Monday, March 21, 1658–9.
I came late.
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper informed the House, that
on Saturday last, in the afternoon, which was the first day
they could be dispensed with from the service of the House,
the Lord Fairfax, Dr. Bathurst, Mr. Weaver, and himself,
in obedience to the command and order of the House, (fn. 1) went
to visit Mr. Speaker, Chaloner Chute, at his house in the
country; that they found him very much indisposed in his
health, and very infirm and weak; that he was much
troubled that he could not attend the service of the House;
that it was a very great reviving and comfort to him, to find
the House take him into their thoughts and care, and to
send some of their members to visit him: for which he
desired his most humble thanks might be presented to the
House, and that they might be acquainted that he values
their service higher than his own life, and that whensoever
they shall command him he will wait on them; and did
assure them, that as soon as ever his health will permit, and
that by advice from his physicians he may do it with safety,
he will return to the service of the House: and prayed, that,
in the mean time, the House would continue their favour
towards him and dispense with his service. (fn. 2)
Mr. Hobart I found speaking. He concluded, that the
question be upon the legal right.
Colonel Briscoe. The distribution is but a circumstance of
If the Act of Union was not recited, it was no new law, but
known; therefore, not so essential to be read or recited. It
is very evident that it should have been thrice read; but you
are masters of your own order. There is no recital in the
Articuli super chartas, (fn. 3) nor in Magna Charta, so often confirmed. It is not therefore of such absolute necessity. It
was his Highness's act, and in his lifetime he does execute
this Union accordingly. He is best judge of the testament
that makes it.
There was an agreement made by the representative of the
people, the Long Parliament. If the change of the government did null or alter it, by the same reason the league
with Sweden and Holland may be avoided. I was as much
against confirming the laws in a bulk (fn. 4) as any man.
If we should take exceptions against every law that has
been made these twenty years, for a punctilio, would that
We should foresee storms. Nemo leditur, nisi à seipso.
I am satisfied as to the legality of it.
I move that the Scotch members continue to sit here, and
that a Bill be brought in to confirm their right. That is
agreed to be a very reconciling motion, and may heal all
these heats and differences about it.
Sir Thomas Stanley stood up to speak to the question.
Some said he had spoke. Others said he spoke only to the
Mr. Speaker. He has spoken to the matter.
Mr. Jenkinson. Though he has spoken; yet to the words of
the question he may speak notwithstanding.
Mr. Gewen. Every man that has spoken, has spoken to the
right. Therefore, in right, that ought to be the question.
Mr. Blagrave desired to speak to the main question.
Mr. Speaker. You should agree of a question; else your
debate will be endless. The question which I found upon
your books was, concerning their continuance; but, if I were
free to propound a question, I should propose it upon the
right. I know the Chair can argue nought, but only collect
Sir Arthur Haslerigge. If the Chair stand up to speak
to the orders of the House, and do not speak to them, any
member may take him down. It is an undoubted order of
the House that the Chair may be taken down. We have
heard you a great while.
Mr. Speaker went on, and gathered the whole debate, and
propounded a question about the right. That would include
every man's sense; for their continuance implies their right.
If it be either upon a prudential right, or legal right, or no
right, every man may be satisfied in his vote. I can only explain your debate, and out of that frame a question.
Sir Arthur Haslerigge. I speak to the orders of the House.
Your office is, out of the debate to draw a question; and
you are in the right, that the debate has chiefly gone upon
the legality of it.
I shall never speak aught in this House which, to the best
of my knowledge, I understand not to be just and right.
Your duty is to put a dear question, not complicated; that
every one may have his yea and no, clearly. I like your
question, but not your explanation.
I am persuaded, if an angel should come from Heaven,
there would not one man's vote be altered in this debate;
nay, though we should spin out a week longer. I agree that
in justice it ought to be put in the legal right, and not to
complicate it with equity and legality.
Mr. Secretary. I agree it to be your part to sum up the
debate, and draw thence a question. I likewise agree that the
question should be clear and not complicated; but I cannot
agree that the question upon the legality is a clear question.
Some have gone upon the legal part, some upon the prudential, merely. Others have taken in both. If you put it
upon the first, you exclude the two latter. Those that are
not clear in point of law, they are excluded. But that of
continuing to sit comprehends every man's vote, and is most
ingenuous and clear. The debate has wholly gone upon that.
Sir Walter Earle. You will soon put end to this debate,
if you take one question, which you please, and put, if that
shall be put; and that will decide it.
