207. CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF ST. PETER, YORK
The Dean and Chapter of York in the
Middle Ages were the direct successors of a body
of secular clergy similar in constitution to the
primitive chapters of Beverley, Ripon, and
Southwell. There is no evidence of any monastic establishment in connexion with the church
of the somewhat vague type which existed at
Ripon in the days of Wilfrid and may have
prevailed at Beverley before the Danish invasions.
The clergy of the minster towards the end of
the 8th century seem to have followed a definite
rule of life; while a school was attached to the
church which under Ethelbert and Alcuin obtained great distinction. (fn. 1) In the schoolmasters
of the church, men of great learning and reputation, we see the prototypes of the later chancellors,
whose duty was the oversight of the minster
grammar-school. (fn. 2) The tradition held at York
was that the first ministers of the church, corresponding to the later canons, were called Culdees,
i.e. Colidei, and were seven in number. (fn. 3) The
foundation of their common property was a grant
of a thrave or sheaf of wheat from each plough
in Yorkshire, which after the Conquest was
transferred by the chapter to the hospital of St.
Peter, later known as St. Leonard's. (fn. 4) The
actual date of this grant is not known, but
Athelstan, by a charter dated in 930, gave the
whole of Amounderness to the church of St.
Peter and Archbishop Wulfstan; (fn. 5) and the grant
of the Yorkshire thraves, which may be compared with the more famous grant attributed to
Athelstan of thraves from the East Riding to the
church of Beverley, may belong to the same
period. Athelstan was regarded in the 12th
century as the founder of the liberties and customs of the church of York; and although they
cannot be attributed to him with certainty, yet
his fame in the north of England as a king whose
conquests gave unity to the scattered fragments
of his kingdom made his reign a convenient
starting-point for the constitutional history of the
Yorkshire minsters.
The privileges of the church as men remembered them to have existed in the days of the
Confessor and Archbishop Ealdred are enumerated
in a charter of confirmation granted by Henry I. (fn. 6)
This seems to have been the result of an inquiry
made in the shire-mote at York in 1106 by
request of Archbishop Gerard, when the Sheriff
of Yorkshire was attempting to override the
jurisdiction of the church. (fn. 7) The land of the
canons was declared to be quit of all claim from
the king's officers or the sheriff; the canons
themselves had all suit of their tenants and heard
their pleas before the door of the church. (fn. 8) They
were bound to contribute only one man to the
army, who should carry St. Peter's standard to
war at the head of the burgesses of York. The
church had the right of sanctuary within its
precincts and in the stone chair or stool of peace
by the altar, where the criminal was safe from
his pursuer; but at York the sanctuary-man
does not seem to have been allowed the wider
boundary which at Beverley and Ripon was
marked by 'mile crosses.' In view of possible
controversies between the canons and archbishop,
all forfeitures from the chapter lands were decreed
to belong to the chapter alone. The right of the
archbishop was confined to the collation of
canonries with the advice and assent of the
chapter. These privileges, mutatis mutandis, are
practically identical with those which we find
acknowledged at Beverley and Ripon.
The common life of the canons was furthered
by Archbishop Ealdred, who provided them
with a frater. (fn. 9) The wasting of Yorkshire by
William I drove the canons from the minster.
Thomas of Bayeux found only three out of the
seven in residence, and to his work of rebuilding
the church added that of reorganizing its constitution. (fn. 10) He recalled the absent canons, raised
their number, restored their frater and dorter,
and appointed a provost to administer their
common property. This, however, was evidently
a temporary arrangement. For the eventual
constitution he was indebted to the church of
Bayeux, in which he had been treasurer. (fn. 11) The
school had probably been disorganized by the
events of the previous few years, and Thomas
appointed a chancellor before he turned his
attention to the other dignities of the church.
The creation of a dean, treasurer, and precentor
followed. With these appointments came the
assignment of a fixed prebend in land and money
to each canon, which made the provostship a
superfluous office. By the custom of York, which
was followed at Lincoln and Salisbury, the four
major dignitaries took precedence of the canons.
In Thomas's constitution the treasurer seems to
have taken the first place after the dean, and the
north side of the quire was known until late in
the Middle Ages as the pars thesaurarii. (fn. 12) In
the oldest existing statutes, however, the normal
order of dean, precentor, chancellor, and treasurer
was observed; (fn. 13) and the right of the chancellor
to the third dignity was established by an inquest
held in 1191, when it was ordained that he
should take precedence of all after the precentor. (fn. 14)
Thomas of Bayeux is credited with the appointment of archdeacons, (fn. 15) but their territorial
designations were not applied to them until a
later time. No prebends were annexed at first
to the dignities or the archdeaconries. The
prebends eventually reached the number of thirtysix. The names of several places which became
separate prebendal estates appear among the
possessions of St. Peter in Domesday. (fn. 16) It is,
however, quite uncertain how many prebends
Thomas founded. The church of Laugh ton-enle-Morthen was granted to the minster as a prebend by Henry I in the time of Archbishop
Gerard. (fn. 17) Archbishop Thomas II founded two
more prebends. (fn. 18) Archbishop Gray founded the
office of sub-dean, (fn. 19) and formed the prebends of
Fenton and Wistow out of his barony of Sherburn. (fn. 20) The last prebend to be founded was
Bilton, which was ordained by Archbishop
Romanus in 1295. (fn. 21) With four exceptions the
churches and manors from which the prebendal
incomes were derived were situated in Yorkshire.
Apesthorpe and Bole were in Nottinghamshire,
and Thockrington was in Northumberland.
