|
| Thomas, Lord Burghley to Sir Robert Cecil. |
| 1601–2. Feb. 7. | I am bold to make you acquainted with
certain articles enclosed herein, which I mean to present at the
Council table to-morrow. I desire you to have due consideration
as a councillor and a feeling towards me as a brother, and to
censure it with justice considering the place I hold as chief
magistrate to her Majesty there, that cannot endure to receive
a disgrace to the place by so proud and arrogant a person.
Acquaint my Lord Admiral, my Lord of Shrewsbury and the
Earl of Worcester with that cause that I may receive an
honourable satisfaction. I mean afterwards to acquaint her
Majesty herewith myself.—This present Saturday.
Endorsed.—"7 Feb., 1601."
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (85. 16.) |
| [Sir Robert Cecil] to Mr. Nicholson. |
| [1602] [Jan.] | Because her Majesty hath been informed many
ways of the King's noble and advised proceeding concerning
the employment of some of his subjects into Ireland, moved
thereunto as well out of his desire to declare himself an enemy
to the enemies of God, (for this was proclaimed upon the arrival
[of] the Catholic army), as also in regard of his private affection
to the Queen's person and the interest of this kingdom: her
Majesty is very careful to prevent all inconveniences, how little
soever, which might grow to him by the alteration of the proposition: for which purpose it pleased her Majesty this day to
command Mr. Secretary Herbert and myself to acquaint Mr.
Fowles with that which followeth, to the end that the King
might be timely informed before he had further troubled
himself with the matter. |
| First, her Majesty required us to tell that she knows the King
is not ignorant that in all councils of State (especially concerning
projects for auxiliaries) many things are held fit at one time to
be propounded which a little while after may appear inconvenient: and therefore in this case her Majesty knows that the
King will leave to herself the choice at all times in using his
people in other form than shall seem best in her own judgment,
and for the good of her service. This being therefore her
Majesty's conceit of the King's mind, she is pleased now that he
shall be acquainted with the reasons of her forbearing to employ
the Scots. |
| First, the inconveniences which may arise to the service by
the condition of those islanders.
Next the charge which is required for maintaining them. |
| Of the first, it appeareth by all here that know their disposition
that such is the nature of those islanders as they cannot be
contained from disorder, being never possible to be made
compatible with English discipline: wherein her Majesty hath
read that even some of those in Scotland that should have been
the head in setting forth the levy, have advised themselves
that of necessity some Lowland men must be levied with them
for prevention of notorious confusion. |
| Secondly, in the north all her Majesty's governors there do
contest against having them now, and in respect that the
Queen's forces are so divided into garrisons in Ulster, and are
daily undertaking so many journeys to and fro in the heart of
the country, they cannot think how it is possible almost that
these Scots should be employed; but either it must be dangerous
to her Majesty's people, or dangerous for themselves, for ours
will not be mixed with them where they may be noxious to their
inconstancy (who are a people apt to alteration, even where
duty and allegiance binds them). On the other side her Majesty
considereth that if those Scottish regiments should be quartered
apart, and lack strong numbers of English to back them, they
may easily be cut in pieces by the traitors when they shall fall
with their gross upon them, for which disaster her Majesty
should be no less sensible than if it lighted on her own. |
| The second point is the charge, which is so great by those
articles propounded by Mr. Fowles as the Queen were better
to wage 6,000 English than 2,000 Scots, because the Queen's
pay there, by a good and orderly institution, is more easy by
three parts than if it were all sterling. |
| Next they propounded one month's pay beforehand towards
their lifting, in which sort the Queen never did proceed
with her own subjects. Neither is there any reason, seeing
their manner of arming and furnishing is not answerable to the
charges which southern men do use, it being only expected that
they shall be lightly armed to match the Irish in footmanship
and ability to pass bogs and "paces" where the Creaghts are
kept in fastness; for it must be conceived that if her Majesty
had not expected to be cased of the trouble to victual such
numbers, to arm them, or furnish them, or that she should not
have entertained them at such easy rates as the Irish themselves
take, her Majesty would rather have used the King's southern
people, who are men of order, compatible with civil discipline,
and able indeed to back her Majesty's garrisons at all times.
