persuade his Majesty to write as you desire . . . my Lord of Leicester, so long as the Chancellor "oppones" himself thereto. I pray you write thereof to the Justice Clerk, for I assure you his Majesty commanded me to desire you to persuade my Lord of his Highness' good mind towards his lordship, and that at his going to Flanders he would write to him as of before; and that he has confessed to the Justice Clerk himself. If your lordship be not to come to this country yourself shortly, I would you should renew your former suit that one should be sent to you, for I have many things of importance to communicate to you that I cannot commit to "writt." If the bruit of the Spanish navy and preparation for war by the Duke of Parme be as great and constant there as it is here, together with this report of the defeat of the whole "reistres" in France, I think it should be a great motive to move the Queen and her Council to seek the King's goodwill and to satisfy him, as also to hasten your return to this country with plausible offers to his Majesty. I have this other day had large conference with your friend young P. I perceive by him he would be glad to make you foreseeing of anything he knows that might serve your turn, or make you what mean or intelligence he can. But as for the other man his friend, he thinks he should know wherefore he should do it to him, yet he says he will write to him touching the last matter he wrote of, and to you very shortly as at all times of all matters you will desire lying in his power. He looks that according to your letter you will send him a "furrure" of "connies," and a pound and half of "bugill lace" he wrote for, as he will be ready to pleasure you with whatsoever you will command him in this country. I look for your letter to Robert Scott, not doubting but you will consider my estate. I have sent this other day a very fair goshawk to my Lord Hunsdon in your name. Carvell will advertise you, who shewed me a letter of yours written [to] him whereby you to desire me to send to my Lord Chamberlain in your name all such hawks as I can get. I have now sent him . . ., if you think them not sufficient advertise me, and I shall provide some mo[re]. Mr. William Scott has written to you here; you know his . . . . . . I need to recommend it to your Lordship, but prays you to remem[ber] . . . poor man, and John Heume who has waited long upon you . . . but [without] your help is utterly undone.—Edinburgh this 8 of January, 1587.
Holograph. Addressed: To the Right Honorable my L. Amb. for the K. his Matie of Scotland. 3 pp. Damaged. (15. 81.)
The Borders.
1587–8, Jan. 30.Agreements of the Commissioners for Border matters at Foulden, 25 January, 1587, and at Berwick, 30th January, 1587.
These agreements chiefly relate to procedure. The Commissioners will deal only with the complaints which have been usually remitted to commissioners, viz. fires, slaughters, "bludis," intrusion in land or fishings, unlawful prisoners, and unlawful bonds and ransoms.
Signed by H. Hunsdon, John Foster, Jho. Selby, Richard Lowther, Carmychiell, Alexr. Hume of Hutoun Hall, and George Young.
3 pp. (165. 28.)
Musters.
1587–8, Feb. 16.Muster taken at Buntingford, of the hundreds of Odsey and Ewinstre, Herts. February 16, 1587. Henry Capell, captain, John Capell, lieutenant, Henry Howard, ensign.
19 pp. (214. 23.)
R. Douglas to his uncle, Archibald Douglas.
[1588,] March 25.I doubt not but you will greatly marvel of my so long deferring to write: but, if it were not more to testify my good remembrance of my duty than of any solid matter here, I had scarcely yet taken pen in hand so fickle and uncertain has matters been here since my last, by the which I wrote to you that the Earl of Huntley was gone northward to quiet a deadly feud (for so gave he it forth) fallen forth betwix his allies, but by [against] expectation he suddenly returned and put our court in great fray. But all things are now pacified, the Chancellor drawing the noblemen that were at Stirling in jealousy with him, the which the Earl of Huntley has purged. In the first agreance ye heard of made at the convention the Chancellor was respondent for honest dealing, but in this he has been principal party, albeit for "fassions" cause he called the noblemen to assist in the same: but as for them, as they saw small cause of miscontentment, so were they contented with small purgation and satisfaction. So it is taught quod defertur non aufertur. Not long since the Lord Hunsdon wrote a long letter to his Majesty containing sundry "heindes" and griefs upon her Majesty's part, as also offers to the King, regretting specially he should have refused to hear the Queen's purgation touching his mother's death. As for the offers, I think they are better known to you than anybody here except to such as will communicate no purposes with me. The King's Majesty has written answer with his own hand and has directed Carmichael to my Lord Hunsdon with the same, the Chancellor openly protesting that he is ignorant of that dealing, albeit he be blamed by all men for entering in that course. He openly countenances more the French and Spanish course, whether it be for fear or love I cannot tell. But it seems he would hold himself for a time indifferent and ply where he saw the King most affectionate. They of that faction are chiefest about his Majesty, the other noblemen meddling little in matters of state except so mickle as may touch their own surety. The Earl of Huntley uses his office of great chamberlain and lies in the King's chamber. The Earl of Crawfurd has purchased the King's licence to go to his house, but shortly to return to Court again when they hope the King shall further declare himself, and, in the mean time, look for such assurances of foreign aid that the King shall be contented to yield to their earnest desires, and (as some of themselves say) constrained, or else do worse for himself and his estate: unto the which "inconvenent" he is like to come by the good will (evil requited) he bears to that country. I heard there was a post boy robbed between Belford and Berwick by some of the riders: my Lord Hunsdon blames the Laird of Hunthill. The packet came from London, and was taken the 6th or 7th of this instant. By my next I mind more certainly to write of their matters; or else bring word if I can come so provided as I would; otherwise I will not come except I may serve of some better purpose than I can see, albeit I be already weary of this court, and country life I have not greatly haunted. I spake [to] John Lowe as you wrote to me by your "tikat." His answer was that he had written to you by Alexander Douglas, which answer he should keep. As for the wines, they were for the present at so great a price here that he thinks they are a smaller price in London, besides that the best wines is sold and the later vintage is not yet come. He himself is bound towards France to the Rochelle and will see you either in the going or the coming. If he should buy wines, he says he could not stay to see them safely convoyed and embarked.—Edinburgh, 25 March.
Cf. Calendar of Cecil Papers, iii. 313.
Holograph. Portions of seal. 2½ pp. (168. 100.)
R. Douglas to Archibald Douglas.
1588, April 9.Albeit I have no great matter of writing at this time, having been absent from Court almost this fortnight deceased, at my father's house, and that my brother has written at length the present state of our "broiled" matters, yet this packet being ready to be directed I could not but by these testify the willing mind I shall always bear to do your lordship service. I look daily for answer of my last letters sent unto you, and chiefly to the motion made unto me by the E. of Huntley (by your friend the Laird P.) whereof he expects your answer with great devotion. That matter is of no small consequence, and for my own part I must confess I see not the end thereof as yet, but your lordship is wise meant and without rejecting their offer, may deal in such sort that they shall make but small profit thereof to your harm, suppose they were so minded as they profess by great attestations the contrary. I will keep me indifferent until I know your lordship's resolution, and as ye shall direct me so shall I use myself thereuntill. If I had been assured of safe convoying of my letters, I had advertised you ofter of our state, but the last lay a great while for fear to have fallen in wrong hands, therefore your L. shall do well to cause a warrant [to] be directed to some special man at Berwick from Mr. Secretary for receiving of all such letters as shall be directed unto you and sure convoying of the same. All other matters I refer to my brother.—From Edinburgh this 9 of April, 1588.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (60. 84.)
The Same to the Lord Ambassador.
[1588,] April 28.I saw a letter written by your Lordship to my brother, wherein ye accused me of sundry points, whereunto I shall answer so far as I may; the first where ye say that my unsecrecy in revealing such matter as you wrote to me concerning the Earl of Arran, surely I did nothing in that matter but by your own direction; for I keep yet your letter, wherein you desire me to advertise the Chancellor thereof, which, because I could not well do by myself, I (not . . . . . . . . . as to speak with him I am not yet, and that only for your cause, I caused Justice Clerk to do in your name, and therein did not so much as you commanded, and you may remember what was my opinion therein by the answer I wrote to you at the same time. What you mean by that unsecret dealing you allege I used with Sir William Keith and James Hudson I cannot tell, for believe me, since my last coming from you I never communicated with any one of them any matter of importance. If ye mean of anything whereof you accused me at my last being with you, I hope that could do you no harm, for that matter was since declared by the King himself both to the Chancellor and Justice Clerk. As for any letters I wrote to you, ever since my first employment, whereby I made you believe that the King liked well of your proceedings, believe I wrote nothing concerning the King, but that which he commanded me particularly, and I am assured his Majesty will testify the same as he has lately done, whensoever he shall be demanded thereof; and you know yourself, that my instructions I brought to you last subscribed by the King's own hand, bears more nor ever I wrote. Always I know if ye can do any good offices yet upon the same offers, the King will be glad thereof, notwithstanding all that your unfriends give out in the contrary; whereof when I have enquired the King if it be so, he denies all to me. As for James Hudson, he is employed by the Chancellor and Sir William, as of before; the King knows him to be there by their advertisements and it is done only by the Chancellor to persuade the King that the other can do as good service as you; but the King makes little or no account of him. Neither can I understand that he writes anything can prejudge you. Suppose I have been very inquisitive upon his letters. The King his mind towards you will appear even as you shall be able to do him service; for ye need not to believe these vain reports that Carmichael has made to the Lord Hunsdon, whereof a great part are unknown to his Majesty, and the other has been drawn out of him by their craft, but yet nothing concerning you would he ever consent to write to him, whatsoever that Lord has reported in the "contrair." The King heretofore upon opinion he had of my Lord . . . . . . . ., ; but now when his Majesty perceives little hope that way, I think I shall move him either to write to him or else to yourself to be given to him; and that at his coming back from his journey I shall do good will to bring about. I perceive your lordship considers very slenderly all my labours and pains I have taken and daily take in your affairs. I have been at very great charges and had little or no regard had thereof by you. I have, by the . . . loss of the Chancellor's his good will, spent all I . . . or can get in your service, and that which you . . . in recompense can have nothing so that I am indebted more than I am able to discharge; and the worst is I think I have neither reaped profit or thanks; which appears by your refusal to allow to — the 5l. sterling I received from him. Surely I believed I had deserved a greater matter of your lordship, if I had craved it. For my daughter's cause that which I have begun I will accomplish, but surely except your lordship both pay that and more than that, I will be compelled to leave off and seek some other way; which, if I pleased, I would not find difficult, but I will not for every occasion offered be so inconstant as to alter my settled course. I have borne a good will and also done good offices for you. I hope according to your promise you will see me to be no loser.—28th of April.