The prebend of Botevant seems originally to
have been a money prebend charged upon the
common of the chapter. (fn. 22) The name of Botevant,
for which no definite reason is forthcoming, seems
to have been attached to it before 1339. (fn. 23) The
prebends of Bramham and Salton were appropriated from an early date, Bramham to the Prior
of Nostell, Salton to the Prior of Hexham, At
the taxation of 1291, Masham was the wealthiest
stall, assessed at £166 13s. 4d. Wetwang
and South Cave followed, with £120 and
£106 13s. 4d. Driffield, Langtoft, and Wistow
were each valued at £100. Apesthorpe, Grindale, Dunnington, and Warthill were assessed at
only £10 each. (fn. 24)
A share in the common fund at York, as in
most collegiate churches, was obtained only by
residence. The statutes required constant residence from the four dignitaries. An ordinary
prebendary who intended to reside had to qualify
for the 'minor residence' by a continuous 'major
residence' of twenty-six weeks, during which he
was bound to attend all the canonical hours,
unless he was undergoing his periodical bleeding
or was prevented by sickness. During this time
he received nothing from the common fund, but
was expected to bear the heavy charge of entertaining twice as many of the vicars and ministers
of the church on double festivals as were entertained by canons in the minor residence. After
passing through this stage of probation he might
enter on the minor residence of twenty-four weeks
in the year, which gave him his right to commons.
This was counted, not by continuous residence,
but by the number of days on which he was
present at vespers, matins, and mass, the greater
festivals alone being obligatory. Twelve full
weeks had to be completed in the winter residence,
between Martinmas and Whitsuntide. (fn. 25)
The amount of commons due to residents was
fixed by a statute of Archbishop Gray in 1221 at
6d. daily, which was raised on feasts of nine
lessons to 1s., and on double feasts, when the
cost of entertainment was heavy, to 2s. At the
end of the half-yearly residence a dividend was
declared on the surplus of the common fund
between the resident canons. (fn. 26) Gray recognized
the principle that commons were annexed to
residence and formed no part of a prebend.
When the treasurer claimed double commons on
the ground that he held two prebends, his demand
was compromised by a grant of 3 marks in addition to single commons for his lifetime only. (fn. 27)
Exceptions were made on behalf of the chancellor
and the Archdeacon of Richmond, who held
money prebends only; as these were paid out of
the common fund they and their successors in the
prebends were allowed to have 6 marks yearly,
whether resident or absent. (fn. 28) The residence of
archdeacons who held prebends was fixed at a
minimum of twelve weeks only, on account of
their necessary duties outside York. (fn. 29)
A decree for the assignment of the common
fund, with details of the farms arising from the
churches and manors belonging to it, was made
by the chapter under the presidency of Dean
Newark about 1291, when the habit of farming
out these possessions was causing some inconvenience to the church. The farms, as they fell
vacant, were now assigned to canons who had
completed their greater and lesser residence, in
order of seniority. (fn. 30) Statutes passed on 5 October
1291 fixed the necessary annual residence for
each canon to whom a farm was assigned at
twelve weeks, while six weeks were required of
an archdeacon. The needs of the fabric of the
church and its necessary expenses were met by
assigning it the share of a single canon in the
half-yearly dividend. The sum thus set aside
was put in the common chest, of which the dean
and the three senior residentiaries were entrusted
with the four keys. (fn. 31)
Later statutes provided for the maintenance of
the prebendal houses. Arrangements were made
by which a non-resident might let his house to a
residentiary who had no house assigned to his
prebend. New prebendaries were required to
set on foot an inquisition into the dilapidations
of their houses, within six weeks after induction.
A prebend might be exchanged or resigned after
three years' enjoyment of the fruits. Every prebendary, on vacating his prebend, was bound to
give a choral cope or its value, 20 marks, and
his palfrey or 10 marks, to the church. (fn. 32)
Residence was too expensive to be popular.
The statutes of 1291 were passed by eight
canons who were present, in addition to Dean
Newark. The clergy who composed this chapter were all intimately connected with the
business of the church of York. (fn. 33)
At the chapter of 16 August 1325, which
passed the statutes relating to prebendal houses,
nine canons, including the Prior of Hexham,
were present, and nine others appeared by proxy. (fn. 34)
The number of residentiaries, however, was
much smaller than that of the minority which
came to York for chapter meetings. Thus in
1304-5 John of Nassington, writing from York
to the auditor of the chapter of Beverley, said
that only two canons were in residence. (fn. 35) In
1310 three canons only met in chapter to
arrange a date for the election of a new dean. (fn. 36)
On all these occasions the chancellor was one of
the canons present. The duty of continual
residence was certainly not regarded as binding
by the other dignitaries. Bogo de Clare, who
held the office of treasurer, and died in 1295,
was seldom, if ever, in York; his many benefices
were widely scattered over England, and the
complaints made against him and his deputies at
York probably found an echo elsewhere. (fn. 37) The
Holy See, on the election of Newark to the archbishopric, attempted to provide Cardinal Francesco
Gaetani to the deanery. William of Hambleton succeeded in obtaining possession, but on his
death Clement V provided his own brother
Raymond de Goth, (fn. 38) who also held the prebend
of Wetwang, and was Dean of Lincoln and
precentor of Lichfield. (fn. 39) The intrusion of papal
provisors into the major prebends and the archdeaconries during the reigns of Edward I and
Edward II was constant, while the Savoyard relations of the royal family swelled the number of nonresidents in the chapter. At Archbishop Romanus'
death in 1295-6 at least a third of the chapter
was composed of foreigners. (fn. 40) In Archbishop
Corbridge's time, eleven admissions of foreigners
to canonries and prebends are recorded, as against
three of Englishmen. (fn. 41) Of fifty-one admissions
in Melton's register, twenty-six are of foreigners. (fn. 42)
Not all these succeeded in obtaining installation;
and Cardinal Gaetani, Hambleton's rival in the
deanery, failed to oust Walter of Bedwin, the
nominee of Edward I, from the treasurership. (fn. 43)
The Englishmen who held office were for the
most part royal clerks, who held their benefices
by grant or by the influence of the king and
were also members at the same time of other
chapters, such as Lincoln and Salisbury. (fn. 44) But
Robert Burnell, chancellor of Edward I, during
his tenure of the archdeaconry of York seems
to have discovered the most prominent recruits
for the chancery in young Yorkshiremen, who,
as time went on, held their chief preferments in
the church of York. William of Hambleton, of
whom Edward I in 1299 said that there was
'no one else in his realm so expert in its laws
and customs,' (fn. 45) was Burnell's right-hand man. (fn. 46)
Of the younger generation which worked under
Burnell and Hambleton, Adam of Osgodby and
Robert of Barlby were Yorkshiremen and canons
of the cathedral church. (fn. 47)
Apart from the claims of pope and king upon
the obedience of the chapter, its independence
was seriously harassed by the archbishops. The.
