||They appear, by an article of Court-intelligence, to have occasionally attended the Protector at his country palace, whither hastened
that incessant intruder Care;
Oeyor cervis, et agente nimbos
" Friday, 22 June, 1655. This evening, his Highness the Lord Protector went from Whitehall to Hampton Court, whither members of the
Council also went, and there the great affairs of the nation are transacted with labour and care, as if they were at Whitehall.'' Perfect Proceedings, No. 300.
||Among the rest, to follow up the Parliamentary project (supra, p. 1.
||) respecting proceedings in Chancery. See Whitlock, pp. 601–608.
||See infra, pp. 231, 232, 357, notes; vol. ii. p. 76, note
†; iii. 151, 531
–533; iv. 151,155, 156, notes. " Feb. 28, 1655. Major-general Harrison, Captain Courtney, and Mr. Carew, sent prisoners to three several
places westward. 'Tis said, one to Pendennis, one to Portland, and the
third to the Isle of Wight." Mercurius Fumigosus, p. 306.
"The Cavaliers," says Mrs. Hutchinson, " had not patience to stay
till things ripened of themselves, but were every day forming designs,
and plotting for the murder of Cromwell and other insurrections, which
being contrived in drinke, and managed by false and cowardly fellows,
were still revealed to Cromwell, who had most excellent intelligence of
all things that passed, even in the King's closet; and by these unsuc
cessful plots, they were the only obstructors of what they sought to advance, while, to speake truth, Cromwell's personal courage and magnanimity upheld him against all enemies and malcontents." Memoirs of
Colonel Hutchinson, (1810,) ii. 212.
Mercurius Fumigosus, No. 60, mentions," Sep. 5, 1655. The return
of General Fenn from the Indies; he coming into Portsmouth with
twenty-four sail of ships."
||See vol. iii. pp. 102,103, note. In " The secret Discoveries, which
Don Fennyn, a Spanish Secretary, made to the Duke of Buckingham,
1623, at Madrid," this island is thus described:
"Jamaica commands all the Gulph of Mexico, and all the fleets which
do come from the main land must pass in sight of it. The same abounds
in all necessaries, and doth enjoy a very excellent air. It is able to maintain a million of inhabitants. There are about 3 or 4000 slaves. It
hath an excessive number of horses, of beavers, and of boars.
"It is 50 leagues in length, and 25 in breadth at the most: and hath
not above 7 or 800 men that bear arms; all which are seated in three
small open towns, without any defence at all, viz. Seville, Oriestan, and
Mellila. Most of them are Portugalls, who, as well as the negroes, long
for nothing so much as to be freed from the Spanish yoke. The surprisal
of the said isle is very easy, for that it is not fortified, and that the inhabitants are not trained up to arms.
"The secret golden mine, which hath not yet been opened by the
King of Spain, or by any other, is four miles from Niestan, towards the
east. It is near the way towards Mellila. The earth is black. Rivulets
discover the source of the mine." See " Clarendon State Papers,"
(1767,) i. 19.
||See infra, p. 40; vol. iii. pp. 314, 388–390.
" Some modern politicians," says Bishop Warburton, on Lord Clarendon, " have affected to think contemptuously of Cromwell's capacity, as
if he knew not that true policy required that he should have thrown
himself into the lighter balance, which was that of Spain, or as if he did
not know which was become the lighter.
"But this is talking as if Cromwell had been a legal hereditary monarch, whom true policy would have thus directed. But true policy required that the usurper should first take care of himself, before he busied
himself in adjusting the balance of Europe.