Holograph. Written in sympathetic ink. 2 pp. (179. 146.)
Yarmouth.
1588, April 30.Plot of Yarmouth and Waburnhope, coloured. By E[dmund] Y[orke].—30 April, 1588.
1 sheet. (Maps 1. 37.)
ii. Borough of Yarmouth.
As to the antiquity of the borough of Yarmouth, co. Norfolk.
In A.D. 1000 the site of the borough of Yarmouth in the time of King Canute was a great sand waste at the mouth of the river Yare (Hierus), entirely overflowed by the sea.
A.D. 1040 in time of King Edward the Confessor the said sand grew in height by the receding (defluxionem) of the sea.
In the time of King Harold and William the Conqueror the site grew into dry sands and people congregated there in tents to try and sell herrings and fish, as well from French and Flemish fishermen as from many English fishermen for the speedy dismissal of the fishermen, and chiefly at Michaelmas and 40 days after yearly; during which time the barons of the Cinque Ports by the King's authority sent their bailiffs there for government of the Ports' fishermen and other people congregated there; and after the 40 days the bailiffs returned home. In A.D. 1096 in time of King William Rufus Herbert bishop of Norwich built a chapel of his on the sand for the welfare of the souls landing there. In the following year the bailiffs of the barons of the Cinque Ports at their coming expelled bishop Herbert's priest from his chapel; but in the following year the bishop by royal authority was restored to his chapel. A few years after the same bishop began to build a church on the sand to the honour of God and St. Nicholas, to which church offerings and other gifts were made by the fishermen.
A.D. 1100. In the time of Henry I., Stephen, Henry II., and Richard I., Kings of England, the sand grew into dry land, and then some citizens of Norwich and people from Norfolk and Suffolk built houses and ships there and were governed by a certain man called the provost, deputed by authority of the King for the purpose.
A.D. 1200. Until King John created the people congregated there his burgesses of Yarmouth, and by his letters patent made the houses and buildings so constructed the borough of Yarmouth, and granted the said borough to the burgesses at fee farm, paying to the King, his heirs and successors 55l. yearly for ever.
Henry III. granted the burgesses of Yarmouth various privileges by charters, and a licence to enclose the borough with walls and ditches.
Edward I. and Edward II. likewise granted various privileges to the burgesses, and named the water the port of Yarmouth, and there built a trone and custom house (coquet') for lading and unlading ships.
Edward III. called the borough Great Yarmouth and united to the borough for ever a certain spot on the high sea called Kirklee Road, and granted the same spot to the burgesses at fee farm for five pounds per annum.
King Richard II. granted the burgesses of Great Yarmouth various great privileges for the purchase and sale of herrings and other merchandise, &c.
Henry IV. granted a licence to make the borough bridge at the cost of the burgesses.
The said borough contains within its walls about 60 acres of land and 1,000 dwelling houses; and the burgesses and inhabitants live by the sea only and draw from it their food and clothing, nor do they practise ploughing or sowing as other townspeople upon the sea coast in the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk.—Undated.
Latin. 1½ pp. (169. 33.)
Map of Wayborn and Clay, Norfolk.
1588, May 1.Plot of Waborne, Weborne fort and entrenchments, Claye, &c., Norfolk. Inscribed: "Reason would a scale, but time permits not, so as necessity enforces to make the distances upon the places: made in haste this 1st of May, 1588, E[dmund] Y[orke]." Coloured.
1 sheet. (Maps 2. 36.)
R. Douglas to Archibald Douglas.
[1588,] May 7.I received your letters of the date the 27 of April the 3 of May, together with a letter from Mr. Bowis, the contents whereof I participat[ed] with his Majesty. But because final answer and determinate could not for the present be had, I have thought good to make you acquainted with such things as has occurrred in our countrei since my last, which is:—his Majesty, as I wrote, coming "touche" the Mers, came down the water of Tueid and to . . . by Streuthes (?) upon the water. He went also to the Bounds . . . where among other officers and captains, Master Bo[wis] came unto his Majesty, and [had] long conference, wherein he answered to all the bruits given out against him touching the joining with strangers, and specially Spaniards, wherewith Mr. Bowis was well satisfied; as also touching his religion and treating of papists; and something concerning the public quietness of both the realms, always protesting that matters might be so compounded that he might be satisfied in honour, without the which he could no ways have doing precibusque minas regaliter adebat. Whereupon Mr. Bowis promised to some about his Majesty before he should sleep to write to H[unt]ly and h . . Majestie: in what sort that is done you can tell: yet answer is earnestly expected, and other resolution deferred till something be heard from Mr. Bowis or some other of that matter, into the which course such of the nobility as are for the present about his Majesty inclines, by reason it is "proceid" and begun by his Majesty himself, without any there moving; for they eschew that which they would be gladdest to be at, lest they should incur suspicion and calu[mni]es at their enemies' hands. I am doing what I can to draw them to you, and you to them. Upon his Majesty's return to Ed[inburgh] the cert[ainty] of my Lord Maxwell his coming home was reported (which howbeit I heard before the sending of my last, yet I would not write it because there was no certainty after so many false bruits) wherewith his Majesty was very offended: proclamations made against such as should either reso[rt to] or communicate with him. It was also reported that some stirring was among the noblemen lately that was about the King in Dunfermline, and some gatherings, whereupon the Council being assembled the 4th of this instant, it was concluded that the King's ordinary guard should be augmented, and one new levy of footmen, and one hundred horsemen, should be made to be resident about the King's Majesty under the M. of Glamis his charge, ordinary commander . . . the noblemen should retire them to their countries whereupon greatest stir should appear. The Lieutenantry of the Borders at . . . was decernit to my L. of Angus, which is for suppressing Maxwell if anything shall be attempted . . . for [par]ticular interest will be most careful to . . . . . . . behalf. The Lieutenantry in the North to my L. Mar. . . ., Arrol in the Bounds, and my L. of Athol. This . . . . . . . to be such as will suppress all domestic attempts if foreign, which is suspected by some and looked for by others, super[vene]; all this is pretended albeit yet not published. Sentence of ex[ecu]tion is either pronounced or with all rigour to be pronounced against L. Claud, who not only refuses to communicate, but withholds all . . . is small gentlemen about Paslay resort to church or commu[nion] he has had public doing with my L. Maxwell my L. Ham[ilton] is suspected but others say he is miscontented with his brother's pr. . . . The King of Denmark's death, albeit it be certain, and the Cope[nhagen] legates "comit" into this country yet does not stay the preparations [for] the ambassador's going thither. The "Duche" chancellor is appointed in the minority of the child, who is well affected to [this na]tion. The bruit of the King of Spain's death does const[antly re]maine. The first advertisement came from Paris written to my [L. Ha]miltonne in a postscript; but because nothing comes f . . . of it, it is [taken] the less to be true. Into my L. of . . . matter I can pro[ceed] nothing till such time as I hear from you of his letter which being come I shall . . . no good occasion. The "tak" of the le[ad] mines "set" by George Douglas to Mr. . . . is like at the setting down of the conference (?) to be reduced, the contract which I made between them to be "decernit" . . . wherefore if you think it good I shall app[oint] George, for I may have the handling of that matter as ha[ving] interest in the making of the contract.
They would most willingly agree for the . . . or thousand to be laid into, also upon such prices as I and they should appoint and the rest to be transported by me where I please best, wherefore in your next let me hear from you what you will have me to do thereanent. Matters of estate and answer of your last I remit to my next, which shall be shortly, if the delay of Mr. Bowes his doing and . . . of that impede not. Victual is very good cheap here [th]erefore if any would transport corns good occasion is offered to make profit that way. For the present having no other thing to trouble you with, but praying you to have consideration how I shall be entertained here at Court, and come to you with such as you desire, commits you to God, from Ed[inburgh] the 7 of May, Your loving and obedient nephew to do you service, R. Douglas.
My brother is gone North to Angus [on] such business as you know . . . his Majesty has pardoned all byg[ones] to Mr. Bowis and has con[ceived] better opinion of him and wi[ll] continue the same as this matter shall fall out to his liking or disliking. I can learn nothing of Da . . . . . . . whom you mention in your last, nor where he dwells. Sundry friends has desired me for moyen to get them horses forth of England. If you would write to Robert Scot to deliver me your "placcat," I should use it in such sort as you should be contented with, and never file the "placat" except necessity required; and in so doing you should pleasure friends and do me good, and no harm to yourself, but specially Mr. Thomas Cranstoune.
Holograph. 3 pp. Mutilated and damaged by damp.
(213 1.)
Letters of Marque.
1588, May 24.Copy of the request presented to his Majesty and Estates after the Conservitor repaired to his expedition in Holland.
Copy of Order by the King that if the complainer be not satisfied by the Estates for his debt within 40 days, he will grant letters of marque against them.—Dated Holyrood House, May 24, 1588.
pp. (142. 91.)
Richard Douglas to Archibald Douglas.