struggle with Geoffrey Plantagenet has already
been told elsewhere: (fn. 48) it ended in a drawn battle,
with little advantage to either side. Archbishop
Gray strengthened the hands of the chapter by
enlarging its possessions and attaching the dignitaries to his personal service; (fn. 49) and, under himself
and his successors, the chapter was largely composed of confidential clerks, whose ranks were
recruited by Archbishop Giffard from relations
and dependants of his family in Wiltshire and
Gloucestershire. (fn. 50) Gray conveyed his manor of
Bishopthorpe on trust to the dean and chapter, (fn. 51)
and numerous deeds in connexion with the
transference of archiepiscopal property show that
they were the normal trustees of the archbishop's
manors, whose consent was necessary to any
change in this direction. The increase of the
chapter in wealth and independence brought it
into collision with the archbishop, and, under
Romanus, although some of its individual members still formed his consultative council, it
asserted its rights with emphasis. Romanus,
actively concerned in the reformation of his
chapters, succeeded in subdividing the rich
prebend of Masham into three, and that of
Langtoft into two portions; (fn. 52) but this arrangement ceased with his death. He also did his
best to strengthen the school under the control
of the chancellor. (fn. 53) His reforms, however, were
probably allowed by the chapter only as a result
of a compromise, which was arrived at in
November 1290, upon his powers as visitor.
The dean promised obedience to the archbishop,
with a clause, capable of wide interpretation,
which safeguarded the rights of his church.
Right of visitation once in every five years was
conceded to the archbishop, who must visit in
person, not by deputy. The visitation was
strictly private: all the archbishop's attendants
were to retire after his opening address, and two
of the canons were to act as his assessors.
Complaints and corrigenda were to be presented
by the chapter in common and viva voce: written
presentations were prohibited. The archbishop's
business was strictly confined to a general
injunction to the chapter to make their own
corrections within a stated time; and only in
case of neglect within that period was the archbishop empowered to carry them out himself.
The chapter further provided against intrusion
by making good their right of appeal, with the
usual lengthy procedure. (fn. 54) This one - sided
arrangement, however, was not final. Archbishop Melton, some thirty-five years later,
attempted to override the compromise, and the
chapter appealed to the pope, who committed
the case to William Ayermin, Bishop of Norwich,
and Hugh of Angoulême, Archdeacon of Canterbury. (fn. 55) Before the case could be heard the
disputants arranged a compromise, which was
confirmed by the commissioners in 1328. By
this agreement, which remained in force until
the Reformation period, the archbishop was
allowed to visit once in four instead of five
years, and at two instead of three months' notice.
He was allowed his own assessors, three or four
clerks, and a writer not a public notary. The
corrigenda were first to be presented publicly by
the chapter in common; but afterwards the archbishop, if he wished, might proceed to a private
examination of individuals, whose complaints
were to be invited without any threat of penalties,
and were to be taken down in writing verbatim,
without addition or comment. These written
corrigenda were to be handed over to the dean
and chapter that day or the next, and a period
of ten months was fixed within which the dean
and chapter were to act upon them. In case of
neglect the archbishop might proceed to correction, after due notice and consultation with the
canons. His procurations were fixed at 100s.,
to be paid at his first visitation, and not to be
demanded again. (fn. 56) In spite of this agreement, dissensions continued between Melton and the chapter, of which there are traces as late as 1335; (fn. 57)
and somewhat earlier a minor cause of quarrel
had arisen over the right of sequestration in
respect of the treasurership. (fn. 58)
The Great Pestilence of 1349 appears to have
worked some havoc among the dignitaries of the
church: the offices of precentor, chancellor, and
treasurer were vacant during the year, and the
sub-deanery changed hands three times within
three months. (fn. 59) Serious quarrels took place, at
York as at Beverley, between the chapter and
Archbishop Alexander Nevill, who attempted to
call in question the privileges of the canons upon
their prebendal estates, (fn. 60) and usurped the rights
of the chapter in the manors and churches appropriated to the common fund. (fn. 61) The canons
held their own, and called in the protection of
the king, who took the right of collation into his
own hands. Between June 1386 and September
1388 the Patent Rolls are full of collations to the
prebends and ratifications of the estates of preben
daries. (fn. 62) After Nevill's deprivation, the succeeding
vacancies in the archbishopric at short intervals
gave the Crown much patronage. (fn. 63) Henry IV
appears to have usurped the archbishop's rights
of collation after the battle of Shrewsbury: this
was one cause of Scrope's rebellion, (fn. 64) the failure
of which was followed by a further succession of
Crown appointments. (fn. 65) The fabric of the quire
of the church, which was approaching completion in Scrope's lifetime, was hindered during
these turbulent times; and the work of the great
tower in 1407-8 was endangered by a dispute
which broke out between the local masons and
the master-mason appointed by the king, apparently upon the question of imported labour. (fn. 66)
The chapter visitations of the 14th and 15th
centuries indicate a careless condition of affairs,
which, however, was by no means peculiar to
York. Non-residence throughout the 15th century was on the increase. In 1409 the precentor
was found to neglect the payment of the subchanter's salary as master of the song-school. (fn. 67)
In 1472 the precentor and chancellor were nonresident in defiance of the statutes: the residentiaries failed to appear at church, so that on
double festivals the high altar was served by the
parsons and vicars, and the custom observed by
the residentiaries of saying mass at the high altar
four times in the octaves of Christmas, Easter,
and Pentecost was neglected. The services
were often slovenly: there was much talking
and laughing outside the quire doors, even during
mass. The parsons, instead of taking their place
in the Sunday procession at the proper time, would
wait for it in the nave and aisles, and stroll to
meet it. One of them, who was treasurer of
the fabric fund, presented no accounts. Notice
is taken elsewhere of the shortcomings of the
vicars. Dogs were suffered to roam about the
nave, and howled and barked so that those
in the quire could not hear the lection for the
day. (fn. 68) In 1472, 1481, 1495, and 1519, there
are long catalogues of defects in the churches,
both in York and elsewhere, belonging to the
chapter and its individual members. (fn. 69)
Archbishop Lee made a visitation of the
chapter in August 1534, in which he abode by
the composition of 1328 with regard to the
comperta and corrigenda, but issued decrees of his
own on general points. He commented upon
the fewness of residentiaries, the unwillingness of
the canons to give copes and palfreys to the
church, and asked for a remedy against the withholding of pensions payable from impropriators
to whom the chapter had leased their churches.