Mr. Knightley. If you put it upon the legal part, I shall,
as Mr. Secretary says, go near to give my negative. If upon
the other, my affirmative. Therefore, put the question if
that shall be put.
Mr. Annesley. You rightly represent it to us. You found
that question as to continuing, and, if you put any question,
you must put that. I move to put, if that question shall be
Captain Baynes. I move that we be not led into a mistake.
This question was put upon us. The question ought to be
put upon the legality.
Mr. Attorney-general. The clear question is to continue
to sit. That includes every man's vote. There, every man
that has his reason, is included; for that of the non-legality
is rather a reason than a question. If it be upon the legal, I
am excluded as to any vote. You are a council as well as a
Mr. Hungerford. Your great debate has been upon the
right, and now you are waving that, and putting it upon
another question; which to me seems, that those gentlemen
that move it are satisfied there is no right. If you pass it
now, upon the continuance, the same will be pressed in the
case of the Irish members, and so the right shall never come
in question, as to Ireland.
(It was said he spoke, but he answered, he had had such
an indisposition these fourteen days that he could not speak.)
It is as clear as the sun that shines, that they have no right.
I grant, where the law gives aught it gives a means; but a
means being once given, and then taken away, it is clear that
both the means and end ceases.
Nought more becomes you than to inquire who execute a
legislative power here with you. You excluded some. (fn. 5) If
there be an error in the foundation, it cannot be mended. If
it be of the first digestion, it is incurable.
They are persons of honour and parts, and serviceable to
you, both for help and ornament; but to go upon a prudent
consideration singly, it will carry you into bogs and inconveniency.
Why should any sit here, to make a legal imposition upon
the nation ? You are likely to lay great charge upon the nation, and how will that look abroad, that you suffer persons
to sit here that have no right to sit here, and impose upon
They have sat here two Parliaments, but that was upon
the Act of Distribution, which is now out of doors. Though
they have sat here this Parliament, continual claim has been
made. Never could it be made more seasonable than now,
when you are passing a law to transact.
I hear much talk of an Union. Why we should applaud
that we never saw, I know not. I believe some that applaud
it, never saw it. If this of continuance be admitted in this
case, the same will be imposed on us in point of Ireland.
I hope none will vote upon a prudential right, to give any
one power to pass laws. The Long Robe, that are to defend
the law, will never do it. You may vary the question as you
please. That of legal right will be most for your honour
and advantage. I move that to be your question.
Mr. Annesley. All the service that those two nations can
do you, will not recompense the time you have spent about it.
The question upon your books is to their continuance; and,
whatever be said to the contrary, that will be your question.
I shall not say aught to the legal right, nor how much I am
satisfied of that, or of another right.
It was not the fault of Scotland, that there was not
distribution. It was not likely for thirty to do it against
four hundred, so that you cannot take advantage upon
your own wrong. You promised it, and you ought to make
That of taking away the old Peers by a piece of a Parliament, was as much against the strictness of the law, as this
now in hand. I wonder to see those gentlemen that some
time thought fit to vary from the strictness of law, do now,
at this time, plead so zealously for the strictness of it, and
that in a case which is impossible. I hope they will observe
this strict rule hereafter. If his Highness had sent out writs
as for the two last Parliaments, there had been no occasion of
dispute now. He should deserve thanks for varying the
form and coming so near the ancient form. This House
has all along dispensed with Acts of Parliament, as in case of
non-residency. Should you dispense upon prudentials in
one case and not in another? If the Union were not for the
interest of England, I should be the first to withdraw.
Two months time has been spent in debate, and no resolution. We lie under an impossibility to keep to the strict rules
of the law at this time, but go back as far as we can. Those
that sit in the other House, most of them, I believe, are not
for a military power, but would have things settled upon a
civil and legal foot. They have estates, and I am satisfied
they desire not to set up the sword.
I shall rest upon the Providence of God, as to how the
Mr. Drake. We go upon point of legality, prudence,
equity, and continuance. We are now going back to the
first, like as he that has learned three or four words of a language, goes back to the letters again.
Mr. Speaker took him down, and said he had spoken to the
question on Friday sennight.
Colonel Clark. It is a great while since he spoke. You
have heard him half. Pray hear him the other half.
Sir Arthur Haslerigge moved again to the orders of the
The proper question, if you do us right, must be upon the
Mr. Speaker. If that about the continuance be insisted
upon, it must be put.