[1588,] May 26.I wrote to you upon the return of the Justice Clerk and Carmichael, who was directed to confer with Robert Cary, in a postscript after the concluding of my letters, for I got knowledge of their return very late. The meeting was upon Haliden Hill in the bounds, within the night. It was "proponit" to him to come as a private person, which he refusing and not opineing what he had to say, the next day, being the 24 of this instant, it was in "plane" [? plein] council "proponit" by the King whether he should be heard or not, for so the Chancellor would have it, fearing lest the blame should lie upon him that an ambassador should be received openly after so many refusals, nothing being done for the King's satisfaction. It was for the King's pleasure concluded all nations might be heard, and his Majesty make election as his state and time required. Whereupon Robert Cary was appointed to come to Dumfries, where being come, it is resolved he shall be heard, and certain of the councillors appointed to deal with him. But for determinate answer, he will get none till I may understand something of my last. If anything of this resolution alters I shall advertise, but my absence from Court this time does me harm, which is for such causes as I wrote to you for. The 25 as was appointed his Majesty departed towards the west border. I have with great difficulty caused Mr. Richart re-enter in dealing with his Majesty, because he may do the same without the Chancellor's privity or reproof. I have promised to deal in nothing but to make him acquainted, wherefore all your general letters and occurrents, after my brother has presented them to the King, I deliver them to the Chancellor. He complains that he has none of his kin capable of his benefits, and to place about the King, and me he promises to prefer if he were assured I could withdraw my affection from you. So would I gladly creep in credit by whatsoever a "moyen," hoping to find concurrence of noblemen and other gentlemen about his Majesty for the present to continue the same. The Chancellor also will be the more agreeable to my coming in those parts if I shall seem to seek nothing but by his privity. But he mistrusts too much.
You complain in your last that I have written contrarieties, which I cannot deny, but the truth is that our resolutions, actions and courses are so "contrarius," and does so daily change, that he that sees them best cannot certainly set down any resolution. But now the King is resolved upon the English course, but what way, or by what mediate persons, he is not resolved, but minds to use them that shall most serve his purpose. Wherefore if this man should promise never so "meikill" it will not be accepted till other have said, and others here understand from them I wrote of in my others.
My brother's conference and answer received of his Majesty I leave to his own discourse. Your lordship "man" [? must] use him more friendly, and write to Robert Scote touching that which he desired, which is well deserved upon his part, howbeit his pains has not taken the wished effect hitherto, yet there is appearance of better, if it be well followed to. I have communicated my opinion to him how matters shall be handled in times to come, for two strings upon a bow is surer than one.
So looking for answer of my last, and every particular of the same, desiring you in your next packet to write something to John Brown touching his matter, and to thank him of his pains in sending your letters to us.—Edinburgh, 26 of May.
Holograph.
(The following postscript was apparently written in sympathetic ink:) The final end of all this dealing so far as I can conceive it to seclude by common consent Robert Cary and his father from dealing, and to have some other sent here, with opinion that he belongs to my L. of Leicester. But before that he "effectuat" I would there were some probable discourse set down whereby the King might be persuaded that further may be obtained nor is yet promised, for obtaining whereof let me understand what should be solicited of the King yourself, or to any other. The noblemen have respect to their own surety, wherefore if they were once entered in doing with any Englishman, I doubt if they would respect you "meikill." They would be contented to deal with Bowes. But I have put them in opinion of Fugrawell, affirming the other to be the Treasurer's man.
Faint. 2 pp. (16. 98.)
[Richard Douglas to Archibald Douglas.]
[1588, May ?]This other letter I have written purposely, but the truth of matters is far otherwise, for the King himself I assure you was privy to the sending away of your letter that came by the laird of Ladyland, and that he has confessed, and yet I cannot learn what become of it since. As for the other last letter that I gave the Justice Clerk, surely the King has purged himself thereof, and knew nothing of the sending thereof. I canot see how my brother or I can deal any farther in these matters, matters standing as they do for the K[ing] is [? ev]ill persuaded of you by the Chancellor which . . . your irreconcilable enemy, that I believe if you would effectuate never so good offices, they should not be accounted of at this time, and the King himself is so carried away that none [are] in "steid" to have favour for our travail; we reap but evil will, and nothing esteemed of the King. As for me, from this time, except you command me particularly, with reason why, I mind to abstain from dealing with the K. for a while. I think it were not the worst suppose you did the like also, for I know within a "sex ours" matters will be at some maturity and the King will resolve both about his own course, and matters at home will be better settled, for ere that time the King will declare whether he will be friend or enemy to England, for there will be no place for mid courses as there is now, for the certain coming of Spaniards in this country will cut away that, and then matters that are but plastered in this court will . . . break up, and I hope your enemy and mine shall not be able after that to cross your doings, being at least removed if not worse if you will be contented to leave writing to the King for a while . . . not the less by my frequent letters understand the state of the c[ountry and] all matters as they fall out, and some before they fall out. [The] King has refused to take the 5,000l., but yet I . . . that Carmichaell is to take it in the King's name, and that . . . without any warrant. The King will neither as yet enter on open dealing, nor yet shut off dealing with England. The principal of the north faction would be glad as they say to enter in some friendship and dealing with you, as more at length you will hear by your friend Purie his letters, humbly offers great friendship to bring you home to the King's favour, and to make you . . . . . . what they will do in this matter I cannot imagine . . . are wise enough for them, and as you direct me so shall I do and no farther. I have given no answer but generally, assuring you will be glad to do his L. all service. I know his credit is good and I fear it shortly greater. He bears a remarkable hatred to the Chancellor, whatsoever countenance he makes in the meantime, and protests their course is neither prejudiciable to the rest of the nobility nor yet to the religion, but only for their own safety and to discredit the Chancellor, whom he calls the plague of the nobility and . . . of the King.—Undated.
In hand of Richard Douglas.
1 p. Much damaged. (186. 29.)
Proclamation.
1588, July 1.Proclamation against the importing or circulation of seditious bulls, libels, books and pamphlets or writings. Refers to Sextus V.'s "most malicious and destestable bull or libel against her Majesty."—Manor of Greenwich, 1 July, 1588.
Seal. Parchment, 1 sheet. (217. 3.)
Privy Seal.
1588, July 10.Privy seal for captains to be sent into divers counties for assistance to the lieutenants.
Contemporary copy. ½ p. (142. 93(2).)
[R. Douglas] to "My Lord Ambassador."
[1588,] July 10.The truth is that ever since my last writing I have been travailing with the King about the despatch of that direction to you that he promised then. But the Chancellor has so opposed himself unto the King his mind, that I can have no open directions as the King promised, neither can the King himself have his will in this matter, he is so overpowered by the Chancellor. If ye think it meet that any instructions be sent unto you in that form that I brought you last, I doubt not to obtain them, but otherwise under Mr. George Young his hand and his Majesty's signet I cannot. Suppose the King promises that I shall have it, yet I can see no appearance; he is so guided with the Chancellor, and so careless of his own affairs, that except when I speak with him, which is but at certain times, when I wait the Chancellor's absence and his other deputies, that he has never any more remembrance of you. The Chancellor has of late declared himself wholly offended with me for reading to the King your other letter, whereby he and Carmichael were touched, and has vowed he shall make me give an account of my doings, and let me understand he has greater credit with his Majesty, nor that he will suffer me to receive any such advertisements or to write to you. And this he spake to my brother Archibald in a great choler. I answered that, if I did anything by the King's command, I was content to underlie his Majesty's censure, but so long as it should please his Highness to employ me in that service, I would not leave off for no man's boast, and this I desired my brother to answer for me. As it falls out hereafter I shall advertise you. The Chancellor, to calumniate your doings and your advices given to the King (for his Majesty keeps nothing of these matters close from him), has said that you suborned by the Earl of Leicester and Sir Francis Walsingham give the King advice to deal with other princes, and to make the Q. of England believe that except she satisfy him, he will follow their courses against her and that the only way to terrify her is the means to reduce her to some good conformation and to satisfy his Majesty; and this he says you do only to cause the King to give that Queen occasion to speak of the King and have in mislike to do anything for him; and that he gives out to — an opinion of you.
But I will never believe that to be his Majesty's own opinion, so long as he gives me such speeches as he does. If the King had his own will in matters, I think you should be further employed nor ye are; that he also follow more of your advice than he does. Always let me hear with expedition if you will be contented to receive your instructions under his hand and I doubt not to obtain them. I communicated with his Majesty the contents of your last letters, who took your advertisements touching this gentleman's . . . very thankfully. He has promised to take order that he shall understand our state, be very quiet and conformable to his Majesty's proper will; "sicklyk" his Highness has promised to let it be known, that he will have all dealing to proceed from himself and not from this or that particular man. And at the Convention he will see that there is no division amongst us that can derogate to the King's obedience. In all other . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . he promises to . . . your advice. I think his Majesty shall yield to me s . . . of that that shall be desired touching the going forward of the league, nor yet to think that his declaration of sec . . . person can prejudge him, but he will hear the ge . . . and will enquire what the Queen will do for him . . . he have no answer of that Robert Carey promised, the King assured me he should retain him here until he should write to his mistress thereof for her answer thereupon. As to the articles sent to you, if ye would have them renewed, advertise me and I shall speak to his Majesty thereupon. As for [what] you wrote in the latter end of your letter touching the Lord Hunsdon surely I can make no language of it, for no pain I can take. I shall wait upon Mr. Ashby as the King has given me licence to do, but I know the Chancellor will like him the worse of that; but I may not mend that. This 10 of July.—Unsigned.
Written in sympathetic ink. 2 pp. (179. 144.)
[R. Douglas] to [Archibald Douglas,] the Scotch Ambassador.
