Cecil Papers
1589

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Institute of Historical Research

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E. Salisbury (editor)

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1915

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399-426

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'Cecil Papers: 1589', Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, Volume 13: Addenda (1915), pp. 399-426. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=112049 Date accessed: 01 September 2014.


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1589

"876" [Laird of Pury Ogilvie] to "Secretair" [? Walsingham].
1588–9, Jan. 8.I have written oftentimes to your L. since my here coming, but know not if you have received them or not. In my last letter which was dated the 24 of December at midnight, immediately after the Duc of "Gwis" his death which was the 24 in the morning, I showed you the whole matter as it fell out, as immediately after my coming to Paris I advertised you by "wreitt" that the King would "ressaent" himself "scortlie" [shortly] of the barricades of Paris. I advertised you also of such news as was in Flanders for the time, and now being now almost "irkitt" in receiving no answer, it [sic] will receive this my last letter.
The most part of the people of this country and the whole great towns are so "inanimatt" against the King for this "laeitt facte," and especially this town of Paris, and that partly by the fear they have that the King shall "rewaeng" the barricades, but most part by the "predicatwrs," who stays not most seditiously to cry out against him in open pulpit, comparing him to Nero, Herod, and such other cruel tyrants, calling him "fils de putaen," and making the whole people to believe that he is become already a plain Huguenot, in so far that the doctors of Sorbonne has declared him excommunicate ipso facto by their common law, in putting hands in [sic] a cardinal; upon the which "wuertewr," these of the "Cowrte de Parleament" minds to protest in declaring him unable and unworthy to be King, or to govern over any Christian or Catholic people. The King abides with the "aesteitts" [? Estates] in "Bloaess" [Blois], "denwide" [? denuded] of all force, having his whole guards and all the rest of his forces about Orleans; for the which cause Paris is to send 500 horsemen and 4,000 footmen to their support, the 9 or 10 of this instant; and Monsieur du Maine did write yesternight the 7 of this instant to Monsieur d'Aumale, governor here for the time, that he should be in this town "bwt" [without] fail the 13 day of this instant, with a sufficient troop of men. De "Pirnone" (D'Epernon) is passed to Prowance for men to his Majesty, and the King is daily looking for the incoming of the "risters" [reiters] and Swisses. Their people are to "schwis" [? choose] Dumaeine for their Viceroy, and says plainly that if they be not able to defend themself that they will render themselves to the King of Spain. But when all is done, in my opinion the King shall triumph: "Morte la bestia, morte el veneno"; without the King of Spain take a plain dealing into it, and that all this "brawarde" that thereof the "laewg" [? League] does make, is only for to find the better "draess" at his Majesty's hands, being bellua multorum capitum. There is already a voluntary contribution made in Paris for the uplifting of soldiers, every "paris" [parish] to their "wicaer" [vicar], which as I hear it counted by some of the "wicaers" themselves will extend to above a million; besides that they think to "wair" all their relics, the ornaments of their kirks and jewels upon the "waer" [? war]; such is the zeal of the clergy, who esteems the matter to touch them nearest. Duc Mercurie and De La Schater are in Nantes with some forces. The Protestants has taken Niorte in Poitou, and wants not one town in all that country but Poitiers, which they hope to have shortly. The Queen Mother died the 5 of this instant at 7 of the clock, not "bwitt" [without] suspicion of poison, although the wisest sort suppose her to have been the deviser of all this that the King has done. The Cardinal of Bourbon and the Queen regnant are both sick, which augments the opinion of those that believe the Queen Mother to have died by poison.
As for our matters of Scotland, if I knew not your L. to be sufficiently acquainted with them I would impart such news as I have received. For the present, people agrees so well there that the Master of Gray being at a great strait can have no longer patience, for the which cause he means to speak with you shortly. "Or" [ere] it be, I shall advertise you at length, therefore keep it to yourself. All our people has subscribed in Scotland, not "bwitt" [without] the "awayss" [advice] of those that are here, in doing as Plutarchus writes of Lysander, taxillis pueros viros jurejurando decipiendos. As I receive your answer I will declare the mystery of their matters to you. I have remained here as yet in suspense upon your answer, and therefore desires either "maeitt" or answer, for as for my own part, oportet vivere et si non superos tamen Acheronta movebo; yet I will abide the "insche" as I have done the "spane"; and if there be anything in particular wherein I may do you pleasure or service, you have the power to dispose. I am desired here to receive a "schaerge" [? charge] with sufficient wages, which till longer time I have taken to "awayss" [advise]. Paris, 8 January, 1588. "876 H."
Addressed: "Secretair." Endorsed: "876 H P."
2 pp. (16. 71.)
James Colvill of Est Wemes to the Lord Ambassador [Douglas].
[1589 ?] Jan. 15.He wrote a letter to Douglas with Edward Johnston, but it was not delivered to Johnston by negligence. He doubts not but Douglas has received the King's letter. "All that lies in me at no present occasion I leave undone." Minds shortly to see Douglas. Offers services. Asks for licence for the bearer to transport bows. —Edinburgh, 15 January.
Holograph. Endorsed: To Douglas. 1 p. (205. 25.)
T. Fowler to [Archibald Douglas].
1588–9, Feb. 21.I pray you pardon my long silence [which] is but for want of convoy, and I am ashamed still to trouble you with these my causes of small importance. My wicked good father I perceive by all continues his evil dealing towards me and his daughter. He wrote me a letter of late that angered me, and I have answered that will not greatly please him. Always he would pay no money to my wife of the debt he owes me until the end of 2 years, and offers interest, which I have answered him I will never consent unto, for if he die in the meantime it is all gone and lost, I know why. And for the order of delivery of the conveyance made to my wife, I have written already so much as I may agree unto. If they will not perform those conditions, let them advise, for they shall never have it otherwise. And yet my wife shall not lose by it. He hath in effect charged me with intent to cozen his daughter, but such is his own dispo[sition?] . . . other to have [2 lines obliterated] . . . and that Mr. Secretary hath given it over. If it had I had appointed my servant to pay his Mrs. [? mistress] 20l. thereof, though if your L. knew all you would think she needs no money. If she carry herself well, as your L. writes, I am glad, and it will be good for herself; for she may well see how her parents deals with her, that will not let her have that I have appointed of mine. I have written to her uncle, who wrote to me that seeing he hath taken bonds already of him, so they be good they shall stand. But I would have Mr. Holford's opinion in them, lest he deceive his uncle, who I take to be honest. And I cannot (I see) take out of his hands without offence the assurance of the money owing to my wife's use, for she hath made choice of her uncle to be trusted therein. I understand that Mr. Secretary is like to be out of court a long time, which I am sorry for. I shall want him for mine own particulars. I beseech you advertise me if there be no other cause than for his health. I would be sorry there would, for he is my only stay under God. There is no matter here but your nephew knows better than I, but in his absence I will write of such as is. Would God it were in my power to do you any service.—Edinburgh, 21 February, 1588.
[P.S.]—I thought Mr. Richard should have been the bearer himself; but for that he tarries yet 8 days, and goes journey, I take this convoy.
Address obliterated, except "in Lyme Strete." 1½ pp. (16. 79.)
Bothwell to [Thomas] Musgrave, "Captain of her Majesty's Castle of Beaucassell."
