4. THE PRIORY OF GREAT MALVERN
The priory of Great Malvern is stated in the
Annales to have been founded in 1085 by Alwy,
a monk. (fn. 1) William of Malmesbury narrates how
one Aldwin or Alwy, a monk of St. Wulfstan,
lived as a recluse with a single companion named
Guy ' in that vast wilderness which is called
Malvern.' (fn. 2) Guy deemed it needful as the
shortest road to glory to make a pilgrimage to
Jerusalem to visit the Lord's sepulchre or meet
a blessed death at the hand of the Saracen.
Aldwin was also drawn by the same desire, but
sought first the counsel of Wulfstan his spiritual
father, who dissuaded him, saying, 'Do not, I
beseech thee, Aldwin, go anywhere, but remain
in this place; believe me you would wonder, if
you knew what I know, how much God is about
to perform through you in this place.' He relinquished his project and remained to found
Malvern. One after another devotee came to
Aldwin until the number rose to 300. 'Abundant store of provisions flowed in on them
from the neighbouring inhabitants, who counted
themselves happy in being permitted to minister
to God's servants—nay, if they lacked aught,
faith supplied the want, for they deemed it a
small thing to be without carnal food when they
were nourished on spiritual joys.' (fn. 3)
An account of the foundation of Great Malvern in Giffard's register states that the hermit
Aldwyn dwelt in the time of Edward the Confessor in a place where the priory was situated,
and that at his petition the earl of Gloucester,
Hudde by name, granted him the site together
with the wood as far as Baldeyate, whereupon
the hermit collected monks and adopted the rule
of St. Benedict, and made one Andrew sub-prior.
Afterwards, but without the consent of his diocesan, he made the priory subject to the abbot of
Westminster 'for the time being.' (fn. 4) He is said
to have died in 1140. (fn. 5) The monastery thus
founded was dedicated to the Virgin Mary, but
occurs occasionally under the patronage of
St. Mary and St. Michael, (fn. 6) as in a charter of an
early benefactor, Richard Fitz Pontii, which
recites that the donor for the good of his soul
and of his family has granted to God and St. Mary
and St. Michael of Malvern and the monks serving God there the church of Eastleach with
appurtenances in Gloucestershire. (fn. 7)
Henry I. was a great benefactor to the monastery, and by a charter, inspected and confirmed
later by Edward III., confirmed to God and the
church of St. Mary of Malvern the yardland in
Baldenhall which William his father had previously granted for the good of his soul, together
with the rent of 4s., 2 hides of land, one in
Worcestershire and the other at Quatt in Staffordshire, land in Worfield and ' Limberga' bestowed
on the monks by Gislebert, abbot of Westminster,
the church of the castle of Richard Fitz Pontii
in Cantarabohan with 2 carucates of land, the
church of Eastleach with land and tithe of the
demesne of the said Richard, and the town of
Hatfield in Herefordshire obtained by the brethren
in exchange from Roger de Chandos, with other
grants. (fn. 8) By another charter, dated 1127, Henry I.
confirmed to the church of Malvern all its possessions granted by his predecessors Edward the
Confessor and the Conqueror, to be held by the
brethren in free alms with the liberties of soc,
sac, thol, theam, and infangnethef, and freedom
from the payment of geld or other exaction, and
from all suits and quarrels of the shire and hundred courts. (fn. 9)
The prior was summoned in the reign of
Edward I. respecting his right to hold a court of
view of frankpledge within his manor of Longney
with exemption from all secular service. He
obtained a verdict on the ground that the priory
of Great Malvern as a cell of Westminster could
claim these privileges by virtue of the charter of
Henry III. to the abbot granting that the abbey
of Westminster with all its cells should be free
from all exactions and fines and should have the
right to hold a court of view of frankpledge
within all its lands. (fn. 10) The prior was impleaded
for a corrody in Michaelmas Term, 1318, and
stated that before the Conquest there was a congregation of hermits at Malvern, and that the
foundation of the priory was laid by Urse d'Abitôt;
subsequently by the consent of the founder the
abbot of Westminster constituted there a prior
and monks, and gave them the manors of Newland, Worfield, and Powick. Henry I. confirmed
previous gifts, and added £10 worth of lands in
Baldenhall, Malvern, Northwood, and Fulford,
to be held free of all charges and secular service. (fn. 11)
The Taxation of 1291 gives the priory an
income of £87 13s. 2d. derived from temporalities and spiritualities within the dioceses of Worcester, (fn. 12) Hereford, (fn. 13) Sarum, (fn. 14) Coventry and Lichfield, (fn. 15) Lincoln, (fn. 16) and Llandaff, (fn. 17) by far the largest
portion issuing out of Hereford. (fn. 18) The prior and