"Now France, by its vicinity, was the most dangerous power to disoblige, as well as by the near relationship of the two royal families of
France and England. So that, though Cromwell gave out that which of
the two states would give most for his friendship should have it, in order
to raise the price, he was certainly determined in himself that France
should have it." History of Rebellion, (1826,) vii. 640.
||" That there be no room hereafter for suspicion, the Ambassador of
the King of France and Navarre engages and promises, in the name of
his most Christian Majesty, to the Lord Protector of the Republic of
England, Scotland, and Ireland, that the persons whose names are mentioned in the list hereunto annexed, and subscribed by the Lords Commissioners, shall not stay, neither they, nor any one of them, in the
kingdom of France, beyond 40 days after the exchange of the ratifications
of the treaty signed this day; nor shall they, or any one of them, return, or at any time hereafter be admitted into the said kingdom.
"Those to be banished out of France, were Charles, eldest son of
Charles, late King of England, James Duke of York, Henry Duke of
Gloucester, after ten years, if required. The Lord of Ormond, Sir Edward Hyde, Sir John Culpeper, Lord Gerrard, Daniel O'Neale, Lord
Wilmot, Sir Marnaduke Langdale, Sir Edward Nicholas, Lord Wentworth, eldest son of the Earl of Cleveland, Sir Richard Greenville, Sir
Francis Doddington, Sir John Berkeley, the Lord Bellasis, O'Sullivan
Beare, Lieutenant-general. Middleton, Lord Muskerie, the father,
Major-general Edward Massey." Treaties, (1732,) pp. 160,161.
||See vol. ii. p. 354.
||" Art. VI. Qu'en toutes les villes et bourgs de ce royaume, où il
y aura des havres et des ports, la nation Angloise y aura commerce, et
y pourra faire bastir des temples pour l'exercise de la religion, et sera
permis aux François de la religion, qui y seront aux environs d'y faire
prescher en Francois.
"Art. VII. Que les édits de Janvier et de Nantes, seront executez,
selon leurs formes et teneurs, et toute le nation Angloise demeurera caution pour l'exécution des dits édits." See " Articles du Traité d'entre la
France et L'Angleterre, fait par le Cardinal Mazarine et Cromwell;"
in Charles Davenant's " Essays upon the Balance of Power," (1701,)
pp. 13, 125.
The Edict of Nantes, 1598, is well known. The Edict of January designs, I apprehend, the " Declaration du Roy, et confirmation de I'Edit
de Nantes. Donné À Paris, le 15 Decembre, 1612; et verifié le 2 Jan.
vier, 1613." See " Recueil des Edicts et Declarations, des Roys Henry
IV. Lovys XIII. et Lovis XIV. Sur la Pacification des Troubles de ce
Royaume." A Paris, (1669,) Avec Privilege de sa Majesté, p. 88.
I am here reminded how Professor Limborch relates " a noble instance, given by Oliver Cromwell, Protector of England," of interference
with the " unrighteous practices" of the Holy Office.
"Thomas Maynard, Consul of the English nation at Lisbon, was
thrown into the prison of the Inquisition, under pretence that he had
said or done something against the Roman religion. Mr. Meadows, who
was then resident, and took care of the English affairs at Lisbon, advised
Cromwell of the affair; and after having received an express from him,
went to the King of Portugal, and, in the name of Cromwell, demanded
the liberty of Consul Maynard. The King told him, it was not in his
power: that the Consul was detained by the Inquisition, over which he
had no authority.
"The Resident sent this answer to Cromwell, and having soon after
received new instructions from him, had again audience of the King, and
told him, that since his Majesty had declared he had no power over the
Inquisition, he was commanded by Cromwell to declare war against the
Inquisition. This unexpected declaration so terrified the King and the
Inquisition, that they immediately determined to free the Consul from
prison, and immediately opened the prison doors, and gave him leave to
go out. The Consul refused to accept a private dismission, but, in order
to repair the honour of his character, demanded to he honourably brought
forth by the Inquisition. This story was well known to all foreign merchants, who lived at that time, and many years after, at Lisbon." See
"The History of the Inquisition," (1731,) i. 214.