But thereof she hath no necessity at this time, her Deputy
having already diminished 2,000 that were there, and for ease
of her people here stayed 3,000 more that were ready to be
transported. |
| So as all these things considered, as it is indeed very true
that her Majesty cannot yet resolve to make use of this offer,
so may the King resolve plainly that his readiness to second
her Majesty at this time, hath gained in her mind an excellent
impression of thankfulness towards him; and if he will observe
it, no man can deny but that the very offer hath won him
general reputation abroad, most part of all Christendom (even
as well Catholics as others, except haply some petty states
in vassalage to Rome) utterly condemning the vanity and
iniquity of this attempt. And which is more, it is very acceptable to the people of England, who have long observed such open
traffic between the rebels and his subjects, besides personal
kindness and correspondency between some of his greatest
favourites and archtraitors, as they did fully conclude in their
hearts that if the King were not a favourer, yet he was not enemy
to the rebellion [so as by anything that hath yet passed]. (fn. 1)
Yet she hopeth that the King will not think this change to be
any effect of inconstancy. |
| Lastly the deputy himself finding the largeness of expense
in such an army as he had, did not only discharge presently
2,000 soldiers, but sent to make stay of 4,000 more ready to
be embarked at the seaside.—Undated.
Endorsed: "Concerning levy of Scots."
Draft, with corrections by Cecil. 4 pp. (180. 10.) |
| Intelligence. |
| 1602. Feb. 12/22. | The Estates of Hainault have replied to
the proposition made to them by the Duke of Aerschot on behalf
of their Highnesses that they should assist the men of Flanders
in their zeal for the commonwealth, that they can contribute
nothing more; nor raise what was granted by their assembly
half a year ago, seeing that not a crown of that taxation has been
got in without legal proceedings. The other Provinces will
give the same answer; so that if the Archduke persists in the
siege of Ostend he will be in a bad case. By all the embassies
sent into Spain the Infanta urges her desire to leave this country.
Her resolution is not changed but the execution deferred owing
to the Duke of Lerma, who has no wish to see two suns in one
world. |
| The preparations for bringing the Italian soldiers continue
and stages have been fixed in Burgundy and Lorraine. The
arrival of these troops is their only refuge. Don Roderigo
Lasso is expected from Spain, by whose coming all the soldiers,
especially the Spaniards, are kept in hope of money; but if
there is none there will be a great mutiny. There is come an
ambassador extraordinary from France among other matters
concerning a libel published at Antwerp, without the name of the
author or printer, though both are well known. He demands
their surrender on pain of the King's displeasure, which has put
the Court into great perplexity; he has spoken roughly to
President Richardot. The Colonels of the Walloons are discontented at the appointment of 'Maitres du Camp' and because
they are not to have the power to appoint captains in their
regiments, who will be sent to them by the Court, so that they
may be devoted to Spain. Only one regiment of Germans is
to be levied, that is the regiment of the Count of Emden; the
German captains who have companies without regiments, up
to ten or eleven, are to reinforce them up to 500 men. A Walloon
regiment is to be raised under the command of M. de Tolly.
Grobbendonck is here raising some companies to be placed in
Bois le Duc, where he wishes to build two forts for his Walloons
opposite the gates of Hentemeer and Tuchter, so as to keep the
disaffected townsmen quiet. The folk of Flanders have agreed
to more than they can provide, so much that there has been a
small riot at Bruges. In the field everything goes on as usual.
Men are working at making 'flots de fer' invented by the Turk.
The Count of 'Solre' who was grand ecuyer has left the Court.
The Estates of Brabant are much importuned by their Highnesses to undertake the cost of the defence of Bois-le-Duc; but
like those of Hainault they seem likely to reply 'We cannot
give any more.' The example of those of Brabant who are
finding money for the siege of Ostend is put before them, sed
surdiscantatur. Great levies are being made in Italy, and the
King of Spain has sent three patents into Germany for 11,000
lansquenets, that is to the Sieurs de Bessel, Ladron, and Madruts,
although they are still in the service of the Archduke Ferdinand.
They are also trying to raise five thousand men in the Swiss
Catholic Cantons by means of the Count de St. Amour, a
Burgundian, son-in-law to the Sieur de Champigny. It is
supposed the King means to use his money there, since he sends
none here, but tries to raise it in these parts. They continue
to make boats at Ghent, Antwerp, Malines, and elsewhere,
with many oars; they have no sailors for them, but will try
to get men from Emden and Hamburgh.