convent obtained from William de Whittlesey
in the fifth year of his translation a certificate for
their title to the appropriation of the parish
churches of St. Thomas the Martyr of Malvern,
of Powick, and of Longney. (fn. 19)
The main feature of interest in connexion with
the priory of Great Malvern is to be found in its
position forming the local stronghold of the abbot
of Westminster in the midst of the diocese of
Worcester, and the long struggle which resulted
between the bishop as diocesan and the abbot as
superior to establish more complete supremacy
therein. (fn. 20) The dispute seems at first to have
resulted in a triumph for the bishop, though his
authority was evaded whenever possible by the
abbot and the community itself. During the
reign of Henry II. the monks of Malvern, with
the object of throwing off the yoke of the diocesan, elected a certain Walter as their prior
who was secretly instituted by the abbot, whereupon the bishop, Roger de Gloucester, suspended
the prior until he and his superior had made
satisfaction for their 'excess,' and then ordered
him to be instituted by his own official. (fn. 21) In
1191 another Walter is said to have received the
cure of souls and administration of the spiritualities of Great Malvern at the hands of Robert
Fitz Ralph, then bishop of Worcester. (fn. 22) The
register of Giffard also records that Silvester,
bishop of Worcester, 1216-1218, made Thomas
de Wicke, a monk of Great Malvern, prior and
confirmed him. (fn. 23) In 1222 William de Blois
promoted William Norman, prior of Great Malvern, in the place of Simon prior of Worcester
whom he had deposed (fn. 24) ; the appointment was
temporary, but the conference which met to
settle the controversy on 3 October, 1224, decided that the sometime prior of Malvern should
receive the manor of Cleeve Prior for life on his enforced retirement from Worcester. (fn. 25) On Quinquagesima Sunday, 1233, a difference arose between the bishop and his former nominee as to
the visitation of the priory; the bishop, however,
gained his point, and was solemnly admitted with
procession to the monastery and received procuration, and on the morrow entered the
chapter-house and preached the cause of his
visitation. (fn. 26) In 1234 after the death of William
Norman the bishop visited his successor, arriving
at the abbey as before on Quinquagesima Sunday,
and receiving procuration. (fn. 27) In the first year of
his succession Walter de Cantilupe visited Great
Malvern with other religious houses and corrected what required correction, (fn. 28) and in the
following year he came again to the priory. (fn. 29) On
the death of Prior Thomas in 1242 the bishop
assumed the custody of the house and examined
the election of John who succeeded to the rule,
and confirmed him in the presence of the abbot
and convent of Winchcomb, and caused him to
be installed by his official, having first received
his profession of obedience. (fn. 30) The Annales state
that the abbot of Westminster protested, but
apparently without avail. (fn. 31)
The vexed question of jurisdiction received
final settlement during the rule of Giffard after
one of the most bitter ecclesiastical quarrels recorded in English history. The bishop in
accordance with the precedent established by his
predecessors came to the priory 22 September,
1282, apparently in the ordinary course of visitation, though probably summoned by the complaint of the monks as to the conduct of their
prior, William de Ledbury. (fn. 32) In the chapterhouse he preached to the assembled community
from the text 'I will come and descend upon
you,' and afterwards proceeded to examine the
charges brought against the superior, who was
then and there convicted of the grossest crime
and immorality. (fn. 33) Giffard left without taking
any decided action, and returned to Kempsey,
probably to turn the matter over. Some days
later as he was at table messengers arrived bearing fresh complaints. The bishop hesitated no
longer, but inflamed with righteous anger he
returned to Great Malvern and deposed the
offender, who it is said fled and added to the
scandal by becoming apostate. (fn. 34) The attitude of
the community on this decisive action is not
stated, but several of the monks incurred sentence of excommunication for their contumacy,
from which they were soon afterwards released. (fn. 35)
Giffard's action in removing Ledbury might
have commanded more general sympathy, but
his next step was unwise and the reason assigned
unjustified. In the vacancy thus created he
took the custody of the house in his own hands,
stating that he did so 'as patron,' and put in his
officer as custodian. (fn. 36) This roused the opposition of
some of the monks, and they were again excommunicated for contumacy. (fn. 37) With the bishop's
approval and concurrence the convent elected
William de Wykewane in the place of Ledbury, and he was sent to the abbot and convent of Westminster for confirmation. Hitherto