Mr. Boscawen. I look upon the Act of Union as a national sin, if any ought to be. The Covenant, (fn. 6) every honest
man ought to hold to that. That was the Union, indeed.
Therefore, I cannot consent to the Act of Union, now pleaded. That war was not lawful, if it did not prosecute the
ends of the Covenant. We were, by covenant, equally obliged
to maintain the privileges of their Parliaments and of our own.
If the conquest be not lawfully got, it cannot be lawfully
kept. Restitution ought to be made. That Union was made
but by the fag end of the Long Parliament, so had no legal
foot. Those gentlemen made it for a Commonwealth. That
makes me like it the worse.
Scotland will not think themselves obliged to keep that
Union longer than till they can break it. Portugal lies upon
the skirts of Spain, yet lies in the heart of it, (Altum risum)
which kept it one hundred years, (fn. 7) yet did never gain by it.
I would have the question wholly waved; for if I were
now to answer before the tribunal, I could not answer it to
justify that war, or the breach of the Covenant; and to
build upon the Union made by those Commonwealth-men,
I cannot consent.
Mr. Trevor. I can offer you no new matter. Therefore,
I thought not to trouble you. I shall not dispute the breach
of the Covenant, or the lawfulness of that war. You find
them united. I would rather have you make much of that
Union, and strengthen it, rather than dispute it. To exclude
them from a legislature is to reduce them to a perfect slavery.
The distribution, as to the number of thirty, stands by a
law which we have known these ten years, and must own it for
a law till you repeal it.
If I had been conscious to myself that I had spoken, I
should not have run the hazard to be called down. I am
clearly satisfied to give my vote for the legal right. The
Union was concluded by an authority which then carried all the
face of authority in this nation. If we dissolve this contract,
we open a door for dissolving all contracts. If there be any
thing defective, the succeeding power is obliged to make it
good. The public faith is obliged. It is prudent to be just,
prudent to be honest, prudent to be safe. If, upon the
whole, on the legality, the equity, prudence, or conveniency,
or any of them, you will go, the proper question, and clearest,
is to put it upon the continuing of their sitting.
Mr. Rigby. I have as great a desire that they should be
united; but for them to sit here, upon the account of prudence or conveniency, to make laws when those that are most
for them are not satisfied of the legality, I cannot consent,
before we make a law for them to give them a right.
The great question is coming on, as to transacting, to
which I shall consent, provided it may be with preservation
of that which is for the interest of those that trust me, and
for my posterity.
I move to put the question upon the legal right.
Mr. Juxton. Put the question, if the question for continuance shall be now put.
Colonel West. As not one native (fn. 8) may be here, then sixty are the quorum; and it may happen that it will be in their
power to impose laws upon us.
Yourself propounded before you took the chair, a question, that they ought to sit, which was an expedient that I
well liked. The legal right seems to be waved. And I believe those gentlemen that are for their sitting, are satisfied in
it, that they have no right. I grant it is prudence to keep
faith, and our words; but we must keep our words with God
and men. We came here under a promise to preserve the
rights and liberties of the people. There is not such a word
in the Petition and Advice, that his Highness shall call a
Parliament of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Nor is it in
the explanation, nor can an explanation admit of any explanation. As to the argument, that Scotland is flesh of our flesh,
and bone of our bone, therefore they must sit here: so our
wives and children are. Must we, therefore, bring them to sit
here? I am not against their sitting; but not till they have
If the war had been with (fn. 9) Scotland, where had you been?
They would have imposed magistracy upon you, and laws. It
was the justest war that ever was begun. We were upon our
defence. As to that of the commander, cited per Mr. Bulckley, (fn. 10) that never quartered in any House but where God was
worshipped in purity, they always lie in the best quarters;
but to go all over Scotland, he would be of another principle.
The proper and choice question is upon the legal right,
else you conclude the debate about the Irish.
Sir Walter Earle. The former part of that gentleman's
speech did contradict his middle part and his conclusion; for
it went upon inconveniency to have any members; for if sixty
be a quorum, and may none of them be natives, (fn. 11) that reaches
to all expedients; and when you have made it a law, that objection lies still.
Colonel West, to explain.
I said, that by the law his Highness was to call Parliaments of England, Scotland, and Ireland. I did not name
the Petition and Advice.
Lieutenant-general Ludlow. He was not reflected upon.