[1588, c. July 12.]I perceive his Majesty our sovereign thinks himself far deceived of his expectation, for he looked for great matters out of that country but now he sees the contrary. I return all your letters, yea that that touched the Chancellor most. The King denies very fast that ever any such small sum of money was sought in his name and he assured me that he shall never let receive it. Rob. Carey promised him great matters, yea, the assurance of his title. His Majesty is now sufficiently persuaded what harm undiscreet dealing has done to his service whereof his own wilfulness to follow the Chancellor's opinion is the cause. But [now] I think by his language he would be glad to mend it if he could. Therefore if ye would set down to his Majesty some good plot to follow, I think that this time he should embrace it and follow it or as ye should prescribe; at the least if he do it not, no man should see it but himself. For since that fault was done to you, I never left a letter in his hand nor shall not do. The King is very negligent of his own affairs, and his councillors regard but their particular. He has no intelligence almost with foreign princes at this time and little in France with his cousins of Guise. I advertised him of your advice to cause their threatenings serve his turn. For my lord of Leicester he seems to be very desirous to enter in dealing with him and I learn his promise of late time that he shall write to him and you both. I am busy so far as I may in the Chancellor's absence to purchase for that direction to you mentioned in my other letter under the King his own hand writ or some other instructions, which, if the King will direct to my brother I would have him the bearer of, for his credit stands with my lord of Leicester. But if the King will not commit them to him, as he has but little good opinion of him, I could come with it myself, which I am very loath to [do] for your intelligence thence if I be absent will be . . . . small.
I will be as busy as I can to get this dispatch of the King these four or five days following, for if I get it not ere then, the King will steal himself away quietly for five or six days to the marriage of the Lady Burley her daughter and there he will be inaccessible for that while, so negligent is he of his own affairs. Any direction that you would have sent to you from his Majesty advertise me and I shall do my diligence. The Chancellor would seem to be witless of this dealing with England and denies it to all men. But yet he is the only cause thereof. I am informed that Robert Cary when he was with the King did evil offices against you, in what I am ignorant, because I was not present at his being there; and his Majesty conceals that from me. If anything save the Lord Maxwell his life it will be the hard dealing of England. Otherwise the King is very bent against him. The letters that come to the Chancellor and Carmichael come to them the same time that yours come to my hands. They have sent no answer as yet, for I see the carrier of them still attending. It is given out by the Chancellor that Sir Robert Sidney is to come here ambassador. [If it] so be I marvel ye wrote nothing thereof. When ye desired me to tell the King that the Queen had uttered hard speeches against our Chancellor, because you wrote neither the speeches nor yet the cause moving her, I did it not; and that only part of all your letters kept I close from him. The Chancellor and Carmichael were absent when your horses were delivered to his Majesty, and now since their coming they are offended that the King received them. I pray you let me hear from you shortly before that either my brother or I come to you. I pray your lordship remember that I am at great charges.—Undated.
Unsigned.? Written in sympathetic ink. 2 pp. (179. 142.)
Plan of Southwold.
1588, July 12.Plans, made by Edm. Yorke, of Southwold and Dunwich, showing the defences.
1 sheet. (142. 98.)
Victualling of Ships.
1588, July 13.Privy seal for victualling 8,000 men in certain of the Queen's ships in the West, under the conduct of the Lord Admiral and Sir Francis Drake, and of 1472 in ships at the Narrow Seas under Lord Henry Seymour and Sir William Winter.
Contemporary copy. 1 p. (142. 92.)
1588, July 24.Privy seal for 6,000l. to Sir Thomas Heneage, to be issued by direction of six of the Privy Council.
Contemporary copy. ½ p. (142. 93.)
1588, July 28.Privy seal to the Master of the Ordnance for powder and other emptions.
Contemporary copy. ½ p. (142. 94.)
Murad II., Sultan of Turkey, to the Queen.
1588, July 28.Addresses her as "most shining Elizabeth, Queen of England and Prince of the magnanimous followers of Jesus, Guide of all affairs of the multitude and family of the Nazarenes," &c., with many compliments. Your ambassador resident at the Sublime Porte (in porta nostra beata fulgida) has presented letters signifying that your Highness has waged war now for four years with the King of Spain, and all has gone as you wished; also that Don Antonio being both natural King and heir of Portugal, the King of Spain has snatched Portugal from him, whom you had determined to restore to his kingdom; and that the King of Spain sending his fleet to India was endeavouring to bring back into his kingdom in gold, silver, precious stones and spices every year 30,000,000 (trecenties centena millia) of gold. And unless he were opposed he would get together so much gold and silver and such forces that he would be most rich and powerful of all princes, if he but obtained peace. Whose ships your Highness has often intercepted, and your ambassador demanded that in the coming spring our galleys (triremes) might be sent to Spain that by the joint action of both of us the Spaniard not having forces against two parties might be the more easily overcome. And as in time of our ancestors weak and oppressed princes had been wont to implore their aid, so Don Antonio sought aid from us: and both in this as also in other necessary matters whatsoever your ambassador intimated, according to his intimation all things have been explained to us and apprehended in the depth of our intelligence.
Be it known to your Highness as for some years and months now it has been our design to wage war in the East to the end we might annex the Persian kingdom at this time called Rasilbas, the territory of an inconstant and infidel nation, entirely to our empire, by favour of the most High God we shall soon enjoy our desire, so indeed that but little remains to do; which accomplished, forthwith we will pay attention to the matter on your behalf and lay hold of it, and make it our care to satisfy your desire. Your declared friendship towards us has been so greatly proved that now greater friendship could not be required nor affirmed. So great a war has your Highness waged with the King of Spain and put such force into it and fought so many battles as never any prince has or could have fought. The King of Spain whithersoever he has gone or sent his own war has done all things by tricks and fraud; but by God's help the tricks of a deceitful man are very easily frustrated, only putting negligence and sloth on one side let diligent watch be kept. It is meet also that after our most friendly letters come to your Highness the friendship hitherto declared on your Highness' part be also declared in the future and be preserved by all means, and your Highness as a friend to our friends and enemy to our enemies persevere in true friendship, and omit not to signify the news in those parts according to truth to our Sublime Porte. Your ambassador here has performed his embassy with all constancy, modesty and politeness, and leaving your faithful servant Edward Barton in his place we have willingly given himself leave to return to his own country. Who after he shall safely come to your Highness by reason of his faith fully declared and executed office may your Highness receive him with singular kindness and not compare him with any others, for by every means for so long a space of time he has declared your fidelity, constancy and modesty: and do not postpone sending a great ambassador to our Sublime Porte with your letters that matters concerning your Highness may be diligently cared for in our Porte.—Constantinople, 28 July, 1588.
Endorsed by Burghley: Anno Muham: 996, Anno Sultan Murat 15. The Great Signior's letter Sultan Murat to the Q.s Majesty by Mr. Harber.
Headed: "Interpretatio literarum potentissimi Cæsaris Turcarum Sultan Murat secundi ad sacram Reginalem Majestatem Angliæ datarum."
Latin. 2 pp. (133. 84.)
The King of Scotland to the Queen.
1588, Aug. 4.In times of straits true friends are best tried. Now merits he thanks of you and your country who kythes himself a friend to your country and estate, and so this time must move me to utter my zeal to the religion and how near a kinsman and neighbour I find myself to you and your country. For this effect then have I sent you this present hereby to offer unto you my forces, my person and all that I may command to be employed against yon strangers in whatsoever fashion and by whatsoever means as may best serve for the defence of your country. Wherein I promise to behave myself not as a stranger and foreign prince but as your natural son and compatriot of your country in all respects. Now, Madame, to conclude; as on the one part I must heartily thank you for your honourable beginning by your ambassador in offers for my satisfaction so on the other part I pray you to send presently down Commissioners for the perfecting of the same, which I protest I desire not for that I would have the reward to precede the deserts but only that I with honour and all my good subjects with a fervent good will may embrace this your godly and honest cause, whereby your adversaries may have ado, not with England but with the whole isle of Britain. This, praying you to dispatch all your matters with all possible speed and wishing you a success convenient to those that are invaded by God's professed enemies, I commit your person, estate and country to the blessed protection of the Almighty.—Edinburgh, 4 August, 1588.
Holograph. Seal. 1¼ pp. (133. 85.)
— to —
[1588 ?] Aug. 7.Honoratissimus Leicestrensis recepit in se nuper admodum humaniter, expediturum se mihi hanc causam mature, si tui consensus auctoritas eo accesserit. Idque ipsum jam convenisse inter vos, causa haec Augustissimae principi ut quam primum commendaretur. Peto igitur abs te suppliciter et demisse, at quantum possum maxime singularibus verbis, ut de ipsius causae summa quid sentias, vel literis tuis vel quoquo modo alio [actetur?] significes. Si caeteris tuis in me divinis beneficiis hoc unum adjeceris, omnia haec simul consequeris et principis fisco multum prospexeris, et languentes meos omnes confestim auxeris, et me tibi in perpetuum devinxeris. Tum illud superest extremum et maximum, ego anniversaria quingentarum librarum pensione fidem meam sanctissime liberabo, idque mihi ut intelligas curae summae fore, fide observantia et opera mea omni assidue praestabo.—vij° Idus Sextil. Mendicitate mea summa factum est ut fides mea tibi hactenus sit suspecta.
(203. 80.)
The Senate of Denmark to the Queen.
1588, Aug. 13.The things which Daniel Rogers of your Privy Council—a friend in many ways very dear to us, whom you despatched hither for the sake of alleviating the common sorrow—had in command from your Majesty to relate to us, have all been clearly explained to us by him in our public assembly with the greatest dexterity and prudence. Which as they tended to the establishing the friendship which from of old hitherto has been constantly cultivated between these kingdoms of Denmark and England, and indicated the inclination of your Majesty's most kindly goodwill towards us, could not but be to us both very grateful and pleasant. We have fully and sincerely opened to this your ambassador our very great affection and humble observance towards your Majesty, as also our mind concerning all matters and articles reported to us: which as we have no doubt that he will dexterously and candidly in turn declare to your Majesty, so we would submissively and reverently ask you to deem him worthy of the fullest credence in all those matters.— Copenhagen, 13 August, 1588.