Criminous women were forbidden to dwell
within the close. Non-resident canons, if they
happened to be in York, were enjoined to attend
matins, processions, high mass, and vespers,
especially on doubles and principal feasts. (fn. 70)
These mild injunctions were followed, in Lee's
lifetime, by the royal statutes of 1541. The
expenses of the major residence were so irksome
that prebendaries could not meet them from the
fruits of their prebends, and therefore seldom
came into residence at all. Only one prebendary
was resident at the date of the statutes. The
new measures, while changing none of the
ordinary conditions of the major residence, removed its extraordinary burdens. The possibility of depriving the church of any residentiaries was guarded against by the provision
that one residentiary out of two or three, two
out of four or six, three or two out of five, must
be present throughout the year. Twenty-four
weeks constituted a minimum residence. If
there was only one residentiary, his minimum
was thirty weeks, and his presence was required
on all double feasts. The entertainment by
each canon of four vicars in his major and two
in his minor residence was discontinued, and a
yearly money payment was substituted. No canon
was allowed to reside who had not a prebendal
house in the close or could not spend £100 a year.
To guard against the entire control of funds by
the residentiaries, all canons, irrespective of residence, were to be summoned to chapter meetings.
The chancellor, as in the older statutes, was
enjoined to find preachers: these, however, were
to be paid from a fund to which the prebendaries
contributed in common. The preachers were
to have the archbishop's licence; but the dean,
chancellor, and others were not therefore excused
from the duty of preaching themselves. (fn. 71)
By charter of 20 April 1547 Edward VI confirmed to the dean and chapter their spiritual
jurisdiction within the common possessions and
their various prebends. (fn. 72) In this year the treasurership of the church was resigned to the
Crown, and the annexed prebend of Bishop
Wilton disappeared with it. The monastic prebends of Salton and Bramham were suppressed
with the priories of Hexham and Nostell. The
two rich prebends of South Cave and Marsham
were also secularized as a result of the Reformation. (fn. 73) Of the remaining prebends, Driffield,
annexed to the precentorship, and Laughton,
annexed to the chancellorship in 1484, (fn. 74) continued on the same footing. A list of prebends,
drawn up early in the reign of Elizabeth, shows
how freely the chapter property was leased at this
time to laymen, who trafficked in the lands of
the church without restraint. A boy of fifteen
or sixteen, a kinsman of Archbishop Young, was
admitted to the prebends of Husthwaite and
Barnby, and enjoyed their fruits without a dispensation, while pursuing his studies at Oxford.
The prebends of Osbaldwick and Grindale had
been leased to the archbishop's secretary, and
had been sold by him. (fn. 75) The nepotism of Archbishop Sandys in the matter of collations to prebends was one chief cause of his unpopularity. (fn. 76)
Royal injunctions in 1547 laid special stress
upon preaching and the study of theology by the
chapter. A library was to be set up in the
church within a year, and four English Bibles
were to be provided, two in quire, and two elsewhere for the use of lay-folk. The canonical
hours were fixed so as to avoid services after dark
as far as possible. Choral copes were forbidden;
and the number of daily masses was restricted to
one at nine in the morning. (fn. 77) Archbishop
Holgate's injunctions of 15 August 1552
followed out the spirit of these commands,
formulating a table of preaching turns, and
establishing lectures in divinity for the benefit
of the inferior clergy of the church, who were
to submit to a monthly examination upon their
subjects. The duty of constant reading of the
Scriptures and committing them to memory was
enforced on the vicars choral and deacons. The
church was to be cleared of all its provision for
images of the saints, and texts of Scripture were
to be painted up on the cleansed surface of the
walls. The organ was silenced, and singing
was practically confined to Sundays and festivals. (fn. 78)
Grindal's injunctions of 10 October 1572 revised
Holgate's order of preaching turns. While
Holgate had provided for the devout and frequent
reception of the Blessed Sacrament, Grindal,
allowing the chapter some discretion with regard
to celebrations on Sundays and festivals, fixed
compulsory communion at once a month, viz.,
on six festivals and six times on the first Sundays
of months in which these festivals did not fall.
He also took order for the revision of the statutes. (fn. 79)
Such archiepiscopal injunctions were rendered
possible by the changed conditions of the church.