[1588–9,] Feb. 26.Loving brother. I have received your 3 several letters almost all in one day, for since your departure I came not at Beaucastle till first I understood your letters to be before me. By them I find no other doing in you than I have ever expected, so that I hope ye look now for no compliments at my hands, since our mutual goodwill "or" [ere] now passed compliments. I rest always while I live to carry one thought, one mind, one heart, "wt. Beucastell." Her Majesty's most gracious favours by me as yet undeserved: neither yet ever able to acquit: are such that further for recompense than honour and life have I not to bestow. Both shall rest to be employed at her meanest thoughts. Thus, brother, whatsoever you have promised in my name, be not "affreyit" if it lay in my possibility to perform, but this my handwrite shall ratify you; though I were assured that Bothwell's "carcage" therein should smart, yet Beaucastle's word shall not be endangered. As to my Lord Treasurer, whose greatest courtesies I am bound unto, I can say no more, but if his misfortune after so many great "soulagements," shewed to all distressed, hath been such as few or none hath had perhaps acknowledgment thereof, yet shall he find one, though for the present abject, yet in mind grateful for so great a benefit who shall not spare, since by his good help I may attain to my own, to fell the whole for her Majesty's service and his advancement. I intend to write particularly to my good Lord Admiral whose friendly duty by my letter be [by] the first that comes betwixt I shall acknowledge, thinking me very happy that my unfortunate banishment hath drawn me to so fortunate a friendship as his, whom both for duty, and in respect of his office, I have cause to honour, hoping some day we shall, by both our Sovereigns' commandments, concur and "exonur" ourselves honourably of that service it hath pleased their Highnesses to honour us withal. It will please you also to salute my Lord Chamberlain, rendering his honour very hearty thanks for his constant goodwill shewed to his servitor my good friend Cuthbert Armour, which I account no less than the friendly favours shown to myself. I would have written to his Lordship, but it was not thought convenient till afterward. But I shall send at my Lord "Burrus" upcoming one of my own, who shall yet go farther than is gone, and farther than any other can go. Sir Robert Cecil's friendly goodwill I cannot with silence overpass, but must take it as of the hands of the son of a most honourable father, whose worthy qualities do sufficiently declare his progeny, so "tayit" to them both, having but one affection, I must leave it to them to be used and disposed upon at their pleasures. Thus thinking this my goodwill shall be lovingly accepted, expecting the continuance of his (sic) fatherly and brotherly goodwills, which always I crave to be extended no further than they find my truth, honesty, and innocency to "demerit." I wrote unto you of before, and sent that I promised; but by your letters I cannot find you have received them, so for all occasions I have of new sent again, which it will please you receive. Weary not of your there-being, for if wishing might grant my desire I should soon be in your place, and you at home, always "douring" your "abayd"; neither shall you nor they who are here lack anything. They of whose welfare you are most desirous to hear are well, longing and lingering for your homecoming whose greatness ere your "retour" will be sufficiently enlarged.
Travail with my Lords to use expedition, for time is short, and "be ous" [by us] nothing "les minit" [less meant] than any welfare to your State, and if this by all probability I shall not make clear, I am content to lose credit, if therefore they be deceived "vayt" theirselves.—Beaucastell, 26 February.
[P.S.]—Brother, I pray you bring me a night cap, so well embroidered and perfumed as you can cause make, with two pair of boots and two black castor hats. As to your bay horse which my Lord of Cumberland desired, "give" [if] my Lord Duke had been in "thir" quarters I should have dealt with him, but he is with his Majesty at this "fuliche red" of the north. When soon he comes home I shall return you answer.
Holograph. Endorsed: Bothwell, 1588. 1½ pp. (16. 82.)
Deed of Assignment by William Anderson, Scotsman.
1588–9, Feb. 26.He began and has continued "the regiment of a work tending to the perfection of a medicine called 'universal,'" at the charges of Dr. Josephus Mychely, the profits being equally divisible between them. In 1585 he assigned one half of his share to Archibald Douglas. As Mychely cannot continue the further charges, he is content to retain the third part of the same. The present deed assigns to Douglas another quarter of the same, on the payment to Anderson of 40l. sterling.—London, 26 February, 1588.
Signed by Anderson and Douglas. 1 p. (16. 76.)
"876" [the Laird of Pury Ogilvie] to Lord [Ambassador Archibald Douglas] "786."
[1589, Feb.]I received your L. letter the 8th of February. The (ac)tions of this country are great, and such as for the present work greatly to your people their disadvantage, especially to those who do [? not] consider matters superficially. But things are become of late so intricate here, that I fear nothing more but your people shall count without your host, for the King is not able for the present to have . . . . . exaction failzie emprunt or impost of any country of France, Limousin and Angouleme excepted, which are but of mean importance, so that deficiente causa, deficitt effectus, and if your people and princes had as great courage to pursue as apparently they are resolved to defend their cause were won, but being bellua multorum capitum I believe that action being pretermitted, they shall "caithe" nothing else but repentance. The King remains in suspense till he receive answer of the Pope, from dealing with the King of Navarre, being of the opinion (the Pope his friendship being always preferred to the other) quod si non superos tamen [movebo Ache]ronta. It is understood here for certain that the French Amb. Willi[. . . .] . . . . . has taken his congé of her Majesty, he should have been stay . . . her, saying these words, you shall stay as yet, for you will he . . . . . lie news out of France and this 14 days at least before . . . . . of "gwis" [Guise] his slaughter, upon the which there is instrument . . . . and sent to Rome to his Holiness, for verification of the Ki . . . intelligence, with heretics, besides that the execution of the Q[ueen of] Scotland, is thought most part to have been through his privy i[ntelli]gens with the Q. of England and his particular hatred against [the] said Q. of Scotland by reason of the house of Guise. It is thought by some here but of the unwisest sort, that the King does "lippin" for money of her Majesty. So far as I can understand of them that know not little, their broils are able to end by composition sooner than the most part supposes, for the King will leave nothing unoffered for satisfaction of parties and as I can learn Madam d'An . . . . mowr is put at liberty, who with the Queen is to come to this town one of the two days, to deal with these princes and since Maen cannot be made to life again, the next remedy is to honour the du[ke's] bairns with their "fayer" [? father's] his whole prerogatives, honours and estates, and with their uncle his benefits, which I understand is already offered by the King. I remit the ample declaration of the particulars till the Master of Gray his coming, who is to be shortly at you. This jealousy or rather confirmed malice and hatred of the K. of Spain . . . . wards the Prince of Parma does them both great hurt. The Prin . . . . of Lorraine takes journey shortly to Florence: the Duke had great . . . . . shortly "aloift," some says to have surprised "Lwik," and others thinks it was for the defence of the marquisate of Ferrara which the Duke of Savoy thought to have invaded. As for my own part my advertisements has been but slender yet, but there is shortly greater occasion of advertisement to be offered as touching your L. self. I will continue not only in writing but in doing what I can for your standing or advancement and hope the like of you. As to stir out of this town upon uncertainties I think it not good, and as concerning the subvening to my necessity it is not so great, I thank God, for I did never pin my dinner to that uncertain hope nor expectation, fearing that the same should have been no less foolish than that of which the poet makes mention, rusticus expectat dum defluat amnis at ille labitur et labetur in omne volubilis evum. I am also pressed here of late in respect of the Earl of Huntley his great credit, which daily augments as we are in particular advertised, I am pressed as I say to return to Scotland with some particular directions, but so unlikely to take effect that I am to suspend my judgment, remaining in this town upon that letter of exchange till near the end of March, which if it come I shall immediately thereafter follow such a course as shall deserve more than thanks, otherwise if the "meil" come not "ye schal tine dow nocht." As for the stuff you wrote of, there is enough of it in this town, always do in it as you think good, and as concerning my letters I shall follow your direction, as for my "graithe" it is not mickle worth, but it is better at some times to be happy nor wise, always as I have been ever seemly with your L. so will I request you to be caution for the 6l. sterling and to despatch my geir in the first ship that comes, and I am content it be allowed in the first part of the letter of exchange if any be; otherways your L. shall be satisfied at your own contentment. I will give your L. no fair words but you shall not find your great courtesies lost nor bestowed on any ungrate man. I commit your L. to God, my affectionate and humble duty being remembered to your L. self, my Lord Doctor, Mr. William, Mr. Jhone, Mrs. Baett and all the rest of your L. good company.— From Paris, 876.
Mr. Scott has written out of Spain that the navy shall loose from Lisbon the 10th of April, he writes to my Lord of Glasgow that he is to come with the navy himself and that William Hunter is in prison. We are to have shortly word in particular whereof I shall not fail to advertise you in due time.—876.
Holograph. Much damaged. (205. 70.)
J. Hamilton of Everton, to Archibald Douglas.
1588–9, March 2.Would write oftener to his Lordship but has not the commodity by reason of the great troubles in these parts.