Signed: "Ad Regni Daniæ gubernationem deputati Senatores; Nicolaus Kaas, Petrus Munck, Georgius Rossunkrantz, Christophorus Patchendorff."
Latin. 2 pp. (272.)
Payment of Mariners.
1588, Aug. 13.Privy seal for the payment of 8,000 men in the Queen's ships in the West, and of others serving in the Narrow Seas.
Contemporary copy. 1½ p. (142. 95.)
J. Hamilton, of Evverton to Archibald Douglas.
[1588,] Aug. 26.There is word come this Sunday that the Marshal Matinon has sent to the King, showing that there is 6,000 "fitmen" [footmen] Spaniards [and] 500 . . . men come in Beire, on the King of Navaris land. Also the King of Spain is like to have great "veris" [wars] with the Turk, for the Turk has come and [is] fortifying the Goulat; and for that occasion the King of Spain has sent, for a sure, fourscore of "geles" [galleys], and has cut all the Turks' throats, and "fasin" down all that they fortified. Monsieur de Pirnon [D'Epernon] has "chepid" Nercly, as this bearer will show you at length: but Nouhi [La Noue] is master of Angouleme. The King verifies the Cardinal of Borbon to be first prince of the blood. The King of Navar has defeat[ed] a regiment of footmen called Gorgis regiment: himself shot through the arm. Monsieur de Nevers is . . . with the army, for a sure. Lo. Pepin is . . . . . . . is gone home to his house . . . . . . . the King parts this day to bless the . . . . . . . haldes for a sure.—Paris, 26 August.
Holograph. Much damaged. 1 p. (205. 10.)
Earl of Desmond's Lands.
1588, Aug. 29.
i. Sessions of the Commissioners for the attainted lands of the late Earl of Desmond and others in Waterford and Limerick.—29 August, 30 Eliz. (1588).
14 pp.
ii. Breviat of bills of complaint to above Commissioners, with answers of the Queen's Counsel.
12 pp. (284. 3.)
— to Lord Burghley.
[Before Sept., 1588.]Monsieur, Jay fait une faulte de ne vous avoir pas demandé si ma requeste sera tenue secrette de sa Majesté suivant ce qui estoit escript de ma main au dernier article que je requerois quelle ne fust entendue que dung conseiller. Je crains que si la volunté de S. M. estoit de la communicquer a aultre que a vous Monsieur le Conte de Lecestre ne se tint offensé et fust indigne contre moi si je ne lui en communicquois et demandois sa faveur, et pourtant resistat a l'expedition. Pourtant vous supplie me faire scavoir ce que vous cognoissez en cela de lintention de Sa Majeste en me renvoiant pour signe, si vostre advis est que je lui en parle devant que parler a la Royne, ce mot "Oui," que je vous envoye escript en ung papier a part, et retenir a vous le "Non," et au contraire si vous nestes dadvis que je lui en parle me renvoier le "Non" et retenir a vous laffirmatif.—Unsigned.
Addressed: A Monsieur de Burgley, Grand Tresorier de Angleterre. ¾ p. (16. 57.)
Sir William Drury.
1588, Sept. 25.Certificate by the officers and council of the town of Bergues sur le Zoom, given at the instance of Sir William Drury, Governor of that town. Since Monseigneur de Wyllughby, General of her Majesty's forces in the United Provinces, and the aforesaid Governor, have declared to them that false reports have been made with regard to Drury, that many inhabitants of that town withdrew themselves during his governorship, on account of bad government: they certify that during that time to their knowledge no inhabitants have withdrawn themselves on account of any disorders: but that Drury behaved himself in all respects as a gentleman and man of honour: and diligently guarded and advanced the fortifications of the town against the efforts of the enemy.—25 September, 1588.
French. Seal. 1 p. parchment. (217. 11.)
James Colvill, of Est Wemes, to Archibald Douglas.
[1588?] Sept. 28.Thanks him for his letter and good counsel in so weighty a matter, which concerns not himself particularly, but his whole honour and credit in the employing of others. Is sorry that his offer of service should not have been put to proof, but it has satisfied him much, because he has liberty to pass where he is assured to be both welcome and well treated. Yet he would have preferred her Majesty's service to any other.—Edinburgh, 28 September.
Holograph. 1 p. (205. 18.)
Court of Wards and Liveries.
1588, Sept. 29.A brief declaration of the account of George Goring, Esqr., Receiver General of the Court of Wards and Liveries for a whole year ended Michaelmas, 30 Eliz. 3 pp. (139. 188.)
[Don Antonio] to Queen Elizabeth.
[1588 ?] Oct. 3.I arrived here the first of this month and God knows how much more gladly I would have reached Dover. I found Count Stabbe and Filippo Estroci, and Santa Solena most resolute to follow my fortune, and on behalf of many French gentlemen they made me the same offer. From the King of France and his mother they offered me all that I could have wished. I have put off any decision as to my conduct until I can speak with their Majesties, and in the meantime I would beg your Majesty to advise me as to what I ought to do, for you alone are my guide, and my mistress.
You know what harm the enmity of the Spaniards can do to your realm, how worthy of your greatness it is to help one who loves and worships you and is ready to die for you. —Dieppe, 3 October. Signed: II marinaro de E.R.
Italian and Spanish mixed. Sealed with the arms of Portugal. 2 pp. (98. 176.)
The Queen to the King of Scotland.
1588, Oct. 8.Albeit, my dear brother, the mighty malice and huge armies of my hateful enemies and causeless foes hath apparently spit out their venomous poison and mortal hate; yet, through God's goodness, our power so weakened their pride, cut off their numbers at the first that they ran away to their further overthrow. And so mightily hath our God wrought for our innocency that places of their greatest trust hath turned to prosecute them most. Yea every place hath served the turn to ruin their hope, destroy themselves and take them in the snare they laid for our feet, His blessed name be ever magnified therefore and grant me to be humbly thankful, though never able to requite the least part of such unmeasurable goodness! Among the rest of their succours, I suppose your realm to have been supposed not to have been least willing nor the most unready to answer their trust, which I doubt not had answered their expectation if your natural affection towards me and regard of our strait amity had not impeached their landing, which though they never proffered yet I have cause by your promise, vow, and assurance to acknowledge your full intent to have resisted such attempt; and do take your readiness in no less kind part than if the act had been put in execution. And if (which God forbid!) any dangerous course should be attempted against your quiet estate, I will shew myself most ready by all means and force to resist and overthrow the same so as my requital shall ever acquit your kingly overtures. And if any shall (to increase your good favour towards them) instil in your ears to demand such unfit and unreasonable demands at my hands as may not be fitly granted for some weighty reasons, and yet suppose that, for fear you fall to other course, I may be induced to yield thereto, let me use you in this as right amity requireth, which consists chiefly in plain and sincere dealing. Right dear brother, be assured that you cannot nor ever will more readily demand things honorable and secure than my entire good affection shall ever be most ready to correspond you. But if any shall be required that my present estate shall not permit as sure for me, then abuse not your judgement with so contrarious thoughts; for never shall dread of any man's behaviour cause me do ought that may "esbrandil" the seat that so well is settled. Therefore judge not that I will not ever deserve your amity as that you need seek your own ruin by following others' wills, who seek your wrack if you leave your surest friend. And thus, with trust that my true goodwill shall be rightly scanned, I end to trouble you with this long scribbling, with my million of thanks for your most friendly and kind offers, which never shall out of my memory as knoweth the Lord Who bless you with all felicity and many years of reign.
Endorsed: Copy of her Majesty's letter to the King of Scots sent by Mr. Aston, 8 Octobris, 1588. 1½ pp. (133. 86.)
James Colvill of Est Wemes, to Archibald Douglas.
[1588?] Oct. 27.He wrote by Douglas's cousin Richard, but has never had answer. Is ready to keep his voyage in France, with such gentlemen as he can goodly have with him, and as soon as possible; having sold and engaged his lands to that effect. Requests Douglas to put the Queen in remembrance of his intention ever to do her service. His intention is to be in November in the Rochel. He has [written] to Buzanval. Prays Douglas to see if Buzanval can in any sort help him.—Edinburgh, 27 October.
Holograph. Mutilated. 1 p. (205. 20.)
T. Fouller to the Lord Ambassador for Scotland.
1588, Oct.Pardon me that at my last being with you I did not acquaint you with my journey into these parts, for though I had such an intent I was uncertain what alteration I might find in myself in so long a journey as before my coming into Yorkshire where always I meant to go in my business: but remembering my loss of so great a friend and seeing many that were toward him already furnished of friends, some to prefer them to the Queen's Majesty and some to others and poor I (that was as well accounted of by him as most of them) had no friend nor any . . made of me and then knowing . . . great enemies (though God knows undeserved) and that I should have business that in this world would go hard without some such friend or friends as I had none: what might I hope of, why, not so much as Markham the dissembling papist but would triumph over me because as he takes it I letted the marriage of his eldest son with the Scots Queen's woman Besse Peyrepont. And then having some other special discontentments I grew weary of my life there and even desirous of some quiet place to repose myself and give the looking on; and here I knew where to be welcome to some old acquaintance and to some of your friends, but my old fellow and friend Sir James Hume is not a little glad of me I . . . desired to many places but continue still at one, so that I have thought it my duty to make my being here known to some of the Council, though no great matter where I am, and have written therefore to my Lord Treasurer and to Mr. Secretary Walsingham which letters I beseech you get me delivered by some servant of yours as came in your packet from Mr. Richard who . . . with me I thank him this day so . . . I to spend this winter, and ere that be . . . will determine farther. If I live always I will meddle myself in nothing . . . touches the state of these realms. I leave that to you that be ambassador. Stand me in the . . . stead you may in my own cause.—October, 1588, at Mr. William Hume's in the Mersse.
Holograph. Decayed. 2 pp. (203. 82.)
— to Sir Francis Walsingham.