The republic which had imposed a compromise
upon Romanus and Melton was fettered by new
regulations. The dean, its president, was no
longer freely elected by the chapter, but by a
congé d'élire from the Crown. At the same time,
Grindal's proposed alteration of the statutes
never came into effect.
The injunctions concerning Holy Communion
seem to have produced some slackness, for celebrations were practically confined to the great
festivals until in 1617 Dean Meriton established
a celebration once a month. (fn. 80) At the Restoration Archbishop Frewen did something to improve
the state of the services, and brought back the
organ, which, if it had not fallen into disuse as
the result of Holgate's strict measures, had been
removed during the Puritan ascendency. (fn. 81) Archbishop Dolben's injunctions, which bear date
10 April 1685, provided for the more decent
conduct of services, and restored the weekly
communion which Holgate had encouraged. (fn. 82)
But, even during the most reverent period of the
17th century, the services suffered from defects,
on which the famous letter of Charles I to the
dean and chapter supplies some information. (fn. 83)
The statutes of residence were revised by royal
injunctions in 1698. In the 18th century the
resident chapter and governing body of the church
consisted of the dean and four residentiary prebendaries, each of whom resided for a quarter of the
year, and drew his stipend from his prebend. The
remaining prebendaries received incomes from their
prebends, but their connexion with the church
was little more than nominal. The richer prebends were leased out, and the fines paid for
renewal of leases amounted to a considerable sum.
This state of things continued until 1840-1.
In 1836 the list of prebendaries shows that the
stalls were held for the most part by wealthy
pluralists, whose chief benefices were in other
dioceses. (fn. 84) The Act of 3 and 4 Victoria deprived
succeeding prebendaries of their prebendal incomes, and thus converted the tenure of a stall
into a distinction for honourable service within
the diocese. The decanal congé d'élire was
abolished, and the appointment to the deanery
became subject to royal Letters Patent. Four
residentiary canonries, also in the appointment of
the Crown, were provided with fixed yearly
stipends; these, to which a prebendal stall is not
necessarily attached, are now in the collation of
the archbishop. The dignities of precentor and
chancellor, to which the stalls of Driffield and
Laughton are still annexed, are usually, though
not of necessity, held by residentiaries; while
the offices of treasurer and sub-treasurer since the
Reformation have devolved upon the dean.
There are three seals of the chapter in the
British Museum collection, of the 13th, (fn. 85)
17th, (fn. 86) and 18th (fn. 87) centuries respectively. Each
is a vesica with a figure of St. Peter.
208. THE BEDERN, YORK
The existence of vicars choral at York, as in
other collegiate establishments, was the natural
result of non-residence on the part of the canons,
who delegated their duties in the church to
deputies. The appointment of king's clerks,
whose ordinary occupations made them incapable
of constant residence, to canonries was a custom
of early growth, and thus vicars came into being
by degrees. In process of time each of the thirtysix canons had his own vicar. Although they
were not incorporated by royal Letters Patent
until a late date, the vicars possessed common
property as early as the 13th century, and were
placed in the time of Archbishop Gray under the
control of the sub-chanter, whose duties as warden and keeper of their common fund were
similar to those of the provosts of Beverley
and other colleges. (fn. 1) Their common dwelling,
known as the Bedern, was given to them by
William of Laneham, canon of York, before
1248 (fn. 2) ; the name Bedern, which was in use at
Beverley to signify the common hall of the
college, probably means a 'house of prayer,' and
was thus appropriated to the dwelling of clergy
who were continually occupied in the service of
the church. (fn. 3)
Many grants of property were made to the
vicars and their warden during the 14th century.
In 1331 Henry le Vavasour granted them the
advowson of Ferry Fryston, out of which they
were to maintain three chantry priests, two in
York Minster and one in the chapel of Hazlewood
or the church of Fryston. (fn. 4) The area of the
Bedern was enlarged in 1335 by the grant of a
piece of land at the corner of Aldwark and St.
Andrew's Street made by the mayor and commonalty of York. (fn. 5) In 1339-40 they were
appointed trustees for the chantry in the minster
and the obit provided for by the will of Nicholas
of Huggate, Provost of Beverley. (fn. 6) In 1348,
Thomas de Ottely and William de Cotingham
founded a chapel in the Bedern in honour of
the Holy Trinity, the Blessed Virgin and St.
Katherine. (fn. 7) There was also a chantry of 5
marks value attached to this chapel. (fn. 8) Although
they had received no formal charter of incorporation they are called the college of thirty-six vicars
in the Letters Patent of 1 January 1393-4, by
which they received a grant in frankalmoign of
the advowson of St. Sampson's in consideration of
their purpose to resume their original common
life in their hall by the churchyard of the minster. (fn. 9)
They are stated to have been living in separate
houses—a dispersion which was probably encouraged by their condition under Archbishop
Nevill, whose tyranny was most successfully
exercised over them. (fn. 10) The grant of St. Sampson's was made on condition that the vicars
should keep the obit of Richard II and his queen
yearly, and chant an appropriate antiphon and
collect daily after compline before the image of
St. John the Baptist in the minster. (fn. 11)
The revival of the common life of the Bedern
is marked by the grant, in May 1396, of a licence
to construct a gallery from the solar of the
vicars' gatehouse to that of the gatehouse of the
close, on the other side of Goodramgate, and so
avoid the risk of crossing the street on their way
to and from service, especially after dark. (fn. 12) In
June of the same year vicars who were entertained, according to custom, by the residentiaries,
were restrained from sharing the fruits of St.