The King is presently to retire to Tours where he will establish his Court of Parliament and then thinks to dress his army to make to the fields. In the meantime the King of Navarre comes forward with an army of nine thousand footmen and three thousand horse and thinks to pass Loire at Saumur ["Somure"] and so to come forward on them of the league to fight them. The King looks for many strangers; for the present he is the weakest party of the three.
The prisoners that were had "till Amboyes," that is the Cardinal of Bourbon, the Duke of Guise, and Duke D'Elbœuf, the King has brought away and has them presently with himself.
He [Hamilton] has the Duke of Guise in keeping as yet, but trows he will be put in some stark castle shortly.
For particular "noveles" of the King's house, the King has made Bovaye [? Beauvais] Admiral of France. Monteny, Captain of the Ports that was, is made "Furist Master Housall" [? First Master of the Household]. Monsieur Dampiere and Baron Derius is marshals de camp. The Cardinal of Vendome has gotten St. Denis, with the "helle ay be sy." [? whole abbacy]. The Conte of Sueson [? Soissons] is great beside the King and well treated. And to conclude, great troubles and like to be daily more and more. What course the King takes, God willing, we that is Scotsmen shall be found true to him. Captain "Gres" [? Grey's] innocence is known, God be praised, to all our honours, and he is at liberty. So I beseech you to esteem of me as your faithful servant, wherever I may have the "moyen," for I have ever had friendship of your Lordship. I fear we want nothing but "quhyt thrid," which will be our wreck; otherways we will triumph. I trust God will help us. Montmorenci marries his daughter "on" the Grand Prior of France. The "princes" [? Princess] of "Loren" [Lorraine] is parted "till" Florence the 27 of February. The King of Navarre has "tene" [taken] Louden in Poitou, and is ready to take Chetelaroye [? Chattellerault]; and then all Poitou is assured to him.—Blayes (Blois), 2 March.
Holograph. 1½ pp. (17. 101.)
G. de Prouvency to Mr. Allen.
1588–9, March 4.Io spero par la gracia de Dio che V. S. sara ben tosto di ritorno con molto buono espeditione. Sapendo si per certo che sopra la primiera domanda absoluta di S. Mta. noi saremo liberati. Non é bisogno di rinfrescar a V. Sma la memoria de cose passate; giugnero solamente ch' il magistrato stesso piglia a sdegno & fastidio grandissimo le facende donde mei nemici usano contra di me; piangendo-si di difetto d' autoritate. Il qual mi fa piu desiderar l' ajuto de S. Mta. Il signor de Russell ritornando, overo il signor di Sidney succedendo nel governo di Flissinge non ricusarano maj d'adoperar-si con V. S. in caso di bisogno; come io ne ho gia scritto al Signor di Walsingham, dal detto Signor di Sidnei essendo avisato ch' egli era gia arrivato nel detto governo. Mai poi inteso ch' egli sia ancor incerto prego V. S. di servir-si de l' uno ò l' altro secondo l' opportunita, come de quei chi sarranno molto degni di poter far-mi questo bene et honore come a lor servitore et humilissimo et fidelissimo. [A] V. S. non ho io maj fatto piacer ne servicio chi habbia meritata l' affectione ne la cordialita ch' essa mostra per effetti nel negotio mio; pero, la mia liberta —, rendra questo mio animo di tanto piu obligato a tal servicio et ricognoscenza che potrete richieder dun povero gentilhuomo vostro servitore mai fidele chi va basciando le mani di vostra Signoria.—D' Utrecht iiij di Martio 1589, stylo veteri.
Endorsed: "iiiith of Marche 1588 (sic). Deventer to Mr. Allen." 1 p. (166. 1.)
George Henderson and others to the Ambassador of Scotland [Douglas].
1588–9, March 4.They beg his favour in the matter of their licence to sell salt in Lynn and in the ports thereabouts.— Lynn, 4 March, 1588.
1 p. (203. 86.).
Fra. Walsyngham to Archibald Douglas.
[1589 ?] March 6.I thank you for the advertisements you sent me touching the conference between the L. Amb. of Scot[land] and the other party that takes upon him to be Rector chori. I would be glad also to know what has passed between them this afternoon, to the end I may be the better able to direct my course as may best further that which may be for the public good of both realms. Her Majesty is pleased that you should in her name advertise the Master of Gray of the novelties come lately out of France, whereto it behoves him to have an eye. For if the K. have any dealing underhand that way without his privity, it is a sign that his favour is not so sound inwardly as outwardly, is professed.—At the Court, 6 March.
Holograph. 1 p. (199. 15.)
The Queen to the King of Scotland.
1588–9, March 16.I am driven through the greatness of my care for your sure estate to complain to yourself of yourself, wondering not a little what injurious planet against my nearest neighbours reigneth with such blindness as suffereth them not to foresee their hanging peril and most imminent danger. Shall I excuse them, they know it not? I am too true a witness that ignorance cannot excuse as having been a most near spy to find out those treacheries. Must I say, they dare not? Far be it from kingly magnanimity to harbour in their breast so unseemly a 'gest.' Have I no excuse to serve them for payment? Well then must I wail that I cannot mend; and, if there befall them mishap, I am not guilty of such disaster. Yet can I not desist, though I might be discouraged, to beseech you in God's name not to overslip such happy occasions as it hath pleased God to reveal unto you. For if, when they be at your side, you will not make yourself a profit of their wrack, how will you catch them when they are aloof from you? Let too late examples serve you for pattern how dishonourable it is to prolong to do by right that after they are driven to do by extremity. Yea and perchance as being taught to take heed they will shun the place of danger, and so your danger worse than the others. It had been for honour and surety never to have touched them so slightly to keep them in a scorn in durance to be honoured with your presence with all kindness and soon after to be extolled to your dearest chamber. Good Lord! What uncouth and never heard of trade is this! You must pardon my plain dealing; for, if my love were not greater than my cause as you treat it, I should content myself to see them wrecked with dishonour that contemns all loving warnings and sisterlike counsel. I pray God there be left you time (you have dealt so untimely) to be able to apprehend and touch such as dares boldly through your suffrance attempt anything they list to bring you and your land to the slavery of such as never yet spared their own. I know not how gracious they will be to you and your realm. When they get footing they will suffer few feet but their own. Awake, therefore, dear brother out of your long slumber and deal like a king who will ever reign alone in his own. If they found you stout, you should not lack that would follow you and leave rotten posts. I marvel at the store you make of the Spaniards being the spoils of my wrack. You writ me word not one should bide with you and now they must attend for more company. I am sorry to see how small regard you have of so great a cause. I may claim by treaty that such should not be, but I hope without such claim (seeing your home practices) you will quickly rid your realm of them with speed, which I do expect for your own sake, not the least for mine. Of whom you may [make] sure reckoning, if you abandon not yourself, to be protected by for ever. And thus I end my . . . asking a right interpretation of my plain and sincere meaning and wish ever to you as to myself.—1588, March 16.
Endorsed: "Copy of her Majesty's letter written by her own hand to the King of Scots." 1 p. (133. 82.)
The King of Scotland to the Queen.
1588–9, March 18.I were too inexcusably to blame of inequality if I should press by complements of words to countervail your actions towards me at this time in the careful, kind and friendly acquainting me with such intercepted letters as might concern my person and estate. My thankfulness then must kythe in actions, which you may assure yourself shall at no time be spared for the welfare of your person, estate and country. My diligence in the meantime for trial of these practices I remit to the daily report of your ambassador here; and for the obviating of those and the like assaults of Satan against this isle I have herewith directed unto you my trusty and familiar servant, the laird of Wemyss, as well by establishing a solid friendship amongst us to strengthen this isle against all the avowed invaders thereof, as to crave your advice for my particular behaviour in preparing myself and country as the necessity of the time shall require, and specially how to settle my estate and person in such respects as may be required of one of my age and calling; but remitting the particulars hereof to my ambassador whom I pray you firmly to trust I will, with my many and heartiest thanks unto you for your so loving using of me at this time, commit you to the safe protection of the Almighty.—From my palace of Holyrood House the 18 day of March, 1588.