French, Endorsed: "From Brussels." 3½ pp. (91. 118.) |
| Sir Robert Cecil to [the Master of Gray.] |
| 1601–2. Feb. 20. | Sir, I have now received (after long
intermission) both your letters of the 8th of February and the
precedent; both which contain matter to me of good contentment; first because they brought me the news of your well
doing and likelihood to be restored fully to his Majesty's favour;
next because they revived the memory of your affection, which
I much esteem, and make me certain where my letters shall
find you (the doubt whereof hath caused my long silence), there
being nothing here more common than that you were either
warded or fled for your safety. You shall therefore now understand that our affairs, which do for the most part depend upon
the success of Ireland, are in some probability of a temporary
quiet and repose, because Almighty God hath both lately blessed
the labours of her Majesty's worthy Deputy whom she enabled
with all things necessary for the resistance of the Spanish
invasion, the particulars whereof will well appear by this printed
journal, although as yet the northerly winds had been so scant
as it hath stayed the Spaniards from being shipped for Spain.
In this matter it is true that many wise men are now divided
what may be the future event, and therefore it were a vanity
for me to make my conclusions peremptory; and yet because
you are contented to discourse with me of such like accidents,
I will as freely send you my private conceit, and so much the
rather because your own relation of some loose news from
Bodwell gives me the present occasion. First, Sir, where he
doth date his letters from an army, he doth as many a lover
doth that writes from his mistress' chamber, when he is lodged
ten miles without the suburbs of the city where she abideth;
for I do assure you (howsoever the King made his project for
an army of many thousands) those troops which should make
up that great body are yet five hundred miles asunder; for
most of his levies in Italy are destined for the Low Countries,
save some to assist the Emperor [side note in Cecil's hand: and
4,000 to come also into Spain for fomentation of the Irish
enterprise], and those will not arrive till the summer be well
onward. For those that are at Lisbon their number is but 6,000,
and those were destined to second his first troops, after whose
descent it was resolved that these should follow much about
this time or a month over. For those that should be brought
into Scotland, as Bodwell wrote to the B. of Bollen, it was but
his dream, and for those which should come into the west of
England multa cadunt inter calicem suprœmaque labra, for he
will not be so vain to attempt England (east or west) till Ireland
were fitted to his appetite, and the army of the Low Country
(without which England shall never be invaded) freed from
the siege of Ostend. In which consideration seeing that place
comes in question, I think it not amiss to let you know that
next the preserving of Ireland (as one of the hereditary crowns
of this imperial Monarchy) all things considered it importeth
infinitely her Majesty: for although it is true that in the defence
thereof the Estates' means are much consumed, yet if the Duke's
obstinate siege long continue, and conclude without success,
the apprehension thereof in all the Provinces will work an
infinite alienation. Besides that, whiles the army is so engaged,
we are sure it hath his hands full. What hath been the success
of the parley and assault this pamphlet, written by a private
soldier (and therefore full of error) will shew you. For the rest
there is neither sally of ours, nor assault since, but many supplies
entered both of men, victual, and munition. The only doubt
I have is of some disaster to the Governor, in whose person I
assure you the life of that town consisteth, as the case standeth.
But to return to my conceit. I cannot fashion my mind to believe
that the King of Spain will this [sic: thus?] sit down with Ireland
for I do not perceive why he that had a second army ready,
of a greater number than those that were sent first (and are
now returning), should not resolve to join them both together
back again, and so amend his former faults of reposing more in
a party than was fit in so great an action, where all auxiliaries,
how much soever they trust to such a correspondency, should
come provided in such an equipage as might enable them for a
good while to subsist in some good form, howsoever by accidents
unlooked for they may fail of their expectation. And this I
do confess, that I cannot be beaten from it until I see more
reason to trust to that King's courtesy, or see foundation for him
to infest us so much in any other place. In which consideration
because upon the return of these it will appear what shall
become of them, and of his seconds, I have been moved to persuade
her Majesty to send a good fleet to lie upon his coast, as well to
trouble his trade as to hinder him from uniting his naval forces
to one head; for which design the Lord Admiral's son-in-law
Sir Richard Leveson is ready to set sail from Plymouth with
twelve of her Majesty's ships, and as many of the Low Countries',
which will overlook him a little and all his purposes. And thus
have you now my present conceptions because I know that this
is his first action, and that it cannot but serve the private turns