the abbot had remained in apparent inactivity;
probably he utilized his position (fn. 38) to give the
king his version of the affair and enlist his support. On the arrival of the prior elect he was
seized by the abbot's orders and thrown into prison with his companions. Giffard wrote to the
bishop of Bath and Wells, at that time chancellor, acquainting him with what had occurred
and asking him to tell the king the truth of the
matter. (fn. 39) The following day Edward I. addressed a letter to Giffard stating that the abbot
had satisfied him as to the justice of the claim of
the abbey to be immediately subject with all its
members to the holy see and exempt from ordinary jurisdiction, consequently in deposing the
prior and removing sundry officers, etc. the
bishop had violated the abbot's undoubted rights
and should forthwith cease from such molestation and restore the priory to its original state. (fn. 40)
The letter of Giffard to the abbot threatening
him with the consequences of continued detention of the prior elect only evoked a retort from
the abbot that the allegations contained in the
letter were untrue, nor did the order of Peckham, archbishop of Canterbury, for the release
of the prisoners produce the slightest effect. (fn. 41)
Giffard's high-handed action in seizing the temporalities of the priory moved the king to order
the sheriff of Worcester to turn out the bishop's
official and take possession of all revenues,
manors, etc. for the king. (fn. 42) This was a decided
rebuff, but Giffard, stating that he 'did not propose to dispute the claim on account of the king
being occupied in warfare,' re-appointed his clerk
to keep the spiritualities only. (fn. 43) On 23 November 1282 the king went further and ordered the
sheriff to restore the priory to Ledbury ' now
prior of the same,' threatening him with a heavy
fine unless he should fully execute the writ. (fn. 44)
In the meanwhile Giffard ordered the abbot of
Westminster to be cited to appear before him
and the excommunication of the monks of Malvern to be published in every church throughout
the deanery. (fn. 45) This again produced no effect; the
abbot did not appear, and was declared contumacious, though under the circumstances the
penalty was postponed. (fn. 46) The bishop wrote
again to the archbishop of Canterbury and addressed a petition to the king praying that he
might be allowed to have the temporalities and
spiritualities of Great Malvern during a vacancy. (fn. 47)
On 16 November, 1282, he passed sentence of
interdict upon the priory, and the dean of Powick
was ordered to sequestrate the issues of the parish
church appropriated to Great Malvern. (fn. 48) This was
shortly followed by an interdict laid on all the
towns, monasteries, priories, churches, and chapels
of the abbot of Westminster within the diocese, (fn. 49)
and a prohibition under penalty of excommunication against buying, selling, eating, drinking,
or holding any communication with Ledbury
and the monks of Malvern who were excommunicate. (fn. 50) In December, 1282, Peckham signified his intention of visiting the diocese. (fn. 51) The
tour began on the morrow of the Feast of the
Purification, and the archbishop arrived at Malvern on the Saturday following. Having preached
in the chapter-house, he asked in due form for
admission to visit the brethren, whereupon the
proctors of the abbot of Westminster rose up and
formally protested on the grounds that the priory
was privileged and neither archbishop nor bishop
had jurisdiction therein. (fn. 52) Peckham gave them a
day for the exhibition of the alleged privileges,
and, in accordance with the agreement made with
the abbot's representatives, wrote that night from
Wyke to the official of Canterbury, the dean of
Arches, and the examiner of the court of Canterbury, ordering them to proceed at once to Westminster to examine what evidence could be produced in favour of the claim preferred. (fn. 53) All
this while the prior elect was kept in prison
loaded with fetters, and on 9 February, 1282-3,
Giffard wrote to Cardinal Hugh of Evesham
begging him to use his efforts for the release of
his nephew, stating that one of his companions
had already succumbed to the cruel treatment
meted out to the prisoners. (fn. 54) The dowager
queen Eleanor, probably at the cardinal's instigation, also appealed to the king for the release
of William 'because he is the nephew of the
cardinal'; (fn. 55) the king thus petitioned relented so
far as to summon the bishop to appear before
him at Montgomery touching the dispute between
him and the abbot. (fn. 56) Giffard continued to urge
his appeal at the Roman Court (fn. 57) and went on
excommunicating. (fn. 58) The inspection of the evidence failed to convince Peckham of the justice
of the priory's claim to exemption, and he ordered
the bishop to excommunicate the prior, sub-prior,