No crime was laid to him. If every man should answer to
what part of his speech is excepted against, when would your
Mr. Bodurda. I move, that the door be shut till you
agree on a question.
Mr. Goodwin. The question concerning continuance leads
to settlement, and I like that question best. I beseech you,
propose that question, or propose whether it shall be put.
Colonel White. This question will not answer what you
intend, upon your debate. It does not determine the law nor
right. It leaves it still liable to a dispute. You leave out
both prudential and legal right.
Mr. Speaker took him down. He spoke 9th March. (fn. 12)
Major Beake stood up.
Mr. Speaker took him down. He spoke 12th March. (fn. 13)
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper. It is a mistake. There is no
such thing upon your book. Upon your papers it may be.
In order of nature, legal right must be considered before
any prudential. Never was any precedent, that one member
should be admitted, unless the legality of his sitting could be
asserted; and if never allowed for one, why should we admit
it for thirty? It is a lessening of our authority. If you
will have your acts thoroughly received abroad, make them
upon a legal foot.
I have constantly attended this question, and the legal
right came always in. A learned person told you, that you
could put no other question but that of the legal right. Let
not a mistake in the papers of your predecessors mislead you
from that which is the natural question.
Major Beake. Your papers stand in need of an index expurgatorius. I see the Chair is not infallible. I did not
speak to this question; but I spoke not for myself, but that
you would hear the gentleman at the bar, viz. Colonel White,
who spoke to the legality, and concluded that that might be
Colonel Terrill. The question is gravida facto, has been
ten days in travail. It is a big-bellied question, perplexed
and complicated. I would have the question go singly,
either upon the legality, the prudence, or the equity of it.
Go upon any of them. I am free to give my vote. First,
begin with the legality, which is most natural and ingenuous.
Colonel Birch. I move to put the question upon their
Sir Henry Vane. Here are two questions before you; and
every one is free that the question be put, whether either
question shall be put. Why should we lose time? but put
the question upon what is most natural, upon the legality, and
whether that question shall be now put.
Mr. Grove. The first question that is seconded ought, in
reason, to be first put. It is some men's judgment that, in
order of nature, the legality ought to have preference. Others
are of opinion that the other is the natural question. Pray
put it. off your hands. We go on very slowly. Some gentlemen say here that the people take notice of our obstructions.
We have great matters to despatch.
Mr. Bodurda. The whole debate has run upon the continuance.
Mr. Neville. In the case of Major-general Overton, (fn. 14) when
you voted his imprisonment illegal and unjust, prudence happily would have continued him in prison. Prudential right
depends upon legality.
I move that the question be upon the right, and leave out
the word "legal." A worthy and faithful person of that nation, Lord Swinton, (fn. 15) desired it that their legal right might be
Mr. Bayles. Some are for a legal right, others for a prudential. None will deny but that prudential is rational, and
ratio est anima legis. Then, if it is prudent, it is a legal act
of both. I would have the question be upon the continuance.
Sir Richard Temple. Dolus versatur in universalibus.
This is a general question. At York there was a court (fn. 16)
that was mixed of law and equity, and when a point of law
came in question, they had recourse to equity; and contra.
Here is a legal right and a prudential right. Let them
both have your sense; and first put it upon the legal.
There will be but a vote for their continuance, if you put it
otherwise than upon the legal part; and by that means it will
be, every Parliament, liable to the same exceptions.
I would, have your books perused, and see if there be a
word of continuance. It only related to their sitting, which
you had determined by their not withdrawing.
Sir Walter Earle moved, that the books be read. It was
found that it only related to their sitting.
A gentleman stood up to speak, and one moved that he
being first in Mr. Speaker's eye might be heard.
Mr. Godfrey. No man can be judge who was first in your
eye. None but yourself can see with your eyes. Let no
man undertake that judgment, but that you should see with
your own eyes.
Mr. Bulkeley. You have clearly told us that the proper
question is upon the continuance. Why then should we dispute it ? Keep us to that question.
Mr. Reynell. You are free enough to offer a question out
of the whole debate. The whole stress has been laid upon law.
Prudence has but come in, by the by. The law of nations
and nature, and all laws, have been urged for the defence of
their right. Declare it upon any law, be it fundamental or
what you will, I shall agree to it. This you told us would
be the question that you would propound if you were free. (fn. 17)
I suppose you are free, and it is the most natural add proper
Mr. Godfrey. Put the question, if it shall be put.