||See infra, p. 235, note. " He divided England," says Ludlow,
"into cantons, over which he placed a Bashaw, under the title of Majorgeneral, who was to have the inspection and government of inferior
commissions in every county, with orders to seize the persons, and
distrain the estates of such as shall be refractory, and to put in execution
such further directions' as they should receive from him." Memoirs,
Ludlow mentions " a farmer in Barkshire, who being demanded to
pay his tenth, desired to know of the Commissioners, in case he did so,
what security he should have for the other nine parts. And answer
being made that he should have Cromwell's order and theirs for the
enjoyment of the rest, he replied: 'If Goodman such an one,' and
another whom he named of his neighbours,' will give me their bond for
it, I know what to say to such a proposal; for if they break their agreement, I know where to right myself, but these sword-men are too strong
for me.' " Ibid. pp. 559, 560.
"These Major-generals," says Mrs. Hutchinson, " rul'd according
to their wills, by no law, but what seem'd good in their owne eies; imprisoning men, obstructing the course of justice betweene man and man,
perverting right, through partiality, acquitting some that were guilty,
and punishing some that were innocent, as guilty." Memoirs of Colonel
Hutchinson, (1810,) ii. 210.
||See vol. iii. p. 527, note. To Lord Clarendon's assertion, that this
rigorous measure " brought a vast incredible sum of money into Cromwell's coffers,'' Bishop Warburton replies:—
"This is absolutely false, as appears by the letters of the several
Major-generals to Cromwell, in the collection of Thurloe's Papers,
whereby it appears, that the money raised by decimation, did, at most,
only support those new-raised troops, which the Major-generals raised
in their several districts, to enable them to put their authority in execution." History of Rebellion, (1826,) vii. 640.
Mercurius Fumigosus, (Aug. 8, 1655,) p. 500.
||" The Earl of Orrery [Lord Broghill, see infra, p. 357, ad fin.]
told me," says the bishop, " that coming one day to Cromwell, and telling him that he had been in the city all that day, Cromwell asked him,
what news he had heard there. The other answered, that he was told, he
was in treaty with the King, who was to be restored, and to many his
"Cromwell expressing no indignation at this, Lord Orrery said, in the
state to which things were brought, he saw not a better expedient. They
might bring him in, on what terms they pleased, and Cromwell might retain the same authority he then had, with less trouble. Cromwell answered, 'the King ean never forgive his father's blood.' Orrery said,' he
was one of many that were concerned in that, but he would be alone in
the merit of restoring him.' Cromwell replied, 'he is so damnably debauched, he will undo us all;' and so turned to another discourse, without any emotion, which made Orrery conclude he had often thought of
that expedient." Own Time, (1724,) i. 71, 72.
Oldmixon relates this story more at large," as told by Lord Broghill's
chaplain," and adds, on the Protector's character of Charles Stuart; " as
debauched as he was, I have heard him a hundred times called 'our
most religious and gracious king,' in very sacred and solemn places."
House of Stuart, (1730,) p. 113.
Ludlow has recorded an interesting conversation with the Protector, about this time:
He " came to Westminster," from Ireland, with his family, " in the
evening of the 10th of December." After relating an interview with
"Lieutenant-general Fleetwood," he thus proceeds:—
" The next Wednesday after my arrival, about eight in the evening,
Cromwell sent a gentleman, one Mr. Fenwick, to let me know that he
would speak with me. I found him in his bed-chamber, at Whitehall,
and with him, Major-general Lambert, Colonel Sydenham, Mr. Walter
Strickland, Colonel Montague, and soon after came in Lieutenant-general Fleetwood. The first salute I received from him was, to tell me,
that I had not dealt fairly with him, in making him to believe that I
had signed an engagement not to act against him, and yet reserving an
explanation, whereby I made void that engagement.
"He asked me, wherefore I would not engage not to act against
the present Government, telling me, that if Nero were in power, it
would be my duty to submit. To which I replied, that I was ready to
submit, and could truly say, that I knew not of any design against him.