Sampson's during these absences. (fn. 13) The allocation of these fruits to the common fund and
individual vicars was determined by an ordinance
of the dean and chapter, bearing date 24 May
1399. (fn. 14) No vicarage was ordained in St. Sampson's, and Henry IV in 1403 allowed the church
to be served by a sufficient conduct, without
endowment of a vicarage. (fn. 15)
The habits of the vicars for some years before
the revival of the Bedern are indicated by the
comperta at some of the chapter visitations. Some
of them in 1362 walked about the streets dressed
like laymen and wearing knives and daggers. (fn. 16)
In 1375 they objected to the use of the organ on
the quire-screen at high festivals unless they were
treated to wine by the residentiaries. (fn. 17) An order
in 1408 was made forbidding the service of wine
to them at or after meals, which led to a serious
quarrel with the chapter and the expulsion of the
sub-chanter. (fn. 18)
The incorporation of the vicars as a college,
with the sub-chanter as warden, was obtained
from Henry V by Letters Patent bearing date
26 May 1421. (fn. 19) In 1459, the dean and chapter
acquired the advowson and impropriation of
Nether Wallop, in Hampshire, (fn. 19a) on their behalf.
The most important addition to their property
was the royal grant in 1484 of the advowson of the church of Cottingham with
licence to appropriate. (fn. 20) A visitation in 1472
shows that the non-resident canons left the entire
control of the minster to the vicars, and that the
vicars were not careful of their trust. Some of
them came into church as late and went out as
early as possible. Quire services did not begin
until some time after the last peal had sounded.
The sub-chanter and three vicars were incontinent.
Frequent absence from church was common;
and, while the statutes required twelve vicars to
be present daily on each side of the quire, as many
as four were rarely to be found in their places.
The Bedern gate was often left open and without
a light until ten o'clock at night. Among the
vicars, John Fell was conspicuous for his misdeeds.
He said mass hardly once a fortnight; he was a
nightwalker, seldom returning home by ten
o'clock; he talked and laughed in quire, and
excited some envy and strife by the messages
which were brought to him in the common hall
from 'temporal lords.' When the Bible was
read in hall, Fell and others would sit by the fire
and talk. (fn. 21)
Carelessness of this kind was probably responsible for the neglected state of the minster in
1519. (fn. 22) At the visitation of 1544-5 there were
very few vicars, and several were in ill-health,
while those who could attend to their duties took
their full period of leave, as they had done when
the college was full. (fn. 23) In 1546-7 their property
was valued with that of other colleges, and was
sold; it amounted to a yearly revenue of
£255 7s. 8d. (fn. 24) It was subsequently restored to
them; but the number of vicars was reduced,
and the college, as it exists to-day, consists of a
sub-chanter and four vicars, the revenues of whose
estates have been commuted for fixed stipends.
209. ST. MARY AND THE HOLY ANGELS, YORK, alias ST. SEPULCHRE'S
The college of St. Mary and the Holy
Angels, York, was founded some time between
the years 1154 and 1161 by Archbishop Roger
de Pont l'Evêque, (fn. 1) who endowed it with ten
churches and their revenues, of which Otley
(a moiety), Everton, Sutton, Hayton, Bardsey and
the chapel of Scrooby were the archbishop's
own gift; the other four were Calverley of the
gift of William de Scoty, a moiety of Hooton
Pagnell of the gift of William Paynell, Harewood of the gift of Avice de Rumilly, and
Thorp Arch of the gift of Adam de Bruys and
Ivetta his wife. (fn. 2)
The college was to consist of thirteen members. They were not called canons or prebendaries in the charter, but clerici. One of them
was to be the sacrist, four were to be priests,
four deacons, and four sub-deacons. Each priest
was to have an annual stipend of 10 marks,
each deacon was to have £5, and each subdeacon 6 marks. The sacrist was to administer
the college finance, his own stipend to be at
least 10 marks. If the revenue arising from the
college properties were not at any time sufficient
to pay the stipends of the staff, amounts pro rata
were to be deducted from the various stipends, so
as to leave a clear net income of 10 marks for
the sacrist; but if there were more than sufficient for the stipends, then the surplus was to
go to augment the stipend of the sacrist. The
witnesses to the document were Robert the
dean, Hamo the precentor, Master Guy, Ralph
and John the archdeacons. (fn. 3)
The collegiate society continued under this
constitution until May 1258, when Archbishop
Sewall de Bovill added to the original number
two priests, who should say 'mass for the dead
every day,' together with two deacons and two
sub-deacons, making a total membership of the
society, with the sacrist, of seventeen. (fn. 4) With
regard to the twelve existing canons, it was
enacted that each of them residing in the city,
near the chapel, should attend the various offices,
and for each attendance at matins should receive
1d., at high mass 1d., and at vespers 1d.,—3d.
daily. If absent 1d. was to be deducted for each
'hour,' a like deduction to be made even when
present if they were quarrelsome or insolent.
The new members of the college were to be
present at the hours and high mass with the
other ministers of the chapel, and were to say
Placebo, Dirige, and other offices for the dead.
And when the canons and ministers, through
neglect or any other cause, should omit to say the
office for the dead, the duty was to devolve upon
the new members of the college. Each of the
two priests was to receive 5 marks, each deacon
3 marks, and each sub-deacon 2½ marks yearly
from the sacrist. For absence a priest was to
forfeit 1d., and a deacon or sub-deacon ½d.