You are not now proceeding in & judiciary way. Here is
no party defending before you. If Scotland be one party,
England shall be another, and Ireland a third; and then,
which prevails, shall carry it.
Mr. Speaker said, his very worthy friend had spoken to
the merit, and so took him down; and prayed them to keep to
Mr. Howe. I perceive the House grows very empty, so
do our bellies. I pray you would adjourn for an hour.
Mr. Jenkinson. As to the order of the questions, I may
compare it to an adjournment for a longer or a shorter time.
The longest time should be first put; so this question, being
the farther, as to the legal right; for, if they have a legal
right, I can easilier give my vote for their continuance.
I move that the question be put upon the legal right, whether it shall be put.
Sir Walter Earle. The other question ought to be put,
it being first moved, seconded, &c.
Lieutenant-general Ludlow stood up. It was cried, he
Lord Falkland. It is unbecoming the dignity of this
House to cry, "He spoke, he spoke!" and not stand up and
say how and what he spoke.
Colonel Birch moved for the question, upon continuance.
Lieutenant-general Ludlow. That gentleman in red moved
contrary to what your sense is upon the whole debate. I
move it be upon the legal right, lest we bring ourselves also
to sit upon a prudential foot. I would have us all sit upon a
Sir James Harrington. Justice should be our rule. When
it is insisted upon by any member, that he is not satisfied
unless the question of the legality be first put, we ought to
satisfy one another. God judges amongst the gods. The
question now offered gave your predecessor his death. (fn. 18) I
move to have the question put upon the legality.
Sir Thomas Wroth. I highly approve your ingenuity, to
say, if it were in your power you would put it upon the
legality, which, in my conscience, is the most natural proper
He launched into the merit, and the Chair took him down.
Mr. Reynolds. I move that Sir Thomas Wroth be
heard out. Some gentlemen (meaning Sir Walter Earle)
took a liberty to stand up twenty times a day.
Sir Walter Earle stood up to vindicate himself, and to
speak to the orders of the House.
Sir Richard Temple took him down to orders.
Mr. Speaker took them all down, and said, that worthy
gentleman of the Long Robe might have forborne that expression of speaking twenty times.
There was a great noise and confusion, whether the
young or the old knight should be heard.
Sir Richard Temple was heard first; and said it was a reflection upon Mr. Reynolds.
After Sir Richard Temple had done,
Sir Walter Earle went on.
I am willing to be called to the bar, if I offered you
aught that was not for your service, or against your orders.
Sir John Northcote. I appeal, if there ought to be interlocutory discourses between members, as was between those
two knights ? If you keep us not to order, we shall not only
spend our time, but our strength in vain. I am sorry you
are hindered from putting the question.
Mr. Speaker said that the question he found, and must
still affirm, is about the continuance.
Mr. Trenchard. I have heard that now, which I never
in my life heard in Parliament. I move that the natural
question is upon the legal right. That must first be determined.
Mr. Weaver. The question propounded was not the first
question. That which, in your own sense, is collected, ought
to be the question; that is, upon the legality.
Mr. Solicitor-general. Till the sense of the House be
known by a determination, you cannot wave the question.
You must, if it be insisted upon, put it upon the continuance.
Mr. Scot. By your own judgment the legal right ought
to be put, else you leave things liable still to exception, and
the Chief Magistrate under a doubt, whether to call them
in this manner or no. He knows not what to do. He is in
a snare. So the Scotchmen, they know not what to do,
unless you resolve where the right is. If you put the other
question, I can give my vote neither way. If upon the
prudent account, I may give my affirmative. If upon a
legal, I must give my negative.
Mr. Bence. I wonder those that had the power in their
hands did so little contend for legal strict rules, and wave
them so much then when they had the power.
He was taken down by the Chair.
Colonel Okey took exception against those reflections.
Mr. Bulkley took him down.
Serjeant Maynard moved to spare all reflections.
Colonel Eyre moved that the first question be put upon
Serjeant Maynard. You cannot recede from the question for continuance, till the whole House be satisfied to
He launched into the merit, and the Chair took him down;
yet he went on, and was heard out. I could not well hear
his motion. He concluded to put. the question of continuance.
Sir Richard Temple moved for an addition to the question;
that a bill be brought in for confirming their right.
Mr. Boscawen. I move that the question be, that they
continue to sit during this Parliament; for if your question
be once put, that it shall be put, we cannot speak to the
words of the question.
I am informed that most of them are chosen, neither according to the laws of Scotland nor of England.
