Politics in the 1830's
Although in parliamentary elections the opposing party had usually been able to return one member during the first three decades of the 19th century, the city, and in
particular its corporation, was generally regarded as a whig stronghold. (fn. 19) The first
elections to the reformed corporation, held in January 1836, saw a predominantly whig
corporation emerge, with 21 'reformers' as opposed to 15 tories. This body promptly
elected 10 reform aldermen as opposed to 2 tories and thereby further increased whig
preponderance. The radical newspaper the Yorkshireman saw it as 'a most satisfactory
commencement of the new municipal system'. (fn. 20) Within less than two years, however, this
whig stronghold had been breached and the balance had changed by November 1837
to 25 tories opposed by 23 whigs. The Yorkshireman now complained, 'the ancient whig
city of York is to be delivered bound hand and foot to the tories'. (fn. 21) In the following year
the whigs slipped further down to 21 against 27 tory members and remained the minority
party in the corporation until 1850.
This sudden change in the political composition of the corporation, and, indeed, in
much of the city's political history in the mid-1830's, was the result of the activities of
one man. George Hudson entered local politics in 1832 and quickly became the treasurer of the local tory party. (fn. 22) Three years later his influence was sufficient to obtain the
return of J. H. Lowther, the tory parliamentary candidate. The return was immediately
disputed, however, two petitions being returned against the result, one from the liberals,
the other from York Quakers. The committee of inquiry which followed did nothing
to unseat Lowther, but its findings provided an insight into the conduct of York's
politics which reflect credit on neither party, the tories being castigated for bribery and
the whigs for intimidation of voters by hired rowdies. It was established that the payment
of polling money was customary in York to those 'who will vote for anybody they can
get anything by' (fn. 23) —£3 for plumpers and £1 for split voters. Hudson denied the
existence of polling money. In 1832, however, he had disbursed £1,050 'to pay messengers
and runners, body guardsmen, billstickers and different men about the committee room
for the protection of Mr. Lowther and his friends'. (fn. 24) It is noteworthy in the light of
their subsequent careers that, on this occasion, Hudson's money had gone to protect
his candidate against a whig mob led by George Leeman.
Thus, at the outset of his career as a public figure, Hudson was directly opposed to
those who were eventually the immediate cause of his downfall—Leeman, the liberals,
and the Quakers. For the time being, however, his influence was paramount. His candidate had been returned to Westminster; he was one of the two tory aldermen elected on
the new corporation in 1836; and in 1837, when he was lord mayor, his party had gained
control of that corporation. His growing political power was accompanied by growing
economic power—part-proprietorship of the Yorkshire Gazette, directorship of the
York Union Banking Company, in which Lowther was one of the principal depositors,
and later of the York Union Gas Light Company. All these, however, were subordinate
to and were, indeed, part of the raison d'être of Hudson 'The Railway King'. It was
Lowther who helped to pilot the first York and North Midland Railway Company Bill
through Parliament and the company's first board of directors reflected the interconnexion of Hudson's economic and political power. Sir John Simpson and Alderman Meek
were members of the dwindling body of liberals on the corporation, Robert Davies was
the city's town clerk, Richard Nicholson was Hudson's brother-in-law and prominent
in the affairs of the Gas Company, James Richardson was Hudson's legal adviser. Baker,
the railway company's secretary, was soon on the council, as were Cabrey, the company's
engineer, and Andrews, who built many of the largest stations on the company's lines.
It was symbolic of this mobilization of York's political life behind the Hudsonian
railway empire that the first of the York and North Midland Railway Company's
engines was named 'The Lowther'.
Thus, before the physical linking of York with the growing railway network of the
country, the city's political life had already begun to be affected by the rise of Hudson
and the furtherance of his schemes. The effect of the railways upon the political life of
the city continued, as will be seen, to be important during and after the rise, exposure,
and overthrow of George Hudson.