' But,' said I, 'if Providence open a way, and give an opportunity of
appearing in behalf of the people, I cannot consent to tie my own hands
beforehand, and oblige myself not to lay hold on it.'—' However,' said
he, 'it is not reasonable to suffer one that I distrust to come within my
house, till he assure me he will do me no mischief.' I told him, I was
not accustomed to go to any house, unless I expected to be welcome;
neither had I come hither, but upon a message from him; and that I desired nothing but a little liberty to breathe in the air, to which I conceived I had an equal right with other men.
"Then beginning to carry himself more calmly, he said, that he had
been always ready to do me what good offices he could, and that he
wished me as well as he did any one of his Council; desiring me to
make choice of some place to be in, where I might have good air.
"I assured him that my dissatisfactions were not grounded upon any
animosity against his person; and that if my own father were alive, and
in his place, they would, I doubted not, be altogether as great. He
acknowledged that I had always carried myself fairly and openly to
him, and protested that he had never given me just cause to act
"When Cromwell had finished his discourse, some of those who were
present, began to make their observations, and particularly Colonel
Montague [See vol. iv. pp. 432, 433, note,] thought it worthy his
notice, that I had intimated, if Providence should offer an occasion, I
was ready to act against the present Government; but the rest of the
company seemed ashamed of what he said." Memoirs, ii. 551, 552.
||See infra, p. 309; vol. iii. p. 479, notes. " Major-general Whalley"
thus writes " to Secretary Thurloe. Nottingham, Dec. 12, 1655.
"I am glad so godly and prudent a course is taken concerning the
Jews; yet cannot conceive the reason, why so great a variety of opinion should, he amongst such men, as I hear are called to consult about
them. It seems to me, that there are both politique and divine reasons,
which strongly make for their admission into a cohabitation and civil
commerce with us. Doubtless, to say no more, they will bring in much
wealth into this Commonwealth." See "Thurloe State Papers," iv.
"Secretary Thurloe to H. Cromwell, Major-General of the army in
"We have had many disputations concerninge the admittance of the
Jewes to dwell in this Commonwealth, they havinge made an earnest
desire to his Highnesse to be admitted; whereupon he hath beene
pleased to advise with some of the judges, merchants, and divines.
"The point of conscience hath beene only controverted yet, viz.
whether it he lawefull to admit the Jewes, now out of England, to return again into it. The divines doe very much differ in their judgments
about it, some beinge for their admittance upon fitting cautions, others
are in expresse termes against it, upon any termes whatsoever. The
like difference I finde in the counsell, and soe amongst all Christians
"The matter is debated, with great candor and ingenuitye, and
without any heat. What the issue thereof will be, I am not able to
tell you; but am apt to thinke that nothing will be done therein."
lbid. p. 321.
||"When he understood," says Bishop Burnet, "what dealers the
Jews were every where, in that trade which depends on news, the advancing money upon high or low interests, in proportion to the risque
they run, or the gain to be made, as the, times might turn, and in the
buying and selling of the actions of money so advanced, he, more upon
that account, than in compliance with the principles of toleration, [a
mere assertion,] brought a company of them over to England, and gave
them leave to build a synagogue." Own Time (1724), i. 71.
Whitlock. "This was a business," he adds, " of much importance
to the Commonwealth, and the Protector was earnestly set upon it."
Memorials, p. 618.
||" October, 1655. The Council at Whitehall ordered, that no person presume to publish in print, any matter of public news or intelligence, without leave and approbation of the Secretary of State.—Order
of the Protector and Council against printing unlicensed and scandalous
books and pamphlets, and for regulating of printing." Ibid. p. 617.
A diurnal of this time complains how " The single-sheeted incendiaries walk now in state," and the instance given is a pamphlet, intitled: " Some Mementos for the Officers and Soldiers of the Army, from
some Sober Christians." Among many passages quoted, is the following:
"Before this Parliament had sat nine days, his Highness commanded
part of the militia to lock up the Parliament doors against the Parliament, and hath sent away such members, as will not betray the cause of
their country into his hands."