[1588 ? Nov.]In reference to a report against him made by John Blacter and John Druery, Scottishmen. Details the case, which concerns a cargo of corn and linen cloth laden in Normandy in a ship freighted by Blacter for Lisbon. Blacter was ordered at sea by the Lord Admiral to return to France with his cargo, but instead of doing so he came to Southampton and discharged the goods, to the great loss of the owners, whose agent the writer is. Prays for examination of the case by indifferent persons.—Unsigned and undated.
1 p. (203. 106.)
George Pady to the Queen.
[1588, Nov.]Complains that his flyboat, of Leith, has been twice taken by English pirates on her voyages to Dieppe. Sir John Huggon (Wogan) and his 3 sons helped the pirates. Prays for restoration of his goods, or compensation.—Undated.
½ p. (704.)
The Queen to the King of Scotland.
[1588, Dec. 1.]My dear care of your honour and good estate permits me not to overslip any cause wherein I suppose any diminution to befall to either, and driven by so good a ground it will not dislike you (I make me sure) if I write you my mind in such a case. And this it is. The States of the Low Countries, whom you are not ignorant I have and do aid to keep them in breath from the extreme ruin that is meant them, find themselves sorely aggrieved that, at this time of their great need to relieve their own danger, their country's loss and their continual well nigh importable charges, you that profess the true religion and protest such inward affection to advance that cause can find in your heart so great neglect of them and their wants as at this season, so out of season for them, to make a claim for debts owed to your subjects. Which when I heard I could not less do than to make it known unto you how sorry I was to hear of such a proposition, together with the menace of letters of marque, if the speedier it were not answered. Consider, I beseech you, of your dealings in this sort how you shall wound your friends, glad your foes and wrong yourself. Who will believe that you pass of religion that suffers the professors to perish? Yea! who will suppose that your amity is sound to me when you afflict my party? Nay! I pray God the enemy who careth for neither of us make not a scorn of our friendship as thinking it full faint and feeble. I mean not hereby that it is not reason for a king to right his subjects of wrong and to procure in time convenient such seemly remedies as may fit his place and help his vassal's loss. But the most of this consist in the time and for the persons. For, as you shall perceive, a great sum of this great value is not the debt but of other countries and captains whom they rule not, according as at length my servant hath charge to tell you with my most affectionate desire and earnest request that you more regard the cause and time than any private subject's suit. And that it may please you (all these things well weighed) to surcease any preparation that might make show to annoy them; albeit I doubt no whit but they might defend themselves against a greater force, yet let no man say that by your hand they be afflicted that have misery enough. And thus I end with my most affectionate petition that these lines be considered according to [her] heart that writes them who never ceases to pray for your best as God is witness.
Endorsed: Copy of her Majesty's letter to the King of Scots sent the first of December, 1588. Concerning the debt demanded of the States by Colonel Steward. 1 p. (133. 87.)
Warrants for leases in reversion.
1588, Dec. 18.Warrant granting a lease in reversion to Katheryn Hooper alias Hopas, daughter to John Frankwell, gentleman usher.—Manor of Greenwich, 18 December, 1588.
Signed by the Queen. 1 p. (203. 83.)
1588, Dec. 29.Warrant granting a lease in reversion to Matthew Petley, one of the ordinary grooms of the Chamber, for his services.—Manor of Richmond, 29 December, 1588.
Note by Burghley that the suit is reasonable, as he has yielded to have 10l. yearly saved in the custody of Flint Castle, which the Queen granted him. 1 p. (203. 84.)
Lord Cobham to Thomas Milles.
1588, Dec. 21.Touching the Scottishman's cause, as I mean to be at London to-morrow I referred the party to repair to me there, where Mr. Fane my lieutenant now is, with whom I will take such order for his satisfaction as he at his return to Dover may procure. I pray you to inform the lord ambassador of Scotland, and that the party that follows the complaint may come to me then.—Cobham, 21 December, 1588.
Signed. Endorsed: L. Cobham. (203. 85.)
Petition from [Mutineers in Flanders] to the King [of Scotland (fn. 1) ], the Estates of the Kingdom, and Lords of the Privy Council.
1588, Dec. 24.William "Commendatarius Pettywemensis" and other captains, standard bearers and horsemen (milites) who have now served under the Estates of the United Provinces of Belgium many years. We have often by addresses laid before your Majesty how for wages we have spent the best years of our life, the blood of ourselves and our kinsmen, and our lives, not only being deprived thereof but from extreme want of them driven to undergo all things and held in far harder condition than other foreign soldiers (externi milites) who served with us in the same forts, since out of five years and 8 months we have hardly received 18 months wages; and they not only cashier us (exauthorant nos) in the said cause but also permit all the goods remaining to us to go to the judgment of our creditors. They seize our persons, some they imprison, nor do they make an end of their vexations till by the wealth and assistance of our friends we disentangle ourselves from their debt (to which want of pay and the necessity of keeping off cold and hunger from ourselves and our comrades has made us liable) as is contained in the Latin addresses exhibited to your Highness in former assemblies of the Estates. Impelled by which your Majesty enjoined the Estates by your letters that they should enter on some advantageous proportion of our wages to be paid: and when nothing came of it you were careful by consent of the Estates and your Privy Council to appoint Master George Hacket as claimant of the privileges of your kingdom in Belgium, who could negotiate in the matter with them and urge payment of the said debts both according to their bonds and the words of the latest treaty between the two Kingdoms (sic). At length your Highness indulged us, in the latest assembly of the States which were held in the month of May "in Regia vestra Sancruciana," when we implored your supreme aid, that John Forman should be sent thither to protest to the Estates of the Provinces or in their absence to the Council in your Majesty's name that they should pay the said wages within 40 days, and if not that reprisals (represalias) were decreed by your Majesty and the aforesaid Estates against them to the value of the damage and expenses. Although he (Forman) obeyed your commands, yet the forty days have passed without any mention of satisfaction, and the envoys of the Estates seem to be thinking of nothing less than their coming. Wherefore, which alone remains, we humbly implore the supreme aid of your Highness and the Estates and the Privy Council, so that respect being had to the so manifold injury and calamity we have sustained, our right being refused, and for remedy of the right we take counsel in accordance with the words and condition of the former denunciation; and the aforesaid councillors of the Estates I will meanwhile certify by letters that unless within 60 days, to be reckoned from the aforesaid sanction, they send to your Majesty their envoys who shall satisfy us in accordance with equity it has been decreed for your kingly office that we help ourselves by the remedy of reprisals.
In Regia Sancruciana, 24 Dec, A.D. 1588.
Subscribed: "Fiat ut petitur denturque ex Cancellarii prescripto ad Consilium Ordinum quales petuntur literæ."
"Sic subscribitur N. Cancellarius."
Latin. Copy. 2/3 p. (142. 97.)
[Archibald Douglas] to [Lord Burghley?].
[1588, Dec.]In respect of the serious affairs wherein your lordship hath been occupied this time, "bigayn" [begun?] for the commonwealth of this realm, I could not think it [conveni]ent to impeach so good a work in craving answer of my former letters sent to you. But now since that your lordship is returned to Court, and as I suppose at some more leisure, I have taken the boldness to request you as you have been the first mover of my suit unto her Majesty, that now it may be your good pleasure to pray her Highness to [take?] some princely resolution therein; and to continue your accustomed (?) care towards me to the ending thereof.
Draft, unsigned. ⅓ p.
Endorsed: Memoranda by Tho. Holdfort and John Montgomery of the receipt of various sums of Mr. Fowler's money "from my Lord Ambassador," for Mistress Fowler, December 13, 8, and 18. ⅓ p. (167. 132.)
Notes by Burghley of contemporary events, and genealogical memoranda, from 1578 to 1588.
1578 to 1588.The following are the most important:—
1578. Sebastian King of Portugal slain in Africa.
1579. John son of Frederick I. King of Denmark Duke of Holsatia (Holstein) died at the battle of "Siœ."

1580. The Spaniards send a fleet into Ireland and provoke the Earl of Desmond as a rebel to sedition.
France. The Duke of Anjou is received as ruler by the States of Lower Germany by the help of the Prince of Orange, Matthias Archduke of Austria having been dismissed. Anna wife of Philip King of Spain, daughter of Maximilian, was assassinated and died (cesa obiit).
1582, February. The Duke of Anjou from England goes to Antwerp and is there created Duke of Brabant. Gregory XIII. promulgated his bull for reformation of the Calendar.
Frederick King of Denmark coopted into the Order of the Garter.
James Prince of Spain died in November.
Ferdinand Duke of Alba died the same month.
Francis Duke of Anjou tries by force to subdue Antwerp, Dunkirk, Nieuport and other towns in the month of January [1582–3].
1583. The States' forces near Antwerp put to flight, and afterwards Dunkirk, Nieuport, Dixmuth, Hipera and Zutphen recovered by the royal forces. The Prince of Orange departed to Holland to Antwerp, to marry his fourth wife, daughter of Gaspar Chatillion, Admiral of France.
May. Francis Duke of Anjou died in the castle of Chateau Thierry near Paris [sic: 10 June, 1584].
[1584,] 10 July. William Prince of Orange killed at Delph by an assassin named Balthasar Gerard, a Burgundian.
1584. John William son of the Duke of Cleves gave up the Bishopric of Munster and took to wife Jacoba, daughter of Philibert Archduke of Baden.
7 August. Antwerp by surrender was taken by the Duke of Parma.
1585. Cardinal Bourbon and the Princes of the family of Guise enter on a league not to permit Henry King of Navarre to succeed to the kingdom on the death of Henry III. King of France.
1586. August. The Elector of Saxony immediately after his marriage with Hayna Hedorige (?) daughter of the Prince of Anhalt, died. But first he gave Anna, his daughter by a former wife, to John Casimir Duke of Saxony to wife.