P.S.—I pray you, madame, to cause hasten here the Commissioners of the Low Countries, for the reparation of their debt is craved by some of my subjects.
Holograph. Seals. 1 p. (133. 83.)
John Broun to the Ambassador for Scotland [? Douglas].
1588–9, March 19.Asks him to commit to the bearer Mr. Richert, Douglas' cousin, "all that may be had of that geir which I look for against his returning." Richert has power to receive the same in his name.—19 March, 1588.
1 p. (203. 87.)
Names of Mourners appointed for Blacks.
1589, April 21.Chief mourner, Lady Russell. Trainbearer, Lady Cheke. Principal mourners, Ladies Veare, Cobham, Hunsdon, Stafford, Cecil, and Mrs. W. Cook. Among the "assistants to the corpse" are Sir Thomas Cecil and Mr. Robert Cecil. Total 315 persons.
Endorsed: 21 April, 1589. Corrections by Burghley. 1 sheet. (203. 88.)
Inhabitants of Brecon to —.
1589, April 24.Giving their consent to the employment of certain monies collected, in the manner proposed by the Bishop of St. . . .; and praying that the Bishop may be discharged from any further suit therefore. List of names (copies only) follows.—April 24, 1589.
Roll 3 yards long, damaged. (212. 4.)
Statement of Clement Draper, prisoner in the Fleet.
1589, May 1.Appends copy of deed by Henry, Earl of Huntingdon, promising his discharge from prison and the delivery to him of certain bonds. Complains that he is still detained by Huntingdon and others.—May 1, 1589.
1 ½ pp. (141. 147.)
The Queen to the King of Scotland.
1589, May 2.Though I would have wished that your sound counsel oft given you and my many letters intercepted which made too plain a show of that high treason that too late you believed might have prevented your over great peril and too much hazard, yet, I rejoice with who is most gladdest that at length (though I confess almost too late) it pleaseth you so kingly and valiantly to resist with your person their "oultercuidant" malignant attempt; in which you have honoured yourself, rejoiced your friends and confounded (I hope) your proud rebels. You may see, my dear brother, what danger it breeds a king to glorify too high and too suddenly a boy of years and commandment, whose untimely age for discretion breeds rash consent to undecent actions. Such speak ere they weigh and attempt ere they consider. The weight of a kingly state is of more poix than the shallowness of a rash young man's head can weigh. Therefore I trust that the causeless zeal that you have borne the head of this presumption shall rather carry you to extirp so ungracious a root in finding so sour fruit to spring of your many favours evil acquitted rather than to suffer your goodness to be abused with his many excuses for colours of his good meanings. Though at the first your carrier was not the best yet your stop will crown all. If you now do not cut off clearly any future hope to your nobility through this example never to combine with foreigners or compact among themselves to your danger, I vow to God you will never possess your dignity. Living weeds in fields, if they be suffered, will quickly overgrow the corn; but subjects being dandled will make their own reins and forlett another rein. My affection to your surety breeds my plainness which I doubt not but by your sour experience you will fully "seasine" hereafter, having lately proved the sincerity of my dealings. God so prosper me in my affairs as I malign none of your subjects nor ever would exaggerate any matter but for your surety, whom I mind ever to take as great care of as if only the interest of my life and person consisted thereon. This gentleman the L. of Wemys, I find a most careful subject of his prince and one most curious to achieve as much as you committed to him. In which I doubt not but I have satisfied you in honour as much as time and commodity serve with which I will not molest you more than refer to his declaration, with this only that no one answer to all but proceeding from a most perfect good affection toward you and so I desire with most affection that you interpret it.
I must not omit for conscience sake to speak a few words of the Master of Gray with whom I have had long discourse, in which I find him the most greediest to do you acceptable service that I have ever heard any and doth lay none of his disgraces, banishments nor loss in any part to you but only to persuasions of such as meant his ruin; and hopeth with his good endeavour to merit your former grace. And for my own I am nothing partial to him for his particular but this I must confess, being as honest as he is sufficient, I think your realm possesseth not his second. I now speak upon my knowledge, therefore lose not so good an instrument for your affairs, if you know no more against him than I can learn. You will pardon my audacious writing as one whose years teacheth more than her wit, never ceasing to lift up my hands and heart with devout prayer for your most prosperous, safe and sure success in this voyage for which I have sent you but to pay for horsemeat.
Endorsed: "2 May, 1589. Copy of her Majesty's letter to the King of Scots written with her own hand and sent by the Lord of Wemmys." 1½ pp. (133. 90.)
"876" [Laird of Pury Ogilvie] to [Archibald Douglas].
[1589,] May 14.After the receipt of your first letter, I spake my Lord, who thought very well thereof, desiring me to write in more particular, as I did, and in the meantime promised to sound his Majesty's mind towards that purpose, but thinking it requisite to deal with him first in some domestical offices, as he did with the rest of his confederates in Dumferline, which not succeeding according to their designs, as I doubt not but you have heard at length, he had not the opportunity since to deal with his Majesty in this particular, but doubts not but by process of time matters shall come well, and assures me that his Majesty's dealing is far different from their other Lord's expectation, as shall be seen by experience, and that shortly. It is thought that the Master of Gray shall come home by the Chancellor's mean in odium tertii, and shall have his benefice of Dumfermling, for anticipation of the which my Lord of Huntlie is to be pressed by some Catholics to give over the benefice to the Master, or to some particular friend in his favour, and that with expedition, but I fear my Lord's avarice shall be a stay not only to that but also to many other good offices.
I write to you in all things "confide." His Majesty is to make upon my Lord Maxwell the 20 day of [May] whereupon there is no small appearance of great trouble to . . . is so great distance between our Northland Lords and him, that . . . is able to do him no greater pleasure than the expectation of the Spanish navy, which made him to come home so soon. I have not spoken with my Lord since the receipt of your last letter, and therefore can give no determinate answer thereto. For my own part, as I am obliged to be careful for his Majesty's standing and the weal of the country, as far as in me lies, so am I no less bound of courtesy to you, whereof I hope with time to revenge myself. I accept my good Lord's and friends excuse in good part. Your overture is very good, and after I have acquainted my Lord therewith, I shall write to you at more length, but I fear his lordship's credit to be diminished. I am sorry that his Majesty will not take some solid course, which in my opinion shall never be so long as he is bewitched with the Chancellor's untrusty dealing. If it shall chance any reconciliation to effectuate between your lordship and him, by some of your friends' intercession, who mean honestly, do as our Hiland man does in putting bars on the door, for as Lysander said, taxillis pueros, viros jure jurando decipiendos. I would write at more length if I hoped not shortly to visit you, for I am to pass to France within this month at farthest, for such cause as I can not show as yet, and because I am uncertain whether I shall be permitted to pass through England or not, not being at my own devotion, I will pray you to recommend my service to my good Lord and friends, and show him that if I pass not through the country myself, I will write to his lordship, that I may have his address in these parts over sea.—From "Owersie" the 14 day of May.
Addressed: "To the Richt honnor. His assurid frinde, 867 H."
Holograph (signed 876 H). Seal. 1 p. (185. 148.)
The Queen to the King of Scotland.