Another of the " Mementos," discovers how he " broke in pieces the
Parliament that intrusted him with his command, under a false pretence
that they would have sat for ever;" though " they were, at that instant,
passing an Act for dissolving themselves and settling successive Parliaments; but the Protector broke them, in haste, to prevent the passing that Act, which had otherwise passed within an hour."
To controvert this statement, the courtly diurnal adds: " sure they
had no mind to rise, as you may read in his Highness's speech to the
Parliament." This, no doubt, in 1654, was a conclusive argument.
"The master has said it." See Observator, (1654,) No. 2. pp. 14, 28, 29.
||This disposition the Protector now discovered, by interfering to
rescue from the penalties of an unrighteous Ordinance (see vol. iii. p.
*) a learned and exemplary Christian professor, who had
largely experienced the bigotry and intolerance of the late Parliament
(see supra, p. cxxx.) From the following article of intelligence, it
appears that his Christian persecutors had not relaxed in their efforts
for his destruction:
"The Diurnal Newes, July 11–18, 1655. The Tryall of Mr. John
Biddle, at the Sessions in the Old Baily, for seeking to divide the Deitie,
being try'd upon the Ordinance made in 1648, against blasphemy and
heresie." Mercurius Fumigosus, No. 60, p. 468. See infra, p. 57, note.
Whitlock mentions: "Jan. 1655–6, Letter of a gallant action performed by the English in Jamaica, against the Spaniards in the Indies."
Memorials, p. 619.
||"Gage, who had been a priest," says Bishop Burnet, "came over
from the West Indies, and gave such an account of the feebleness, as
well as the wealth of the Spaniards in those parts, as made him conclude, that it would be both a great and an easy conquest to seize on
their dominions. By this he reckoned he would be supplied with such a
treasure, that his government would be established, before he should
need to have any recourse to a Parliament for money.
"He equipped a fleet. with a force sufficient, as he hoped, to have
seized Hispaniola and Cuba. And Gage had assured him that success
in that expedition would make all the rest fall into his hands.
"Stoupe [see vol. ii. p. 354 note] being, on another occasion, called
to his closet, saw him, one day, very intent in looking on a map, and in
measuring distances. Stoupe saw it was a map of the Bay of Mexico,
and observed who printed it. So, there being no discourse upon that
subject, Stoupe went next day to the printer to buy the map. The
printer denied he had printed it. . Stoupe affirmed he had seen it.
Then, he said, it must be only in Cromwell's hand; for he only had
some of the print's, and had given him a strict charge to sell none, till
he had leave given him. So Stoupe perceived that there was a design
that way." Own Time, (1724,) i. 74, 75.
Whitlock says: " Many were very eager to engage in this design; but
it was kept very secret, till the fleet had been gone a long time." Memorials, p. 602.
||" Whitehall, July 10. This day, the writs for summoning the Parliament, were sealed before the Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal,
and from this day they bear date; so that the time of electing fit persons to serve in Parliament, being; (according to the tenor, of the Government,) to be the Wednesday five weeks after the date of the Writs;
the general day of election will fall out to be on Wednesday, the 20th
of August. The Parliament is to assemble on the 17th of September
following." See Public Intelligencer, No. 40, p. 690. See also Mercurius Politicus.
"July 10," says Whitlock, " the Lords Commissioners of the Great
Seal, sitting at the Temple, sealed the writs of summons for a Parliament, to meet the 17th of September." Memorials, (1732,) p. 649.
"The Protector, by warrant to Sir John Barkstead, Lieutenant of
the Tower, discharged Mrs. Lucy Barlow from imprisonment. She had
a young son with her, which she publicly declared to be King Charles's
son, and that she was his wife.
"The officers found a grant, when she was apprehended, signed
Charles R., by which she had an annuity, or yearly pension of 5000
livres, granted to her for her life, with an assurance to better the same,
when it should please God to restore him to his kingdoms; and it was
subscribed, by his Majesty's command, 'Edward Nicholas.' " Ibid. See
Dr. Harris's Lives, (1814,) iv. 162–168.