Margaret of Austria, foster daughter of Charles V, mother of the Duke of Parma, died.
February. The Earl of Leicester sent by the Queen of England into Holland as Captain General of the English forces.
Francis Drake led a fleet to the Indies and occupied the Island of St. Dominic, and returns to England with great spoil.
The Earl of Leicester returns to England.
A conspiracy against the Queen is detected and the authors put to death, of whom Babington was the chief.
1587. The Queen of Scotland is put to death (morti plectitur) at Fotheringay.
Venlo and Grave at this time are recovered from the Spaniards.
At Zutphen Philip Sydney perished by a blow from a cannon ball.
Henry Ramelius, Chancellor of Christian, King of Denmark Elect, came as ambassador to England to negotiate peace (de pace ineunda) betewen the King of Spain and the Queen of England.
Daventry was betrayed by Wm. Stanley, an Englishman.
Fabian a Dona, lieutenant (tribunus) of Duke Casimir leads an army into France of 5,000 horse and 20,000 foot in aid of the King of Navarre, but being hindered by the army of Guise could not get to Navarre, but was put to flight and returns to Germany.
The King of Navarre when battle was joined slew the Duke of Joyeuse, who had to wife Vadimontia, sister of the Queen of France.
John de Zamoisca, general of the army of Sigismund King of Poland took in battle Maximilian, competitor for the kingdom of Poland, and led him captive to Sigismund.
Frederick II. King of Denmark died in the 30th year of his age.
1588.In the month of June a conference was held at Ostend between the English and Spaniards concerning peace, but the Spaniards had determined on nothing less (nihil minus decreverant). But the fleet of ships which they had been preparing for the space of 3 years, of 125 ships and 20,000 soldiers (militum) and 10,000 sailors, of which the captain was Alfonso Peres Duke of Medina Sidonia, all the Spanish fleet was put to flight by the English fleet, of which the commander was the Admiral of England.
13 December. The Duke of Guise is murdered (trucidatur) by the King; Cardinal Guise is strangled; the son of the Duke, Prince of Joyeuse, is made prisoner.
25 December. The Queen Mother dies.
Holograph by Burghley. Latin. 9 pp. (140. 8.)
Methods for Levy of Money.
[1588 ?]A consideration of diver things that do belong to the execution of that contribution which the necessity of this present time doth require. First: there can be no motion nor authority for levies of money but by especial commission from her Majesty, wherein seeing this is not meant to be an imposition, but a trial of men's affection, there is especially to be considered who shall be her Majesty's ministers to handle this, and from what sort and kind of subjects the contributions are to be drawn. Because the great part of the livings and revenues in England are in the hands of the spiritualty, her Majesty must write letters to the two Metropolitans of Canterbury and York, commanding them to write to all bishops to consider and collect the names of all within their diocese that are able to yield any manner of contribution, none to be dealt withall but such as have 20l. yearly to live on, omnibus viis et modis.
In these letters to the clergy, the present necessity is to be remembered; the charge her Majesty hath been and is daily at out of her own coffers; the quiet they enjoy; the former precedents of contributions by men of their function; that they are fought for while they sit quiet; that the cause of the rebellion in Ireland is pretended for extirpation of religion, and that their example and persuasion is most forcible and necessary. To this title of the clergy, all persons under the jurisdiction of the Metropolitans in all judicial Courts must be added, and my lord of Canterbury director of the form.
In the form of this execution some choice would be made of persons that may lead others by example largely. Further, that all moneys collected shall be sent up to the Exchequer with a perfect book and not detained above 8 days in the hands of the collectors, of which there ought to be very good election.
Think of a good treasurer.
Persons for raising the contributions of the Laity:
For the City of London, Letters to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, with declaration of the cause, the use and the good like to follow by applying a thorough remedy, and not by weak helps, to recover a kingdom so near losing, in which her Majesty's honour, the domains of the Crown and the danger to all good subjects is included.
The like to all cities that are counties within themselves.
None to be dealt withal, not worth 20l. a year, land, leases or fees, or 100l. value in goods.
Note that of all sorts of dwellers in the country, the cornmen are of best ability. [Added:] Maltmen, "Sheepmr.," money men, grasiers.
Persons of several callings, all officers and ministers in Courts of Justice, saving some mean servitors, as criers and doorkeepers; all officers under the Earl Marshal of England, of the Admiralty, the Ordnance; all judges, sergeants, practisers at law, heads of Colleges and Halls; all officers of the customs, all merchants strangers ([marginal note] Ed. II. borrowed money of merchants) inhabiting in all England, this must be executed for the Courts of Justice and all belonging to the law, by the care and judgment of the Lord Keeper, and all principal magistrates of the Courts of Justice. And letters must be written from the Queen and my Lords to them.
Gentlemen that have recusants to their wives. If this be well conducted, and that selected persons prepare the way to others, all men will fall to contribute out of one affection or other, as well as they did when the like benevolence was termed nolens, volens.—Undated.
Additions and corrections in Sir Robert Cecil's hand. 4 pp.
(24. 66.)
Nicholas Errington, Captain of the Ramekins in Zeeland, to (? the Council).
[1588.]Prays warrant for the delivery over of such munitions of war as he received from Sir Richard Bingham in Vlishing, and to take his account for the time, two years: and that the remain may be delivered to the Clerk of the Ordnance there. Also for some consideration for keeping the munition two years. All the men of war in Vlishing and other garrisons are allowed bedding &c., or service money instead; but the Ramekins being no town or village, but only a castle, cannot yield those allowances, nor will the States agree thereto, so he has been forced to provide it at his own charge: also 2 cannoniers and a minister. In consideration thereof the Earl of Leicester gave warrant to the mustermaster to suffer him to pass 20 men without check, which has been continued since by Lord Willoughby. This being taken away by the late new orders of payment by the poll, he beseeches to be continued by warrant, or otherwise to be favoured to yield up that charge and serve elsewhere. Prays allowance towards his charges between the death of Sir Philip Sidney, Governor of Flushing, and the coming of Sir William Russell, being 4 months.— Undated.
1 p. (186. 35.)
The Captain of St. Michael's Mount, Cornwall, to the Council.
[1588 ?]The Commissioners appointed for viewing that place have certified that the Queen has only two pieces of iron ordnance there and that 8 or 9 pieces more may suffice, also that 8 or 9 men will serve for continual guard, if 200 or 150 of the inhabitants of the adjoining parishes may be always at command to serve there. Prays for the necessary ordnance and munitions, and that order be given for the guard as shall be thought convenient; and for the charge to be imposed upon him, he submits himself thereunto, according to the bond in which he is bound to obey the order of the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Admiral, and Sir John Fortescue. Asks authority to make choice of the three next parishes, to train and exercise them for the defence of the place, they being exempt from service elsewhere.—Undated.
Note at foot: "This was never delivered."
Endorsed: "Petition of Sir Arthur Harris, Esq., Captain of St. Michael's Mount." 1 p. (98. 118.)
[Cf. Cecil Calendar III, 382.]
English Divines.
[c. 1588.]Names of English Protestant divines which have written within these 20 years or thereabouts.
John Jewell, Bishop of Sarum (mortuus). Wm. Alley, B. of Exon (m.). James Pilkington, B. of Durham (m.). Robert Horne, B. of Winton (m.). Nicholas Robinson, B. of Bangor (m.). John Whitguifte, Archbishop of Canterbury. Edwin Sandes, Archbishop of York. Thomas Cooper, B. of Winton. Herbert Westphaling, B. of Hereford. John Elmer, B. of London. John Woolton, B. of Exon. Alexander Nowell, Dean of Paul's. John Bridges, Dean of Sarum. Dr. Reyniger, at Winchester. John Reynoldes, D. at Oxon. Laurence Humfrey, D. at Oxon. Dr. Billson, at Winchester. Wm. Fulk, D. at Cambridge. Wm. Chark, at London. Wm. Whitakre, at Cambridge. John Fox (m.). Walter Traverse, at London. Thomas Becon (m.). Robert Some, D. at Cambridge. Meredith Hanmere, D. at Islington. Thomas Cartwright, at Warwick. John Knewstubb, at Sudbury in Suffolk. Edward Deering (m.). John Northbrook (m.). Thomas Rogers, in Essex. Mr. Wilcockes, in London. Gervase Babington at Cardiff. Dudley Fenner (m.). Lewis Evans (m.). Mr. Sampson, at Leicester. Robert Crowley, at London. John Gongs (m.). John Calfehill (m.). Abraham Hartwell (m.). Wm. Bartlett B. of Bath and Wells (m.). John Marbeck. Andrew Kingesmill (m.). John Field, at London. Edward Cradock, at Oxon. Thomas Leaver (m.). George Guiffard, in Essex. Christopher Caerlyle (m.). Pernuall Wibarne, at Rochester. Edward Lyveley, at Cambridge. Edmond Bunney, at York. John Pryme, at Oxon. John Stockwood, at Tunbridge. Oliver Carter, at Manchester. Thomas Lupton, at London. Thomas Brasebridge, at Oxon. Thomas Newton, at Ilford in Essex. Thomas Drant (m.). William Perkins, at Cambridge. Edward Grant, at Westminster.
English Popish Divines.
Thomas Harding D., (m.). Dr. Cole (m.). Dr. Young (m.). Thomas Dorman (m.). Nicolas Sanders (m.). Dr. Feckinham (m.). John Martiall (m.). John Heskins (m.). Richard Shacklock (m.). Gregory Martyn (m.). Edmond Campion (m.). Lewes Evans (m.). Wm. Bristow (m.). Laurence Vaulx (m.). Alanus Coape (m.). Thomas Stapleton. Wm. Allen, Dr. at Dovey (Douai). Edward Rushton about Coleyn. Wm. Reynoldes, at Roan. Robert Persons, at St. Omers. Mr. Rastall, thought to be dead.
18th cent. copy, probably by Murdin or Haynes.