precentor, sacristan, cellarer, and chamberlain of
Great Malvern for contumacy. (fn. 59) The meeting
at Montgomery, if it took place, (fn. 60) had no appreciable effect on the condition of the unhappy
prior elect and his companions, and on 6 May,
1283, Giffard again petitioned the king on their
behalf. (fn. 61) Repeated excommunications were followed in June by a notification to the sub-prior
and convent of Great Malvern of the bishop's
intention to visit them; (fn. 62) in the same month he
took the further step of sequestrating all pensions,
portions, etc. belonging to the monks. (fn. 63) The
long-delayed bull from Rome arrived at last
appointing the priors of Chertsey and St. Frideswyde of Oxford with the precentor of Wells to
hear the appeal; the two priors, probably a little
shy of the task, delegated others to act in their
place. (fn. 64) Judgment delivered on 23 July, 1283,
confirmed the sentence of excommunication
against Ledbury and the sub-prior of Malvern,
and communication with them was forbidden
until they had obtained absolution. (fn. 65) Matters
remained much as they were until the autumn,
when the king determined on the termination of
the quarrel, (fn. 66) and ordered the two parties to appear at Acton Burnell, where he himself superintended the compromise at which they finally
arrived. The bishop was shown apostolic letters
stating the abbey of Westminster with all its
cells and priories, and especially that of Great
Malvern, to be exempt from diocesan law and
ordinary jurisdiction, on the strength of which
he acknowledged the exemption of the priory, (fn. 67)
and agreed to absolve Ledbury and all the monks
from the sentence of excommunication and interdict together with their servants. (fn. 68) The abbot of
Westminster agreed that the prior and convent
should make over to the bishop the manor of
Knightwick to indemnify him for the loss he
had incurred, (fn. 69) and on 15 November, 1283, Edward I. wrote to the sheriff of Worcester to announce that a 'firm peace' had been established
between the two disputants, and that he should
put the bishop into possession of the manor
granted him by the prior and convent, and maintain, protect, and defend him therein. (fn. 70)
In reviewing this great fight it is impossible
to feel greatly edified by its results; the bishop
lost a point so strenuously upheld by his predecessors, the right of jurisdiction in the priory,
though the loss was sweetened to him by the
substantial gain of a manor. It would be ridiculous to assume that the cause of religion was
served by the retention of such an ornament to
monasticism as Ledbury, (fn. 71) the slurring over of
his offence seems a blot on all concerned in the
affair, and it is to be observed that Peckham,
who had so actively upheld the right of his
suffragan, with whom he was in other respects
so frequently at variance, was left out in the
final agreement. On hearing of it he wrote an
annoyed letter to Giffard, asking for information
respecting a settlement reported to be simoniacal,
and warning him if that were the case to revoke it
instantly, and refrain from making similar ones
in future. (fn. 72) The bishop replied to the letter, and
the matter was then dropped.
Subsequent efforts to establish jurisdiction
over the priory were made by the bishop or
chapter of Worcester without success. In 1290
the monks of Great Malvern obtained a writ
for the confirmation of their acquittance from visitation, or, failing that, the restoration of the manor
of Knightwick. (fn. 73) Archbishop Winchelsey was
engaged in visiting the prior and convent of
Great Malvern in July, 1301, when articles of
complaint against Bishop Giffard were presented to him by the chapter of Worcester.
The precise nature of this visit is not
stated. Among the procurations due to the
church of Worcester, 'sede vacante,' was the sum
of 40s. which the prior of Great Malvern or
his deputy had to place on the high altar within
fifteen days of the notice of a vacancy. (fn. 74) The
monks were cited to appear at Pershore to
answer for their resistance to the prior of
Worcester's visitation during a vacancy in 1333. (fn. 75)
In June of the same year the pope sent a
mandate to the bishop of Worcester respecting
the king's request for the appropriation of the
church of Longdon to the abbot and convent of
Westminster, to which the bishop had refused
consent, unless the abbot would release to him
jurisdiction over the priory. (fn. 76) The privilege was
not yielded by the abbey, as appears in a list of
'houses exempt' appended to a bull of Innocent
VI., for the visitation of the diocese during the
rule of Reginald Brian. (fn. 77)
Bishop Carpenter paid a visit to the priory in
July, 1340, for the purpose of consecrating altars
within the conventual church. He was received
with great ceremony, and remained the night
with his household at the charge of the convent.