Mr. Evelyn says, " Aug. 18, 1649. I went to St. Germain's to kisse
his Majesty's hand. In the coach, which was my Lord Wilmot's, went
Mrs. Barlow, the King's mistresse, and mother to the Duke of Monmouth, a browne, beautiful, bold, but insipid creature." Diary, (1827,)
A few pages later, Mr. Evelyn describes, and probably had witnessed,
a representation on Christmas Day, which seems to have been not ill
got up, for stage effect. " The King" performs the principal character. It does not appear that " the King's mistresse" sustained any part,
and what " the Lords" were acting, I am at a loss to determine,
being unacquainted with the ceremonial by which princes are distinguished from plebeians, when receiving the Sacrament:—
" Dec. 25, 1651. The King and Duke received the sacrament, first
by themselves, the Lords Biron and Wilmot holding the long towell,
all along the altar." Ibid. p. 45; see vol. iii. p. 273, ad fin.
Whitlock has recorded the following occupations of Cromwell. and his
Court, during this interval, before the assembling of the Parliament:—
"July 25. The Swedish Ambassador, having taken his leave of the
Protector, received great civilities and respects from, him, and afterwards dined with him, at Hampton Court, and hunted with him. The
Protector bestowed the dignity of knighthood upon one of his gentlemen, Sir Gustavus Du Vale, the Mareschal.
"August 13. The Ambassador of Sweden dined at Sir George Ays
cough's house, in Surrey, where they had very noble entertainment.
The house stands environed with ponds, motes, and water, like a ship at
sea, a fancy the fitter for the master's humour, who is himself so great a
seaman. There, he said, he had cast anchor, and intended to spend the
rest of his life in a private retirement.
"The Ambassador, understanding the abilities of Sir George in sea
affairs, did (according to his custom) endeavour to improve his own
knowledge, by his discourses and questions to the company, according
to their several capacities and abilities. They had much discourse of.
this nature, which added pleasure to the entertainment.
"In his return home, the ambassador went into Hampton Court to
take his leave of the Lady Elizabeth Cleypole and her sisters, where he
was received with much state.
"20. The Swedish Ambassador designed to have gone away this day,
but his jewel, and other present of 1200l. worth of white cloth, not being
ready, he was well contented to stay for them. And they were now resolved to be bestowed on him, since the news of his master's great victory against the King of Poland.
"23. The Ambassador, having been yesterday to take his last leave
of the Protector, was this day to go to Gravesend, and the Lord Strickland and Sir Gilbert Pickering, were appointed by the Council to accompany the Ambassador to the water-side. The Protector's coaches,
and many other coaches, were appointed to conduct him in state to the
Tower wharf, where the Protector's barges were attending upon him.
"The Ambassador wore the rich jewel which the Protector gave him,
tied with a blue ribbon to his button holes. The jewel was his Highness's picture in a case of gold, about the bigness of a five shillings' piece
of silver, set round the case with 16 fair diamonds, each diamond valued
at 60l. in all about 1000l.
"September 3. The Protector and his Council kept a solemn day of
thanksgiving for the two victories obtained at Dunbar and Worcester, on
this day of the month." Memorials, pp. 649, 650.
In an " advertisement of several books now published," about this
time, is the following title-page, remarkable, as London was burned in
1666; and unfortunate for the author's discernment, as the end of the
world has not yet arrived. It is Calvin, I think, who says, very sensibly, that the scriptural prophecies were not designed to make prophets.
"Romce Ruina finalls, Anno Dom. 1666. Mundique finis sub Quadragesimum quintum post Annum; or a Treatise wherein is declared, that
Babylon in the Revelation is Pontificiall Rome, and the Pope Antichrist;
and that Rome will be utterly destroyed, and laid in ashes, in the year
1666. Sold by S. Thomson, at the White Horse in Paul's Church-yard,
and John Shirley, at the Pelican in Little Britain." Mercurius Politicus (" July 17 to July 24, 1656,") No. 319.