Mr. Young. There can be no quorum of their election
now, for the rules at the Committee of Privileges were, for
a month to make their claim, and it is two months since.
The question was going to be put.
Sir Arthur Haslerigge. I have not spoken to the question, but only to the orders of the House. I move an addition, viz. "Having no legal right."
It seems, it was moved by Mr. Sadler; for he said this
addition ought to be put, being firsted, seconded, and
Mr. Annesley. This is as disorderly an addition as ever
was offered to you.
Mr. Salway snarled at it.
Mr. Howe and others, insisted upon it, to have the addition
Some had moved that nought might be offered that might
make the House ridiculous.
Sir Richard Temple excepted against it.
Query, if Mr. Bulkley said it not, for he seemed to
Sir Henry Vane. Your question is upon persons continuing to sit as members, before you have determined
whether they are members or no. Whether they are capable
or no, or there be any other disability upon them, they shall
continue sitting this present Parliament. There is a question
upon their right; so that the addition is not improperly
Mr. Swinton. I know not how to answer my trust,
if I shall not speak my thoughts. Something of advantage is
put upon the question. If it were put upon the right,
I should be loth to give my negative to it; but, as it is
stated, I shall not know how to give my affirmative. I
would, therefore, have it plain and clear.
I am humbly of opinion, the way to do the Commonwealth right, this House right, that nation right, is to put
it upon a fair issue, whether they have a right, and ought to
Mr. Swinfen stood up to answer Sir Henry Vane's objection.
Major Burton. We shall never have done if we sit thus
to hear one answer another.
The question was put, if the question shall be now put.
Mr. Speaker declared for the Yeas.
Mr. Neville declared for the Noes.
The Noes went out, after a little dispute. Sir Arthur
Haslerigge was appointed Teller, but would not come in.
Noes, 120. Sir Henry Vane and Colonel White, Tellers.
Yeas, 211. Mr. Annesley and Mr. Secretary Thurloe,
So it passed in the affirmative.
Sir Henry Vane would have yielded, but the Yeas would
not have it.
Sir Arthur Haslerigge, when he came in, said, "We have
lost it by one hundred."
The main question was put, that the members returned to
serve for Scotland shall continue to sit this present Parliament.
The House was divided. The Yeas went forth.
Mr. Serjeant Maynard and Mr. Bulkeley, Tellers for
Mr. Reynolds and Mr. Neville, Tellers for the Noes.
But, the Yeas being withdrawn, the question was yielded
by the Noes. The Yeas were called in again, and it was
Resolved, that the members returned to serve for Scotland,
shall continue to sit as members during this present Parliament.
Sir Thomas Willis, Ralph Delavall, Philip Howard, and
Sir Christopher Wyvell, were against the question. Lord
Swinton was withdrawn. (fn. 19)
Sir Arthur Haslerigge and Mr. Neville presently moved
that the legality of the Irish members be first debated.
It was to prevent precedency of the prudential part, as was
in the case of Scotland, which had only primogeniture to
plead for it.
It was endeavoured to justle out that motion with other
matter, as to the last business, and that a bill be brought in
to confirm the right of Scotland. The House sat till almost
four, and adjourned the debate at large. (fn. 20)
It happened in the Council Chamber that some hot words
passed from a member to Sir Arthur Haslerigge. He told
him that all the laws made in the fag-end of the Long Parliament were not of force, and spoke very reproachfully of that
Parliament; and told Sir Arthur Haslerigge that it was he
that endeavoured to make himself and Sir Henry Vane the
great Hogen Mogens, to rule the Commonwealth. The same
expression as to those words, fag-end, happened to be said in
the House. (fn. 21)
The member that ruffled Sir Arthur Haslerigge thus, was
of no great quality. He took it heavily out, and wished he
had been hanged up, and three or four more, and their posterity rooted up, rather than have acted so highly, and now
come thus to be reproached. The great things of taking
away kingship, House of Lords, war with Scotland and Ireland and Holland, and public sales were all in that time.
This was presently noised abroad, and very ill resented by
the army. (fn. 22) I doubt it may breed ill blood; for every man
that acted, begins to say, " What did I do in that fag-end of a
Parliament, and how shall I be indemnified but by my
sword ? We will not give the cause away."
Never did two words work such an alteration in one day in
the face of affairs. Query, the consequence? if not appeased.
No Committees sat, it was so late; though Mr. Bacon attended in the House.