This ordination of 1258 confirmed the
patronage of the prebends and sacristy to the
archbishops, whilst the appointment and removal (fn. 5) of the six additional members pertained
to the sacrist. It also made provision that the
services at the churches (fn. 6) appropriated to the
college should not be neglected, and in each of
them a vicarage was ordained, the presentations
to be in the hands of the sacrist. The sacrist
at the time of Sewall's ordination was Gilbert
de Tiwa, and at the end of the document it was
ordered that, 'Since the labourer is worthy of
his hire, and Master Gilbert de Tiwa has worked
faithfully,' a solemn anniversary shall be celebrated in his honour each year in the cathedral
as well as in the chapel and the various churches
belonging to it. (fn. 7)
The invocation of the college chapel was
'St. Mary and the Holy Angels.' It has sometimes, but mistakenly, been called the chapel of
the 'Blessed Mary, St. Michael and the Holy
Angels,' (fn. 8) and frequently it was referred to, in
the later stages of its history, as 'St. Sepulchre's
Chapel.' (fn. 9) When it was first called by that
name, and why, is not clear. The explanation
is probably connected with the duties of the six
officers appointed in 1258, who had, among
other things, to celebrate daily in the chapel for
the dead. But other explanations have been
adduced. (fn. 10)
In the two lists of churches belonging to the
college there are differences. In Archbishop
Sewall's ordination Harewood Church and Scrooby
Chapel (fn. 11) are missing, whilst Collingham, Clarborough and Retford are additional to Archbishop Roger's list. Harewood disappeared because of a claim made against the canons that
the patronage belonged to the lord of the manor
of Harewood. Trials took place in 1201 and
1209, and judgement was given against the
sacrist. (fn. 12) Collingham was conferred upon the
college by Richard de Morville. (fn. 13) The circumstances connected with the acquisition of Clarborough and Retford are not known. The
church of Hooton Pagnell had been originally
given to Holy Trinity Priory, (fn. 14) York, then later
it was given by William Paynell to Nostell
Priory, the donor threatening with a curse anyone who should interfere with the benefaction. (fn. 15)
But, notwithstanding the malediction, the same
William granted a moiety to Archbishop Roger
for his new foundation. (fn. 16) The other half of the
church belonged to the priory at York, though
the chapel of St. Mary seems invariably to have
exercised the right of patronage. The matter
was probably arranged by a money payment to
Holy Trinity, which was received until the
Dissolution. (fn. 17)
According to Chancellor Raine, the founder
took special care that there should be no collision
between the new college and the minster staff.
But, this care notwithstanding, frequent misunderstandings arose. The college was too near
the cathedral (fn. 18) for perfect harmony, and the
minster clergy looked with jealous eyes upon the
new canons. As time wore on, however, they
seemed to fuse, especially when the chapel canons
relieved the cathedral clergy of some of their
duties, and when the prebends of the chapel
were tenable in plurality with the cathedral
canonries. (fn. 19)
A considerable disturbance took place in connexion with the sacristy about 1290. Thomas
de Corbridge, the future primate, in that year
resigned the minster chancellorship in order to
accept the sacristy. Then he discovered that
there was much litigation with respect to the
revenues of the college, and taking advantage of
his conditional acceptance of the office he resumed his stall as chancellor. But a new chancellor had been appointed meanwhile, and great
friction ensued, in the end Corbridge being
under excommunication for the greater part of a
year. (fn. 20) In the following year there was a dispute concerning the tithes at Collingham and
Bardsey between Corbridge and the Abbot of
Kirkstall, but the matter was amicably arranged. (fn. 21)
The sacristy and prebends became very lucrative possessions, (fn. 22) and were often held by distinguished ecclesiastics. (fn. 23) But just before the
Dissolution things appear to have become somewhat slack, and Archbishop Lee, in a visitation
made in 1534, complained of a number of
irregularities, (fn. 24) which he ordered to be remedied.
The college was, of course, untouched by the
Dissolution, but was suppressed with other
similar institutions in the reign of Edward VI.
The 1546 survey gives the balance sheet,
showing a 'clere' remainder of £165 11s. 11d.,
and also the stipends and other charges according
to the foundation rate as £161 1s. 8d. (fn. 25) The
1548 report gives details of the stipends of the
staff, their ages, their condition, and also, with
a view to the arranging of the pensions, their
stipends from other sources. The sacrist,
Thomas Magnus, was eighty-six years of age,
and besides his stipend of £43 5s. held other
benefices to the value of £572 8s. 9d., and most
of the prebendaries also possessed additional
sources of income. (fn. 26)
On the 1548 certificate is also a memorandum
showing a sum of £26 13s. 4d. distributed
yearly to the poor in the appropriated parishes. (fn. 27)
Sacrists
Gilbert de Tiwa, occurs 1236, (fn. 28) died 1266 (fn. 29)
Peter de Erehun, appointed 1266 (fn. 30)
Percival de Lavannia, died 1290 (fn. 31)
Thomas de Corbridge, appointed 1290, (fn. 32)
occurs 1296 (fn. 33)
Francis Gaeteno, occurs 1300 (fn. 34)
John Bouhs, appointed 1300 (fn. 35)
Gilbert de Segrave, occurs 1304 (fn. 36)
John Bouhs alias Busshe, appointed 1304, (fn. 37)
occurs 1333 (fn. 38)
John de Waltham, (fn. 39) occurs 1387, (fn. 40) 1388 (fn. 41)
Roger Weston, appointed 1388, (fn. 42) 1397 (fn. 43)
John Gisburne, appointed 1459 (fn. 44)
Thomas Magnus, occurs 1546, (fn. 45) 1548 (fn. 46)
The 14th-century seal (fn. 47) of the canons is a
vesica, 25/8 in. by 1¾ in., with a design of our
Lady, crowned and seated, holding the child.
Above is the sun between two angels issuing
from cloud who support the canopy of the chair
and the crown of the Virgin. On either side of
her chair is a candle, and below is a mitred figure
praying, probably representing Archbishop Roger
de Pont l'Evêque, the founder. The legend is:
S' CANONICOR: CAPELLE GĒ MARIE ET ANGELOR
EBOR.