of his ministers to engage him in such enterprises, whereof they
in that kingdom above all other states in the world make most
easily their own advantage. |
| And now, Sir, to come to Scotland. It is true that we have
heard of some emulation ["as you write" crossed out] between
the Duke and the Earl Mar since both their returns, whereof
we are not very curious here, because it is not rare to hear of
division out of emulation, nor to hear of conjunctions again as
soon as it may serve both parties to be united; only this I will
say, that I am sorry it should be so in any extremity, because
I think they both concur as much as ever did any (whose persons
were so worthy the observing) in wishing sincerely the mutual
amity of both Princes. For the Earl of Mar, I have advertised
you by my former letters within what limits I kept myself,
beyond which compass, seeing you best know how constantly
I have resolved in no respect to march, I shall not need to
touch my course with the Duke in more particular; for when I
had no cause to negotiate with him I did not seek to grow into
further conference than when I met him in the Privy Chamber,
where, as I am not ashamed to do to all men, so to him I professed
that reserving my undivided duty to my Sovereign, that I would
be more ready to further all his just desires, which should
concur with her Majesty's safety and contentment, than of any
prince in Europe. As concerning your report of his particular
acceptation of those personal courtesies which I observed
towards him, it is true that when I observed how much the
Queen was distasted with the bruits of his employment I did
by the laird of Beltress, whom I saw he trusted, let him from
time to time understand how fit it was for him (seeing he only
pretended compliment) to abstain from all those courses here
of labouring or entertaining overtures of men's addresses or
insinuations in matters of other nature; for I assure you so
contrary it is to her Majesty to hear of any such specious
ambassador as except the King shall mean to put her Majesty
to the trial of all the humours whereunto her sex and her
condition have greater reason to be inclined than others, in my
opinion he shall be ill advised to use the service of any persons
of so eminent rank and quality. But, Sir, in this I mean to be
no counsellor, but only thought it good, seeing the cause
proceeded from you, to let you see how little I swerve from your
opinion; desiring you in my particular to make it appear to
the Duke that no man shall be more ready to give him his due
at all times than I shall do, nor shall be more glad of his good
opinion, because I note so many parts in him to make him worthy
the service of a King. |
| It now remaineth that I acquaint you for myself thus far,
that I do see by all my advertisements out of Scotland and other
places, that it is in vain for me to please myself with any opinion
(as long as I enjoy the place I do) to be free from those hard
exceptions which I hear the King doth take against me, seeing
former times have not alone wrought into him deep impressions
of my particular indisposition heretofore towards him, but that
I am still condemned for hearing and using such as he misliketh,
from which neither I nor any man that holds the place that I
do can escape, whose ears must be open to all men; a matter
wherein you can best judge my destiny, when our correspondency was so interpreted as it was, notwithstanding both our
innocencies; and therefore more than with yourself I do confess
I am sorry to meddle or participate, being one that take no great
pleasure in the present, wherein the best can be but pain and
peril; nor do desire to live until the future, when I shall think
I have made a great purchase if my innocency may be so happy
as to escape an undeserved ruin and oppression. That I have
used another man's hand I pray you let it not seem strange,
for though he be one in whom I trust, and though I never trust
any with anything unworthy of an honest man, yet I would not
appear so "lourde" to you as not to requite your hand with
mine if at this present I had not opened a vein in mine arm
to prevent a fever, which a pain of my foot (run out of joint
by a slip) hath brought me, though now I thank God it is well
set again, and I begin to recover. And thus I end. Your
affectionate friend, Ro. Cecyll. From Court this 20th of Feb.,
1601.
Signed. In hand of Cecil's Secretary Simon Willis, with
corrections by Cecil. |
| P.S. (holograph). The book of Ostend is written by a private
captain, and only worth your reading for matter of fact. It
came out sine privilegio.
Endorsed: Secretary Cecill his letters to the L. Gray.
4½ pp. (213. 117.) |
| The Senate of Stade to Sir Robert Cecil. |
| 1601–2, Feb. 24/Mar. 6. | You will perceive from our letter to her
Majesty, the course of our late negotiations with the Imperial
Envoy, and that everything would now tend to a friendly
settlement, were it not that her Majesty remained unfavourable
to the scheme. We have promised the Imperial Envoy to leave
no stone unturned to soften her Majesty's displeasure, and
knowing how necessary your aid is to our purpose, we beg
you to receive graciously and give credence in everything
to our Secretary M. Reinerus Langius, in order to bring the
matter to a satisfactory conclusion.—6 March [1602].
Holograph. Latin. Endorsed:—"1602, st. no." 1 p. (92. 6.) |