1589, May 19.Since your late too true experience, my dear brother, hath even with the victories of your rebels made sufficient acquittance of the slander foully made of my most true and unfeigned advertisements, so am I replenished with joy that my dear cares have accomplished my behoofeful desires for your most needful warnings, and give my lowliest thanks to the high God for His glorious goodness shined upon you with His favourable eyes; hoping that you will shun now, having this advantage, the future peril that such attempts may breed you and that you will fear through such negligence to tempt too far the wrath of him that gave you this upper hand. For if pity of the parties that never remembered you whose former offences were not so old that the memory thereof needs be forgotten, neither yet the new falling, even to the same offence, which promiseth small hope of ever amends may serve, I will not persuade myself that a meaner than a king will ever tolerate so oft, so dangerous and opprobrious contempts. Small honour, wisdom or foresight will the world throughout suppose in that prince that will for fond liking or harmful remorse peril his own bane. God forbid you should lose the reputation of a kinglike rule that so unlike a king would work your own reproach. For they be actions no words which paints out kings truly in their colours. And there be so many viewers of their facts that their disorders permits no shades nor will abide excuses. I beseech you, therefore, despise not the work that God hath framed nor yet contemn the counsel that your assured gave you, and neglect not the many warnings that those men's own demerits have laid before you, nor forget the danger that your own person hath narrowly escaped, but finish this treason with justice which no man may reproach but every creature laud. Take me, my dear brother, aright as that creature that ever shunneth to take blood but of those that might and should have betrayed the innocent, and in such cases the less evil is to be chosen. Of malice I speak nothing, God is witness, but for your best is all my care and so I hope you will rightly interpret all my texts, which all shall ever tend to your most safety and true honour. Let me figurate before your eyes what should be the danger if these principals should be scanted of their right. They are the same men; they live and love you not with whom they have practised. What should rule you to trust their courtesy so far as to have it ready in their hands to take you as they meant, make you another prince's prisoner and captive, subvert your realm and translate it to the owner of another country? If the hope of all these dangers might not lie upon the trust of so often and so late offenders you might perhaps be seduced by dangerous advice to moan them and ruin yourself; but when you behold this table I fear not so perilous an act. And thus I end my foolish but loving discourse, receiving much contentment that your valour amid most danger encouraged your faithful, daunted your traitors and joyed your friends.
Endorsed: "Copy for her Majesty of her H. letters written with her own hand to the King of Scotland the 19th of May, 1589." 2 pp. (133. 91.)
Henri, King of Navarre, to Lord Burghley.
[1589, May 20.]Mon cousin. J'avois envoyé le Sieur de Pujols, mon conseillier et chanbellan ordinaire, vers la royne, votre souveraine, pour se conjouyr avec elle de l'heureuse et grande victoire que Dieu luy donna sur l'armee d'Espagne, qui se peult veritablement dire le commencement de la ruine de nos communs ennemis et de l'esperance du bien et repos de la France, sy tant est que le roy, Monseigneur, veueilhe paraschever les bons et heureux commencements. Mes ennemis m'ont tenu si occupé par l'armee, et j'ay esté si travaillé de l'extreme maladye de laquelle il a pleu à Dieu me visiter, et m'en delivrer aussi par sa grace, que je n'ay peu plustost rappeller le dit Sieur de Pujols. Je le mande maintenant venir et je luy ay commandé faire entendre à sa Majeste les dessaings que j'ay pris pour le bien publique dont je luy escripts bien particulierement, et ay charge le dit Sieur de Pujols de m'en porter son bon advis et responce, et pareillement de vous en communiquer, m'asseurant et vous priant y aider de vos bons moyens pour la bonne affection que j'ay de tout temps recognue que vous me portes, de laquelle de mon coste vous pouves faire certain estat comme de celui qui est, votre bien affectionné et asseuré cousin Henry.
Endorsed by Burghley: "20 May, 1589. K. of Navarre by Peujols." Holograph. 1 p. (133. 92.)
A copy of the above. (133. 92a.)
Munitions for Ireland.
1589, June 7.Warrant for the supply of munition to Sir George Carew for Ireland.—Palace of Westminster, June 7, 1589.
Much decayed. 1 p. (203. 89.)
Rattke Swartte to David Schinckell, Königs-strasse, Lubeck.
1589, June 10.Is always glad to hear of his health, and that of his friends, and thanks God his own is very good. Came to Lisbon on May 3, as he has already written, and went where the factor, Lucas Walter, had appointed. Does not yet know what he shall do with Schinckell's goods, but has consulted with good people. . . . When the English came into the land, his ship and all the rest were taken to serve, so that they could be no further unloaded, and the rest of the goods are still in the ship. And when the English came before the city, (fn. 1) the Cardinal [Archduke Albert] had all the corn set on fire and burnt, that the enemy might not be victualled. Schinckell's corn was burnt with the rest, but the Cardinal has declared to the people that he will pay for all. What remains and is still unsold will sell well, because it is now so scarce (?) Hopes for better times shortly as the English have now withdrawn, and then he will see what trade can be done. As regards the ships, he cannot yet write certainly. They have now been there a month, and do not know what will be done with them; whether they will be freed or kept longer. . . He cannot well write of what has happened there, which will be better told by word of mouth. News has come that the English have disposed (?) of their [the Portuguese] ships but he cannot get certainly to know how many, or if they are here, or at Setubal (Sunt Hubers).
Peter Losche, Jacob Mattyesen and Juan Peter Slin have sailed. Knows of nothing further to write, but now they [the English ?] have left this land, hopes things will improve. Prays him to share this with the other partners, and to greet all friends on his behalf.—Lisbon, June 10, 1589.
Postscript.—If he has to go from hence, they shall hear what happens from Joachim de Wyttz, and Jacob is ordered to give all information, whether about money or goods.
Written in a clear German hand, but in a curious mixture of Flemish and German, so that the sense is sometimes doubtful. 2¼ pp. (203. 90.)
Ry. Thekeston to [? Lord Burghley].
1589, June 16.The Queen bestowed on Thomas Hemingwaie and Anthony Bartlett, (fn. 2) her servants, a lease in reversion to the value of 33l. 9s. 7d., the particulars of which value were rated by [Burghley]. Certain parcels so rated, i.e. lands in Hirathoge, Denbigh, were afterwards passed by [Burghley] in the book of Mr. Alexander, of the Stable. They desire that a parcel of the manor of Devece (Devizes), Wilts, be inserted in place of the above.—Undated.
Holograph. Endorsed: 16 June, 1589. Mr. Thexton of the Pipe Office. 1 p. (214. 24.)
Will of Sir Roger Williams.
1589, June 19.Addressed to Mr. Ashle. Gifts specified for Mr. Secretary Walsingham, the Earl of Essex, Colonel Hunter, Mike Clifford, cousin to the Earl, Lady Rich, little Ned Morgan, and Mr. Baskerville.—Bayonne, 19 June.
Endorsed: 1589. 1 p. (203. 92.)
Malivery Kattelyne.
1589, June 25.Warrant, unsigned, granting to the widow of Malivery Kattelyne, a lease in reversion.—Manor of Whitehall, 25 June, 1589.
Note by Sir Francis Walsingham that the Queen grants a lease. 1 p. (203. 93.)
J. Wemys to Archibald Douglas.
[1589, June?]Since I had not opportunity to see you before my departure I must crave your pardon, for the necessity of my affairs urged me so that I could not stay. Write to me as occasion serves, as I shall not omit any commodity whatsoever. At my being here I have made an appointment with Michell Balfour, and his family agreed. Therefore it will please you to certify the judges of this, to the effect his cautioners may be freed and discharged.— Undated.
1 p. Damaged. (205. 24.)
Joachim Dewitz to James Brokes, Lubeck.
1589, July 8.The English are in the "Kronaia" (Groyne). The 27 of May they were at Venice, and the 28th landed 12 miles from Lisbon. The people also rose for 2 or 3 days, but not above 500 Castilians took the field, which alarmed them and thinking they were betrayed they betook themselves again to the town and occupied the suburbs around; and seeing that so few Castilians would make a stand, they [the English] also advanced to the suburbs, and much repenting of their coming, threw some of them [the Castilians ?] into the water and set fire to the corn boats; whereby much damage has been done. On June 2 they arrived here before the town with great secrecy, and burnt all they found; and on the 5th finding their ships in the harbour, they took to the water again. The small castle in Cascalis was surrendered to them. God be thanked, they departed on the 18th of June, with the ships of the Easterlings.
Most of the merchants' goods have been lost; the corn saved of Claus Jansen's consignment I put in the granary but it also was burnt. The English took the Blick [i.e. "Glance"] of Lubeck and have got away with her, and I see no way to recover her. J. L. writes that it is so difficult to get here on account of the English. Certain ships came this summer to St. Hubert; Jacob Mattiessen is there who was with the English at Cascalis but fled in the night. Jacob Hollander was also with the English, but got away by strategy with his ships and 55 men and has arrived here.