210. ST. WILLIAM'S COLLEGE, YORK
In connexion with the cathedral church of
York, a great number of chantries were founded
from time to time. By the middle of the 15th
century, in addition to those served by priests
connected with the Bedern and St. Sepulchre's,
there were no less than twenty-three whose incumbents were unattached to any corporate
body. On 11 March 1455, therefore, King
Henry VI, knowing that these priests, for want
of a proper habitation, had to lodge in laymen's
houses where women were, which was repugnant to the order of the church and the decency
of the clergy, granted licence to Archbishop
William Booth, Henry, Earl of Northumberland, Richard Andrew, dean, John Castell, precentor, John Bernyngham, treasurer, Stephen
Wilton, Archdeacon of Cleveland, and John
Marshall, canon of York, to erect a college for
these unattached priests. The place intended
was the house appropriated to the prebend which
the Prior of Hexham held, namely, Salton
House, (fn. 1) but the licence also added 'or any other
convenient place as they may think fit.' (fn. 2) The
college was to be dedicated to the honour of
St. William, sometime Archbishop of York, and
was to be called 'The College of Parsons having
Chantries in the Metropolitical Church of York.'
The priests were to elect yearly one of themselves to supervise the rest of his fellow-priests,
their college and goods, and for that year he was
to be called the 'supervisor' of the college.
They were to be a corporate body, and the dean
and chapter were to make statutes for their
governance. (fn. 3) The king also gave permission
for the college to purchase lands, &c., to the
value of 10 marks yearly, in order to recompense the dean and chapter and the prior for
their house, as well as for the maintenance of
the college when built; such lands when
acquired to be given to the dean and chapter
and prior.
This grant was never carried into effect. (fn. 4)
King Edward IV, however, on 11 May 1461, (fn. 5)
made a re-grant of the licence with certain important differences. The licence was given to
George Nevill, Bishop of Exeter, who became
Archbishop of York three years later, and to his
brother Richard, Earl of Warwick, and their
heirs conjointly and severally. Instead of an
annually elected supervisor there was to be a
provost appointed for life, the first to be chosen
from among the chantry priests by the said
bishop and earl or their heirs. The priests were
to be called 'fellows.' Vacancies in the provostry were to be filled within six days by the
election of one of the fellows, to be decided by
a majority of votes, such election always to be
held in the mansion-house of the fellows. The
college properties were to be administered by
the provost for the general good of the house,
and he was to have precedence over all his
brethren 'in pre-eminence, priority, honour, and
residence,' in all offices, masses, vespers, and
processions, and no fellow was to intermeddle in
any matter without the express command of the
provost. They were to be a body corporate and
have a common seal. (fn. 6) The provost was to
choose the principal chamber for himself, and
allocate chambers to the others. A committee
of the provost and three of the brethren, who
were to be chosen by the provost, were to have
power to ordain statutes for the government of
the college. All infringements of those statutes,
&c., were to be punished by the committee,
who, at their discretion, might expel from the
college when necessary. The king also granted
licence for the college to purchase lands, &c., to
the annual value of 100 marks, with which they
were to recompense the dean and chapter and
other canons residentiary for the properties given
to the fellows for their dwelling-place. (fn. 7) The
site, as proposed by the grant of Edward IV,
was to be 'within the close of the said church in
any messuage or place belonging to any canonship, or in any other place within the city.' (fn. 8)
Probably the place eventually selected included
Salton House. At all events when the college
was suppressed one of the items of annual expenditure was, 'to the prebendarye of the prebend of Salton for rente out of the saide college,
40s.' (fn. 9)
The building was taken in hand at once, it
appears; and on 25 January 1465 a royal
grant was made to the provost, 'Christopher
Borough, and the brethren of St. William, York,
of all those stones called "freestone" lying within
the quarry of Hodlestone by the bank of the
River Ouse, for the better building of the college.' (fn. 10) Further evidence of the building of the
house is to be found in a will made March
1466-7 by John Marshall, (fn. 11) one of the fellows.
'I bequeath,' he says, 'for the building of the
college by the parsons my brethren of the
Cathedral Church, within the close of the same
church, newly begun, 20s. I also leave for the
use of the chapel of the said college, when it
shall have been entirely finished, my portiferium
cum boses and one book of morals to be chained
in the said chapel.' (fn. 12)
In the 1546 survey the possessions of the college in York, Wilberfoss, Cleveland, Drax,
Kirkburn, Gowdall, Rillington, Haworth,
Helperthorpe, and Tollerton, amounted to
£22 12s. 8d. a year. The yearly outgoings
were £2 13s. 6¾d., leaving a balance of
£19 19s. 1¼d. The goods were assessed at
£7 6s. 8d., and plate £12 18s. (fn. 13) The 1548
survey gives the yearly income as £25 7s. 8d.,
the outgoings £2 11s. 7½d., the clear remainder
£22 16s, 0½d., the provost being John Corney,
sixty-one years of age, indifferently learned, but
of honest conversation and qualities, with 40s.
as his yearly portion out of the college, besides
£8 for his chantry in the cathedral. (fn. 14) Twentyseven chantries were held by fellows of the
college in 1546. (fn. 18)
There were, of course, other chantries in the
Minster served by the vicars choral and others,
and it is difficult to separate them.
According to the 1546 survey, the college
was 'to be continued.' But the recommendation
was ignored, and in 3 Edward VI the site
was granted to Michael Stanhope and John
Belloe. (fn. 16)
Provosts
Christopher Borough, occurs 1465 (fn. 17)
Thomas Fox, occurs 1528 (fn. 18)
Thomas Fairehere, occurs 1546 (fn. 19)
John Corney, occurs 1548 (fn. 20)
The 14th-century seal, (fn. 21) a vesica 23/8 in. by
1¼ in., has a figure of St. William, the archbishop, seated and blessing. Below is a lozengy
shield of his traditional arms. The legend is:
S' COMMUNE COLLEGII SBI WILELMI EBORACENSIS