The following day he consecrated the high altar
in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary, St.
Michael, St. John the Evangelist, SS. Peter and
Paul, and St. Benedict the Abbot; an altar to
the right of the choir, in honour of St. Wulfstan
and St. Thomas of Hereford; and another on
the left, in honour of Edward King and Confessor, and St. Giles the Abbot. A fourth was
dedicated in honour of SS. Peter and Paul and
All Apostles, St. Katharine and All Virgins; a
fifth in honour of St. Lawrence and All Martyrs,
St. Nicholas and All Confessors; a sixth in honour
of the Blessed Virgin and St. Anne, and a
seventh in honour of St. Ursula and the Eleven
Thousand Virgins. (fn. 78)
With the exception of the long struggle terminating in the furious fight of 1282-1283,
which dragged the priory into prominence, its
history is uneventful. Much of their property
appears to have been lost or alienated by the
community between 1217 and 1368, (fn. 79) and the
brethren found the house unable to bear the
charges incumbent on it, (fn. 80) and set themselves to
the task of adding to their estates. They obtained from Edward I. and his two immediate
successors frequent licences for the acquisition of
land, and were permitted by Bishop Maidstone,
in 1314, to appropriate the church of Powick
already of their advowson. (fn. 81) The prior and
convent shared the incidents of aid and subsidy
imposed on religious houses generally, and admitted the pensioners which the kingly prerogative
presented to foundations of royal patronage. In
February, 1309-1310, Edward II. sent John de
Waltham, 'who had long served the late and
present kings,' to the priory to receive the
necessaries of food and clothing, according to the
requirements of his estate, including a chamber
to be set apart for his use within the enclosure
of the priory. (fn. 82) On the death of John de
Waltham, Henry de Thornhill, the king's cook,
was sent on 2 March, 1317-18, to take his
place. (fn. 83) In 1346, Edward III. granted a patent
for the appropriation of the churches of Upton
Snodsbury and Eastleach to the prior and convent. (fn. 84) From a letter cited by Nash, (fn. 85) we read
that the appropriation of Upton Snodsbury
church was not confirmed by the bishop of
Worcester till 1392, and then at the special
request of the archbishop of Canterbury and the
bishops of London and Hereford. The letter of
the archbishop sets forth that the convent being
situated near the public way, and but slenderly
endowed from the foundation, the monks have
petitioned him on the ground of maintaining their
accustomed hospitality. (fn. 86)
The custom of the house during a vacancy
occasioned by the death or cession of a prior was
fully recognized by the king, who desired his
escheator in July, 1340, not to intermeddle with
the custody of the priory, as it was proved that
since the days of Richard I. no entry was ever
made for a time of voidance, and divers inquisitions showed that the sub-prior and convent were
accustomed from its foundation to elect a prior
without licence of the king, and to dispose of its
issues without interference from the king or his
ministers, so that the custody ought not to
belong to the king, save of lands which might
be acquired or those held of him in chief. (fn. 87)
Entries relating to Great Malvern during the
fifteenth and early sixteenth century are brief
and without great interest until we come to the
eve of the Dissolution. The priory was in all
probability visited by Dr. Legh in 1535; the
prior of Worcester, writing to Cromwell on
1 August, says 'Dr. Lee, who was with us this
week on the king's visitation, departed on Saturday to Much Malvern'; (fn. 88) no report is given of
his 'finding' here. According to the Valor of
1535, the income of the prior and convent
amounted to £375 0s. 6½ d.; (fn. 89) Avecote, in
Warwickshire, a cell of Great Malvern, was returned in 1536 as under a less yearly value than
£200, (fn. 90) and came under the earlier act for suppression.
Efforts were made to save the priory from the
fate impending; the prior wrote to the commissioner entreating his favour, stating that he
and his brethren deem it 'expedient to ask the
king's pleasure how they shall order themselves. (fn. 91)
Bishop Latimer's letter to Cromwell is a striking
testimony to the management of the convent
and the character of its then head. The good
bishop, writing 'at the request of an honest man,
the prior of Great Malvern, of my diocese,'
pleads for the 'upstandynge' of his house, and
continuance of the same to many good purposes,
'not in monkery . . . but to maintain teaching,
preaching, study with praying, and (to the which
he is much given) good "howsekepynge," for to
the "vertu" of hospitality he hath been greatly
inclined from his beginning, and is very much
commended in these parts for the same . . .