3 pp. (99. 42.)
George Hall to Lord Burghley.
[1588.]There is due to his master Sir Francis Vere for his entertainment from 12 Oct., 1586, to 12 Oct., 1588, 656l. 8s. 1d. As Vere has appointed him to make provision here of necessaries to furnish him into the field this next summer, he prays Burghley to further the payment.—Undated.
Note signed by Burghley: "To be advertised by Sir Thomas Sherleie the state of this debt."
1 p. (186. 164.)
Sir John Brocket and Fulke Onslow.
1588.Letters and papers relating to causes in which Sir John Brocket and Fulke Onslow are concerned, partly relating to the manor of Symonds Hyde (Herts).—Various dates to 1588.
11 papers. (213. 101.)
[Richard Douglas] to [Archibald Douglas].
[c. 1588 ?]As touching that matter ye wrote to me to show the Lord P. touching W.K.J., he was not at court nor in this town. But I sent over a man express with a letter to him containing your mind there anent and that which you had written to me. He answered that he should not fail to come over and deal with him and thereafter advertise you. I hope you shall have no cause to suspect cunning dealing. For surely I believe the party be honest, and I know certainly that friendship to be "sumquhatt" lesser. But however it be you may behave yourself so that suppose they would they should get no advantage. I find very courtesy to me in all things I have to do and promises ever to be your friend in all he may. I pray you write to him and thank him for his good will. He requested me to write to you in favour of one Edward Johnstone, who is at London attending upon a suit he has for advancing of silver for the Master of Gray to the Flanders captains. If you do anything for him let him understand that it is for William his cause. James Melville of Hallhill came to me the o[ther da]y being at the court in Falkland, and asking of your welfare. He said that he had written sundry times to you, but never received no answer; in like manner that, before your departure, ye had promised him a pair of virginals. Surely he is a very honest gentleman and I promised to put your Lordship in remembrance thereof, wherefore it were no great matter suppose you obliged him that far unto you. Roger Ashtone came within these two days to this town to have gathered some money together for Mr. Fowlar and to have written to you. He had ready in his purse about a three score pound sterling in gold and some jewels, which all was taken from his (sic) he being asleep and that has put him in so great dump that he cannot write one word. Amongst the rest was that ring of Mr. Secretary; that is also lost. His Majesty has promised to amend the fault very shortly. I understand by Roger he is minded immediately after this Parliament to come to you to follow his suit; if ye could put it to some good point and cause him remain here, he could serve for better offices, for his absence will do no good. He is very kind and honest in your matters, and has his master his ear as far as any man, and serves me of many purposes, principally when I would have his Majesty quiet. Therefore I pray you if it be possible, stay his coming, and do for him, as if he were there present. The bearer whom you sent would have returned, but I think not necessary to put you to unprofitable charges, when a letter may do as much as he. He prays you to remember his suit as soon as ye may. The Provost and Sesford are earnest requesting for him; and if your lordship could help him, it were well done; for he has long waited upon, and is otherwise no great rich man. I have ever since my coming in this country waited upon your affairs at court and the "session" at my own charges. Surely by the price of my horse . . . bought to follow the court, it has cost me since about . . . hundred pound and never I have received penny of yours . . . nor like to have none before your full restitution. Therefore I pray your lordship remember it lies not in my power . . . this except ye take some other order for me. Mr. Wi . . . Scott desires still to be remembered to your lordship in his matter. And thus I leave to trouble you.
In Richard Douglas's handwriting. Unsigned and unaddressed. Imperfect. 1½ pp. (179. 141.)
Ireland.
[1588 ?]Motives to induce the erection of the office of Clerk of the Pell in Ireland for the keeping of an exact account of the receipts and issues of the treasure and revenues in Ireland, the same being now so uncertain as none but the Treasurer himself can tell what is received or paid, neither is there anybody to charge the Treasurer upon his account for the revenues.—Undated.
3 pp. (181. 71.)
George Blincoe to [Lord Burghley].
[circa 1588.]For answer to your lordship's letter, I find neither evidence nor any other books touching her Grace of Lennox's lands, saving only her will, and the proofs thereof, which be at your pleasure and direction. But as I have good cause to know, Mr. Douglas, late ambassador for Scotland, was trusted by Mr. Fowler, after his departure, with a great trunk full of books, bills, and evidences, all which he still detaineth, saving some few my wife dearly bought in her widowhood, concerning her own estate, notwithstanding your favourable message sent by Mr. Cope unto Mr. Douglas in that behalf, wherefore not unlike that the books now wanting may be found within his custody.
Now I must become a suitor in some injurious wrongs this Mr. Douglas produceth against Mr. Maney, my father-in-law and myself. He finding amongst those writings a bond for 50l. due to one Walker in appearance under my father Maney's hand and seal, in which bond Walker's name was but used of trust by Mr. Fowler, who received full payment and satisfaction thereof, whilst he lived in Scotland, as we shall truly prove.
Notwithstanding Mr. Douglas hath delivered over this bond to one Venstree, administrator to Walker, who hath disclaimed all property in that bond, and yet hath put it secretly in suit against my father. Wherein we beseech your lordship's relief, as also to command for us all other such writings as Mr. Douglas possesseth touching the security of my wife's estate.
Undated. Endorsed by Burghley. Holograph. 1 p. (185. 145.)
The Cecil Pedigree.
1588.Geneaological chart of the Sitsilt (i.e. Cecil) family, 1588.
Vellum, emblazoned. (224. 4.)
Form for Grant of Lands.
1588.Draft form of grant of exchequer or Duchy lands to the yearly value of 100l. 31 Eliz.
Parchment. 1 p. (217. 4.)
Petition of Sir Thomas Morgan to the Council.
[c. 1588 ?]Is appointed presently to depart towards his charge in the Low Countries; prays to have some order set down as well for money disbursed for divers captains, as also for the entertainment due to him and his company, as detailed in his former petitions. Prays them also to appoint some course for the debt of Sir John Norrys.—Undated.
Signed. Endorsed. 1 p. (91.)
Christ's College, Brecknock.
[1588–1592 ?]A brief declaration of the state of Christ's College, in Brecknock in South Wales founded by the late King Henry VIII.
The house of Friars Mendicants, situated in Brecknock, possessed certain closes in the backside of the said house, of the yearly value of 3l., and was dissolved 27 Hen. VIII. and remained in the King's hands till 32 Hen. VIII.
William Barlow, then Bishop of St. Davids, informed the King that there was a college at Abergwillie in Carmarthen, remote from resort, consisting of 22 prebends and parsonages, being several parish churches, and that also they were dispersed in several counties within the diocese, and that the youths of that country wanted teaching, and the people in general lacked preaching of the Word. Therefore prayed the King to erect a college at Brecknock, in the house of the said friars, and to give power to the bishop to translate the College of Abergwillie to Brecknock.
The King by letters patent dated the 32nd year of his reign erected and founded at Brecknock a college by the name of Christ's College, and ordained that there should be a free grammar school and a lecture of divinity to continue for ever in the said college. And that the prebendaries and parsons aforesaid should be there also resident.
There hath been continually answered by the now incumbents and their predecessors yearly in tenths and subsidies 40l., and the first fruits of the said prebends when they happen to become void.
Nevertheless William Typper and Robert Dawe have procured the said 2 colleges and their possessions and the 22 parish churches to pass by letters patent from her Majesty as concealed, in fee farm for the rent of 40s. whereby they seek not only to have the said college etc. subverted, but also her Majesty to be disinherited of the tenths, subsidies, and firstfruits, amounting to about 100 marks per annum.—Undated.
1 p. (185. 151.)
The Catholic League.
"Bref discours sur la Ligue."
[1588.]Details measures for preventing the crown, on the death of Henry III. without issue, from passing to the King of Navarre or the Prince of Condé. The Cardinal de Bourbon is declared the true successor.—Undated.
pp. (246. 122.)
The Queen to the Justices of the Peace and others in various Counties.
[Before 1589.]Requires her Highness's officers in Kent, Sussex, Hampshire, Dorsetshire, Gloucestershire, Bristol, Somersetshire and Monmouthshire, to be aiding and assisting William Holstoke controller of her ships and George Wynter clerk of the same, to seek out, apprehend, and commit to prison all such disobedient persons as since the time of her Majesty's last pardon have received prest and conduct money to serve her in her ships, and never came to their appointed service: as also all such as after they did appear departed from her service without sufficient licence by passport.
A like letter to her Majesty's officers of Suffolk and Essex for the aiding of Thomas Morley keeper of the Queen's storehouses, Edward Lambarde and James Umffre and to any two of them.—Undated.
Endorsed: "An order to be taken for disobedient mariners, gunners and soldiers that hath been prested to serve the Queen's Majesty upon the seas." 1 p. (99. 10.)
Sir William Stanley.
[After 1588.]Eight Englishmen which were of Sir William Standlies regiment, and are now minded to come into England: Serjeant Davie, Father Haddocke, Rowland Smyth; William Harris; Jhon Jhonson which hath been lying in Spain, a slender youth of some 18 or 19 years old with a red head; Mathewe, a taylor, a little short fellow with a long black hair; Robert Daniell. Minshewe, sometimes a serjeant under Sir Francis Vere, and now an egregious villain, and hath an exploit to work for Monsr. La Mott. He is of a short stature, black and grey headed.—Undated.
Endorsed: Names of bad persons. Names of persons that are to come over. ½ p. (205. 113.)
Francis van Angor and Sara her daughter to the Queen.
[After 1588.]Are restrained from the making of starch by the late proclamation. Pray for licence to make 2 cwt. weekly for the Queen's household, which they serve.—Undated.
Note by E. Stanhope thereon.
½ p. (1795.)

Footnotes

1 See the Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, IV. p. 325, where Geo. Hacket is called "Conservator of Scotch privileges in Flanders."


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