Our ships have been taken and stayed by the French and others: the English harass them daily. What corn is not lost will be eaten by worms. Drake has taken his course toward Spain, therefore no more corn has come hither this summer from our land.
The rest of the letter concerns merchants' affairs.—Lisbon 8 July, 1589.
German. 4½ pp. (166. 138.)
[Anne] Countess of Warwick to — Michell.
1589, July 15.The Queen has willed that his bill should be drawn. He is to signify the Queen's pleasure to the Lord Treasurer.—The Court, 15 July, 1589.
Signed. 1 p. (2329a.)
Spanish goods brought to Weymouth.
1589, July 28.Inventory of goods brought into Weymouth and Melcomb Regis from the coasts of Spain and Portugal in a French bark called the "Katherine."
1 p. (142. 102.)
"Marie Wems" (?) to Archibald Douglas.
[Prob. 1589 or later.]I have received from my son John "Wemys," out of London, a letter and an obligation purporting to be made by Patrick Turner and Robert Graham in your favour for the sum of three hundred and three score English pounds, with a condition on the back of it with a power made by your Lordship to my son or any other in his name to sue for the same; on receipt of which I began an action before the Lords of Sessions, wherein Robert Graham (for Turner is out of this country) has assigned to him the 10th of November next following to "improve" the obligation omni modo quo de jure. I know you would never have taken a bond that was bad or disposed of such to any one, and am well persuaded myself of the truth. But I would request your letter to testify to the verity of this "erand." For my own part I am more curious for the trial of the truth than for any gain; one of them is out of the country and has made shipwreck of that which is here; the other is present, but little will be had of him save corporal pain, in case he be not fugitive; for I hear he has provided himself for this and other obligations of the like kind.—From Edr. [Edinburgh] this 1st day of August.—Undated.
Signed. 1 p. Addressed: "To ye Right honorabill Mr. Archbald Douglas, personne of Glasgow, and one of his Mateis honorabill Counseill." (179. 165.)
Warrants for Leases.
1589, Aug. 10.Warrant granting to Edward Darcy, one of the Grooms of the Privy Chamber, lease of the manors of Ebbesham, Sutton Cullesden, and the rectory and church of Ebbesham, Surrey, upon the determination of the estate of [Sir] Francis Carew therein.—Nonesuch, 10 August, 1589.
Signed by the Queen. 1 p. (203. 94.)
1589, Aug. 10.Warrant granting to Sir Henry Woddrington, marshal of Berwick, a lease in reversion of the value of 100l.— Nonesuch, 10 August, 1589.
Signed by the Queen. 1 p. (203. 95.)
Robt. Constable and H. Wylsford to the Council.
1589, Sept. 7.Of a levy which they have made of 1,000 men in the city of [? London] according to the Council's letters of the 12th of this month.—London, September 17, 1589.
Signed. 1 p. Much damaged by damp. (213. 76.)
Debts to the Queen.
1589, Sept. 20.Certificate of "Sperat" debts due to the Queen in the Remembrancer's Office, 20 September, 1589.
30 pp. (245. 4.)
Disturbances at Portsmouth.
[1589?] Oct. 12.Examination of witnesses taken by Thomas Uvedale and John Whyte by virtue of a commission from the Council, (fn. 3) between the Earl of Sussex, plaintiff, and John Jennens, late mayor of Portsmouth, and John Umfray defendants.—October 12.
Relates to various contentions between soldiers and townspeople of Portsmouth.
24 sheets, each one signed by Thomas Uvedale and John Whyte. (210. 15.)
[Anne] Countess of Warwick to Lord Burghley.
1589, Nov. 4.Upon her request the Queen has granted to Mr. Michell a lease in reversion of his dwelling house &c. at Windsor. Prays Burghley to rate it at one year's fine.—The Court, 4 November, 1589.
Signed. ½ p. (2329.)
Masterless Men in Essex and Herts.
1589, Nov. 18.Commission to Lord Burghley, Lieutenant of Essex and Herts, for the redress of the great disorders and misdemeanours tending to outrage and rebellion which have been and daily are committed by soldiers, mariners and other vagrant and masterless persons and sturdy vagabonds, which wander up and down seeking to move tumult, insurrection and rebellion; requiring him to appoint provosts marshal with assistants, to apprehend and commit the same.— Westminster, 18 November, 32 Eliz.
Parchment, 1 p. (217. 5.)
Mr. Wardour.
1589, Nov. 22."Mr. Wardour's last bill exhibited to my Lord Treasurer, and my master's answer to it." Concerns the prerogatives of his office of (Clerk of the Pells?).— 22 November, 1589.
pp. (203. 96.)
Journeys of Peter Vaerheilius.
1589, Nov.Account of the journeys of Peter Vaerheilius of Upsala, in Sweden, Denmark, &c.—September-November, 1589.
Latin. (326. 3.)
John Rotheram to Lord Cobham.
1589, Dec. 2.As to land in Cliffe (Kent), claimed by his Lordship's bailiff, Thomas Browne, and the seizure of his tenant's corn by Browne. Prays Cobham to leave him to his ordinary remedy in the matter.—December 2, 1589.
Signed. 1 p. (213. 75.)
"M[inute] to F."
1589, Dec. 6.Illustrious Sir, I hope you received the cipher I sent about ten days ago, together with the copy sent by another way. I have anew informed her Majesty of your perseverance in her service, of which she heard (not long ago) by means of our common friend who went last into Spain. I assured her moreover, that you were most desirous, upon opportunity, to engage in anything which might be to her advantage; and she charged me to certify to you her thanks for your goodwill and her assurance that she will remember it in time convenient. To return to my reason for writing, I will repeat that it is founded on the opinion I formed from our first communication that you would do what was humanly possible to procure, for the common weal of Christendom, a settlement of the discord now reigning among the princes in our part of the world, which is now grown to such extremity that, if not settled by the goodness of God and the mediation of some good instrument, it will certainly open the way to some strange transformation among them, since ambition of reigning cannot be restrained within bounds. It is therefore easy to see how necessary it is both for the Princes of Italy and for the Queen my sovereign to maintain the balance of Europe; for which she has done, and will do, her part. But, if that Prince whom you serve, who has already acquired the reputation of wisdom, should be willing to share in this policy, as the interests of his own state required, I reckon that at present he should have a great opportunity to do so; and thereby to acquire lasting honour for himself, and for Europe rest from the thousand calamities which have afflicted her these many years. Even if the pride of the Council of Spain disdain any settlement by the mean of that Prince or anyone of Italy, as it is most careful to take from them any means of increasing their reputation, the necessity is so evident that one may believe that his interposition will be welcome; and there is reason for it since his Highness has recently made alliance by marriage with the House of Lorraine and, if he does not wish King Philip to usurp to himself for ever the name of preserver of the Catholic religion, his Highness ought to put to his hand therein specially on that account. On either hand are manifest dangers. If the King of France, a young and valiant prince, reduce his subjects to obedience he may turn all his forces against Lorraine and carry his arms into Italy. On the other hand if he should be overcome and it fall to the King of Spain to divide France, and appoint a prince of his own promotion to that part which he cannot retain for himself, Italy will evidently become his prey, and under the shadow of that proud title of Preserver of the Catholic Religion he will make temporal laws at his will. It seems then superfluous to point out to you the position of the Grand Duke, your master because I am sure you know that if Spain prevail in France and harass the Queen, my mistress, with continual war your master cannot stand any more than the other princes of Italy, King Philip having occupied in his state and the others the places most suitable for compelling them at his pleasure; nor is it any obstacle that he favours and aids the Duke of Savoy to aggrandise himself, because, all depending upon his forces, he exalts himself the more and thereby abuses the other states of Italy. Among these perils I do not doubt that the King of Spain may reap other fruit than he looks for, as indeed in these five years he has not gained much advantage; and therefore as the wars of men should not be immortal and he is much hindered by old age and by the weakness of his only son and by the intolerable burden of such great wars at one time, it is likely that he will rejoice at any opening for a settlement and will not obstinately refuse reasonable conditions. Everyone knows that in these cases of injury and offence pretended among princes it is customary to forego restitution for the sake of future peace, and commit them to oblivion; but the cause of religion, which will always render every settlement difficult (as King Philip alleges that he cannot grant any toleration to his subjects of Flanders) may with his honour be remitted to the assembly of the States of the Country who are accustomed to participate in the sovereignty of that government, and upon them the King may advantageously impose the burden of that deliberation, following the examples of the Emperor Charles, his father, the Kings of Bohemia (where the Pope himself has permitted some toleration) and the father of the present Duke of Savoy. If all that cannot move him he will doubtless defer to the impossibility of the enterprise, in which he is to-day further back than he was in 1566, when he sent the Duke of Alba into Flanders, where the successors of the Duke of Parma have served only to dazzle him with a false hope of final victory. If the Grand Duke moved by self interest and by the interests of his relatives of France and of all Europe shall think good to turn the mind of the princes interested to a general settlement (since a particular is impossible) he will open the way to penetrate the ambitious designs of King Philip, and when these are made manifest to the world it will be easy either to repress them or to compose them with honest conditions. I shall gladly hear your opinion and what you think you can promise to do in this important affair. May God preserve you and grant you long life.