The man is old, a good "howsekepere," feeds
many, and that daily, for the country is poor and
full of penury. Alas, my good lord, shall not
we see two or three in each shire changed to
such remedy? . . Sir William Kingston can
report of the man further.' (fn. 92)
This appeal, backed by an offer to find 500
marks for the king and 200 for Cromwell himself,
failed of its object. The actual date of the surrender of the house is not given, but the pensionlist for the late prior and monks of 'Much'
Malvern is dated 12 January, 1539-40, and
assigns to the prior the sum of £66 13s. 4d., (fn. 93) to
the sub-prior £13 6s. 8d., to the sexton £8, to
four monks £6 13s 4d. each, £6 each to three
monks, to another monk £6 6s. 8d.; Christopher
Aldewyn, alias More, scholar at Oxford, received £10.
Priors of Great Malvern (fn. 94)
Aldwin or Alwy, (fn. 95) 1085.
Walcher Lotharingus, (fn. 96) occurs 1125, died
1135.
Roger, (fn. 97) occurs 1151 and 1159.
Walter, (fn. 98) elected 1165.
Roger Malebranche, (fn. 99) made abbot of Burton
1178.
Thomas de Wicke, (fn. 100) occurs 1217.
William Norman, (fn. 101) occurs 1222, died
1233.
Thomas, (fn. 102) died 1242.
John de Wigornia, (fn. 103) elected 1242.
Thomas de Bredon. (fn. 104)
William de Wykewane. (fn. 105)
William de Ledbury, (fn. 106) 1279, deposed 1287.
William de Wykewane, (fn. 107)
durante lite 1282.
Richard de Eston, (fn. 108) elected 1287, died
1300.
Hugh de Wyke, (fn. 109) occurs 1305 and 1314.
Thomas de Leigh, (fn. 110) 1340, died 1349.
John de Painswick, (fn. 111) elected 1349, died
1361.
Simon Bysley or Byscheley, (fn. 112) elected 1361.
Richard Rolle or Polle, elected 1397. (fn. 113)
John Malverne, (fn. 114) occurs 1435.
J. Bennet, (fn. 115) occurs 1449.
Richard Mathern or Mathon, resigned 1457. (fn. 116)
Richard Dene, (fn. 117) elected 1457, occurs 1463.
Richard Bone. (fn. 118)
Richard Frewen. (fn. 119)
Maculinus Ledbury, (fn. 120) occurs 1503.
Thomas (Kegworth), (fn. 121) occurs 1511.
Thomas Dereham or Dyrham, (fn. 122) occurs 1533
and 1538.
Richard Whitborn, alias Bedyll, Bedle or
Bedill, (fn. 123) received a pension 1539-40.
The twelfth-century pointed oval seal of the
priory is taken from a cast at the British Museum.
The obverse represents the Virgin with crown,
seated on a carved throne, in her lap the Holy
Child, a sceptre fleur-de-lizé in her right hand.
Her feet on a foot-board, ornamented with an
arcade of round-head arches. The Child with
nimbus lifting up the right hand in benediction,
in the left hand a book. (fn. 124) Legend:
[+ SIGILLVM . IB]E . MARIE . [M]ALVERNIE
The reverse, a smaller pointed oval counterseal,
represents the archangel Michael, half-length,
with wings expanded, holding a crown of three
points before him, in the act of casting it down on
the 'sea of glass,' here shown by three wavy lines. (fn. 125)
Legend:
[+] SIGILLVM : SCI : MICHAEL[IS]
The later seal is a white, pointed oval seal,
attached to a deed of Prior Richard at the close
of the thirteenth century. (fn. 126) Obverse represents the Virgin, with crown and head-dress of
unusual form, seated on an elaborately carved
throne, the Child on her left knee. Legend
imperfect:
. . . [MALVE]RNI[E]
Reverse, as in the previous seal. (fn. 127)
The probable seal of Thomas de Wicke, 1217, is (fn. 128)
a thirteenth-century, white, pointed oval seal representing the Virgin with crown, seated on a throne
under a carved canopy of pyramidal form, the Child
on her left knee between Michael the archangel
on the left, with nimbus and shield, and a saint,
perhaps St. John the Baptist, on the right, with
nimbus, lifting up the right hand in benediction,
in the left hand the Agnus Dei (?), above his
head a wavy estoile. In base, under a trefoiled
arch; with a sunken quatrefoil on each side, the
prior half-length, praying.
E+SIGILLVM : THOME : PRIORIS : MAIO[RIS :
[M]ALVERN' (fn. 129)