Endorsed: 8 December, 1589. M. to F. [name crossed out.] Italian. 2¼ pp.
[Apparently the minute of a letter in which the portions represented by the words in italics are underlined with a view to their being put in cipher.] (167. 8.)
The Pope's bulls against the Queen.
1589.Notes of an advertisement apparently intended to be put forth by the Queen in answer to attacks on her contained in papal bulls, or perhaps to the book referred to in the next entry.
Endorsed: Waste copies of the Advertisement concerning the force of the Pope's bulls and curses.
Rough drafts on loose sheets, chiefly in Burghley's handwriting; greatly altered and corrected. 17 pp., imperfect. (138. 222.)
Marguerite, Queen of Henry IV., to Elizabeth.
[1589?]Je vous ai tousjours estimée prinsesse tant aconpagnée de justise et de bonté, que par le raport d'une partie vous ne vouderies condaner l'autre sans l'ouir. Ausi, Madame, ne me veux persuder qu'estimies si peu la bonne voulonté que je vous ai dediee que laisant apart tout autre respaict, vous voulusies pour quelques calomnies diminuer de l'amitié qui vous a pleu me prometre. Ses raigans me font esperer que n'ajouteres foi aux maves ofises que par votre lettre, je me suis apersuee que l'on m'a voulu faire an votre androit; ce que je vous suplie, Madame, de croire estre chose invantee ausi malitieuxsemant come je me promes par le tans et mes actions vous an donner certene connoissanse et vous faire paroitre que je vous ai tourjours esté et vous veux demeurere autant que l'ares agreable. Votre tres afectionnée soeur a vous servir. Marguerite.
Holograph. 1 p. (147. 61.)
Walter Wikes. (fn. 4)
[1589.]He showeth that there have been heretofore sundry commissions directed to certain gentlemen of Gloucestershire as well for the apprehending of divers traitorous persons, and finding out of seditious books, as also the redress of his wrongs received by them, for his service to her Majesty in the discovery of their treacheries tending to the overthrow of the State, from anno 1566 till 1572.
The practices discovered were the aiding of the Duke of Norfolk with the Queen of Scots. Sir Walter Dennis and Richard Dennis combined with the Duke. 10,000 foot and 500 horse to be furnished. The Dennises at their own charge 500 foot and 150 horse, which money was to arise out of certain lands which they sold to this petitioner's brother for 5,500l.
Preparations of great men allied to the Duke discovered. A seditious book made by Thomas Dennis against her Majesty.
Darke and Smith detected by him, and their treacherous speeches revealed. They were supported against this petitioner by Sir Thomas Throckmorton, Sir John Throckmorton, and Sir Nic. Pointz, by bribery and corruption, and he by all the means they could make discountenanced, and his accusation discredited in the Court, and his death sought.
He hath further matter to discover in secret.
He referreth himself to the report of Sir Wm. Knollis, Mr. Mildmay, Mr. Brunker.
He craveth letters from her Majesty to certain commissioners for the hearing of all these matters, and certifying of his oppressions, from anno 1566 till 1572, as also since; for the better discovering of practices heretofore used to overthrow Sir John Perrot, your lordship, the Earls of Derby, Shrewsbury, Hartford, Worcester, Cumberland, Huntingdon and Pembroke; revealed heretofore to the L. Chancellor, Cobbam, Bukhurst, Asheley.
He offereth to discover certain treacherous speeches uttered in his hearing by one Cantrell and Phillippes of Pickby at the Bath. The treason not to be attempted till the K. of Scots be 32 years old. They would have used him in some matter to Sir John Perrot, wherein some evil meaning appeared in them towards him.
Cantwell used those speeches, that there was no landing within 100 miles of London, for that her Majesty's power was ready to encounter them; nor within 40 miles of Milford, so long as Sir John Perrot was in credit, and that being a Protestant he would not be won. Phillips replieth that gold and silver would wrest the hearts of princes; and that if he would not consent, it was but to print his name in a piece of parchment and to set it to a letter to be showed to her Majesty.—Undated.
In hand of Edward Reynolds, Essex' secretary. Endorsed: Tho. (sic) Wikes. 1 p. (186. 168.)
Philip Earl of Arundel to the Queen.
[1589 ?]Prays to receive indifferent dealing at her Majesty's hands. Since his first coming to the Court, nine or ten years since, it has always been his desire to please her, but she gradually became estranged from him, protected his adversaries, and gave bitter speeches of him, without informing him of the grounds of her displeasure. Of his examinations by the Council, the command to keep his house, when nothing being proved against him he was restored to liberty. Refers to the unjust condemnation of his grandfather: the speeches of the then Earl of Southampton to Sir Christopher Heydon with respect to it: also to his father's case. Protests his innocence, and attributes his persecution to his religion. Details the reasons which led him to think it his safest course to depart out of the kingdom; and writes to inform the Queen thereof, so as to remove all occasion of suspicion. He would not have taken this course if he might have stayed here in England without danger to his soul and peril of his life.—Undated.
Copy in 17th cent. hand. 16½ pp. (242. 1.)
Causes of the Earl of Arundell's Indictment.
1589.His letters to the Guise requesting them and the Prince of Parma to be in readiness with men and munition to help the Spaniards at their landing in England.
His letter to Queen Ellen to the same effect.
His prayer for the prosperity of the Spanish fleet written with his own hand.
His departure to go to the Prince of Parma with an intent to levy an army in the Low Countries to come into England, and before his departure by his letters requested the Papists to be present at such time as he should return.
His description to the Papists in the Tower of the huge army of the Spaniards and the small number of the English.
It is his request to Bennet a priest to have every day three sundry masses of the Holy Ghost for the Spaniards' good fortune and success.
Bennet's answer that there is a mass newly established at Rome against schism most expedient and necessary at this time.
His determination and conspiracy with the prisoners to surprise the Tower and murder the Lieutenant.
His relieving with money the known traitors.
He was surnamed at Rome Duke Phillip of Arundell, and supposed, being the Queen of Scots was dead, to be the only man to be chosen King of England.
That certain years past by the consent of the Pope, Queen Ellen and such others, there was chosen 20 resolute persons and desperate to have murdered her Majesty, and to have drawn her by the hair of the head through the city of London, amongst which troop there was one Paine and the rest were openly rehearsed before him, unto whose practice he was privy.—1589.
Copy in 17th cent. hand. 2 pp. (242. 9.)
The Earl of Arundel.
1589.Valuation of manors &c. escheated to the Queen by the attainder of Philip late Earl of Arundel.—1589.
(284. 2.)
John Bull to the Queen.
[c. 1589 ?]One of the gentlemen and organist of the Queen's chapel. For lease in reversion of the forest of Radnor. —Undated.
Note by J. Herbert, that the Queen is moved to grant the petition, but requires further information. 1 p. (615.)
James Pryoe to the Same.
[1589 ?]For a lease in reversion, for his services as ordinary yeoman of the chamber.—Undated.
Note by W. Aubrey that the Queen grants the petition. 1 p. (1604.)
Simon Johnson to the Council.
[1589.]He is factor for certain merchants in Amsterdam, who loaded aboard the Red Cock and the Peter of Lubick goods which were afterwards taken by Sir Francis Drake on the coast of Portugal, and brought into Plymouth, and there found by sundry marks. As no part of the goods belonged to the Queen's enemies he prays for their restoration. —Undated.
1 p. (186. 77.)
Enclosure: List of wares, with their marks, in the following ships: the Red Cock of Lubick: the Peter of Lubick, Harman Stuevinge master and owner: the Red Harte of Hambrow, Herman Backer master and owner.—Undated. [See Acts of the Privy Council, 2 Nov. 1589.]
1 p. (186. 76.)
Sir Thomas Morgan to the Same.
[1589.]The Queen appointed Morgan, being Governor of Berghes op Zome, to the office of Lieutenancy to the Lord General of the forces in the Low Countries, with entertainment of 40s. a day, to begin on June 12, 1588; and the Council have since confirmed the same. He begs for their warrant to Sir Thomas Sherley, Treasurer at Wars there, for payment of arrears due to him.—Undated.
1 p. (186. 106.)
The Queen's Leases.
[1589.]Accounts relating to a lease purchased by the Queen from the Countess of Leicester, and to other leases. Farmers: Lord Burghley and Sir Walter Mildmay.—Undated.
(289.)
Kirkham's Case.
[1589.]"Some observations from the examinations, answers and proceedings in Kirkham's cause."
Relates to transactions in certain leases. Mr. Willoughby, Mr. Vaughan, Mr. Carill, and Sir Walter Mildmay named. Kirkham married a niece of Sir Walter's. Mention of Sir Walter's death at Hackney, 31 May, 31 Eliz. (1589). The parsonage of Gaysley, Suffolk, Warington parsonage, parsonage of Hemingfield Grey, and Norbery manor and the Abbot's house in Kent, mentioned.—Undated.
4 pp. (2134.)
The Earl of Leicester's Manors.
[1589.]Values of various manors appointed to be extended and seized for the remainder of the debts of the Earl of Leicester yet unpaid. Manors of Balsall 150l., and Ichington Longa 100l., Warwickshire: Cleobury and Earnewood, Salop, 100l.; Wotton Underedge, Gloucester, 50l; messuage Leicester House, Middlesex, 50l.—Undated.
Endorsed: Sr. Chr. Blounte. ½ p. (2280.)
The Protestant Religion.
[1589.]General syllogism and chief parts of a most impious and virulent book published by the League against the Protestants.
1. By nature and reason, religion and practice of nations, kings are officers made by and for the commonwealth, and not for themselves; and may also be admonished, chastised and deposed by the commonwealth if they be tyrants or hereticks.
2. But the King of Navarre is not only a tyrant but worse than a pagan or Turk and is a relapsed heretick.
Ergo the nobility and subjects of France may and ought to take arms against him and to depose him. By the way, he most maliciously laboureth to shew that:—
1. The religion of the Protestants is far worse than paganism, Turkism or any old heresy.
2. The Protestants have troubled and overthrown all commonwealths where they prevailed.
3. No faith or credit is to be given to Protestants howsoever they promise or swear.
4. King Henry VIII was, and our gracious Queen is, a tyrant and heretick; and her Majesty hath moved and maintained all the rebels of Europe against their princes.
5. The late King Henry Valoise was a most wicked tyrant, heretick and dissembler.
He concludeth by an exhortation particular to the nobility of France animating them against their king.
Endorsed: Contents of a libellous book against Princes Protestants. Rough notes. 1 p. (138. 232.)
M. Hotman to Archibald Douglas, the Scotch Ambassador.
[1589.]Quelc'un de mes amis m'a dit que vous avez cette derniere declaration du Roy. Je vous supplie me la prester pour ce soir seulement; et me faites cette faveur de me renvoyer s'il vous plaist les cinq feuilles escrites a la main touchant la condamantion et procedure contre la feue Reine d'Escoce que je prestay a V.S. il y a pres d'un an, ensemble un petit livre contre le feu Conte de Leicester, intitule Flores Calvinistici.—Undated.
Holograph. 1 p. (179. 161.)
John Luff to Archibald Douglas.
[1589 ?]Asks for the return of his "power," that the skipper of his ship Robert Jameson made to him, and other papers, touching the freighting of their ship with William Naper. Has written to Douglas before with regard to Douglas's benefice of Orkney most earnestly, for the welfare of Douglas's sister's children; for he desires nothing of him for naught, but to pay him as much as any man will do for that benefice. Asks for his answer in the matter. Asks his protection for John Blaiketor, mariner, who has business to do before the Admiral of England. Douglas's sister and the rest of his friends are in good health.—Undated.
1 p. (98. 150.)
Alexandro Bono to Archibald Douglas.
[1589 ?]Thanking him for his kindness to the writer.
Italian. No date. Addressed: "Lord Ducles."
Holograph. 1 p. (98. 44.)
Vincent Skinner to Mr. Hicks.
[1589 ?]As to the petition of William Burwey, pricker of the Stilyard, to "my Lord" [Burghley], to obtain the like fee for his attendance as a waiter about the Stilyard as the Queen lately granted to the other 16 waiters who attend at other wharves and quays, which petition has been referred to the writer. Details his proceedings in the matter. Has drawn minute of a warrant following precedent, which is mistaken in being directed to "my Lord" and the Chamberlains; it should be to the Treasurer and Barons. Opinion of Mr. Alderman Billingsley on the matter. Sends also an application for a "protection" to make a collection for a church in Kent, wasted by fire. Prays him to submit it to "my Lord."— Tuesday, ult. February.
Holograph. 1½ pp. (99. 6.)
[? Florence McCarthy] to [Fearfessa McDonogh].
[1589.]Letter in Irish, with following translation—"Which in English is:—That I chanced for a remedy of the overmuch melancholy that my solitariness here alone all this year brought upon me, to write somewhat in Irish for the Queen's Majesty, which I do purpose, to the end she may understand it, to cause the whole sum of the matter, as brief as may be, to be put in English, by the help of my friends here that are skilful and learned in their own language. And being persuaded that there is hardly any in Ireland more skilful in your own language than yourself, or that searched more and took more pains to seek it, nor any also more faithful and trusty to me, to afford me your help to your uttermost endeavour, for the said work that I have written, or for whatsoever I should have occasion to use you. Although I do assure myself that I shall have great favour and some liberty whensoever I deliver it, I do not purpose ever to finish it, neither will my mind be in quiet before you come to me, to afford me your help therein, besides what other business I have with you; therefore I pray you, if you wish me life, or ever to see me, fail not (without regarding any other affairs) to come to me presently upon receipt of this letter. And I undertake that you shall understand that it shall not be in vain for you to come, and that you shall have no longer stay, but about some 20 days. I do not think but that this is enough because I am sure that you will without regarding anything else come presently as I say. The 'Twore' of London such a day: To fearfessa me donogh buy oncanty."—Undated.
The translation is in McCarthy's hand. 1 p. (205. 82.)
Sir William Wynter's device.
[1573–1589.]The plan of Sir William Wynter's device for roasting, boiling, and baking.—Undated.
(Maps 2. 18.)
Richard Jeffreys, chief smith of the Queen's works, to the Queen.
[1581–1589 ?]For a lease in reversion of lands in tenure of Robert Maryet, in consideration of services, and accidents befallen him.—Undated.
Note by Dr. Valentine Dale, that the petition is referred to the Lord Treasurer.
1 p. (285.)
The Council of Wales.
[Before 1590?]Royal Warrant appointing the Earl of Shrewsbury Lord President of the Council of Wales.
Draft, apparently never executed. Undated. 1 p. (185. 122.)

Footnotes

1 Under Don Antonio, on June 3, n. s.
2 See their petition in Calendar of C. P., part iii, page 415.
3 See Acts of the Privy Council, under date.
4 See Calendar of S.P. Dom., 1581–1590, pp. 147, 589.


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