SPEECHES and DEBATES In the Fourth Session of the First Parliament of King George II.
Anno 4. Geo. II, 1730-31.
On the 21st of January the King came to the House
of Peers, and the Commons attending, his Majesty
made the following Speech.
King's Speech at opening the Fourth Session.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
You cannot but be sensible, that the Measures formerly taken, and the Conclusion of the Treaty of
Seville, have prevented and disappointed the dangerous
Consequences that were so justly apprehended from the
Treaty of Vienna; and we do not only see that Union
dissolv'd, which had alarm'd all Europe, but the Allies of
the Treaty of Hanover strengthned by the additional Power
of the Crown of Spain.
"This Situation of Affairs gave us a reasonable Prospect
of a general Pacification, and just Hopes of seeing the
Conditions of the Treaty of Seville comply'd with, without the Necessity of coming to Extremities; and no Endeavours have been wanting, conformable to my Engagements with my Allies, to obtain that happy End. But
this desirable Event having been hitherto delay'd, the
Treaty of Seville lays an indispensible Obligation upon
all the contracting Parties to prepare for the Execution of
it; and we must be in a Readiness to perform our Part,
and, by continuing to pursue the proper Measures, convince our Allies, that we will faithfully fulfil our Engagements, and, as far as shall depend upon us, procure
the Satisfaction due to them, either by such Means as shall
be most eligible, or by such as shall be found absolutely
necessary.
"The present critical Conjuncture seems in a very particular Manner to deserve your Attention; and you need
not be told, with what Impatience the Resolutions of this
Parliament are every where waited for and expected.
"I am incapable of attempting to influence your Proceedings by groundless Fears and Apprehensions, and
as incapable of amusing you with vain Hopes and Expectations; but as the Transactions, now depending in the
several Courts of Europe, are upon the Point of being
determin'd, the great Event of Peace or War may be very
much affected by your first Resolutions. The Continuance
of that Zeal and Vigour, which you have hitherto shewn,
in Support of me and my Engagements, must, at this Time,
be of the greatest Weight and Importance, both with Regard to my Allies, who cannot think their Interest and
the Common Cause neglected, before the Conditions of
their Treaties are accomplish'd; and with Regard to those,
who may be disposed, before the Season of Action is
come, to prevent, by an Accommodation, the fatal Consequences of a general Rupture, which they will have
little Reason to apprehend, if they find the Allies of Seville not prepared to do themselves Justice.
"The Plan of Operations for the Execution of the Treaty
of Seville by Force, in case we shall be driven to that
Necessity, is now under Consideration; and until the Proportions of the Confederate Forces, and the proper Dispositions for employing them, shall be finally adjusted and
agreed upon, it will not be easy to determine how fan the
Expences, necessary for the Service of the ensuing Year,
may, or may not, exceed the Provisions made for the
Service of the last Year.
"In the mean Time, I am persuaded, you will go on
to give all possible Dispatch to the publick Business; and
if it shall be necessary, I shall not fail to ask the farther
Advice and Assistance of my Parliament, according to the
Circumstances of publick Affairs, and as soon as any proper Occasion shall require it.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"I will order the proper Estimates to be prepared and
laid before you; and I can make no doubt, but that
dutiful Regard which you have always shewn to me and
my Honour, and your just Concern for the true Interest
of your Country, will induce you to grant me the necessary Supplies, and enable me to make good my Engagements with my Allies, with that Chearfulness and Affection, which becomes a British House of Commons, tender
and jealous of the Honour of the Crown, careful and
solicitous for the Glory and Prosperity of the Kingdom.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
"The Time draws near, which will admit of no farther
Delays. If the Tranquility of Europe can be settled
without the Effusion of Blood, or the Expence of publick
Treasure, that Situation will certainly be most happy and
desirable: But if that Blessing cannot be obtain'd, Honour,
Justice, and the sacred Faith due to solemn Treaties,
will call upon us to exert ourselves, in procuring by Force
what cannot be had upon just and reasonable Terms."
Motion for an Address of Thanks.
The Commons being return'd to their House, Mr Speaker
reported his Majesty's Speech, and thereupon a Motion was
made for an Address of Thanks; and to acknowledge his
Majesty's Goodness in endeavouring to have the Conditions
of the Treaty of Seville fulfilled and executed, in such Manner as might best secure a general Pacification, and be conformable to his Engagements with his Allies; to declare
their entire Confidence in his Majesty's Care and Concern
for the Honour and Interests of his People; and their perfect
Reliance upon his Wisdom and Justice, in doing every Thing
that shall depend upon him, to procure the Satisfaction to his
Allies, by such Means as shall be most desirable, or absolutely necessary; to express their firm Resolution to continue
their utmost Zeal and Vigour, in Support of his Majesty and
his Engagements; and to assure his Majesty, that they would
give all possible Dispatch to the Publick Business, as it should
from Time to Time be brought before them; and that from
a dutiful Regard to his Majesty's Honour and Dignity, and
a just Concern for the true Interest of their Country, which
they should always look upon as indispensible and inseparable
Obligations, they would grant to his Majesty such Supplies
as should be necessary for the Service of the ensuing Year;
and effectually enable his Majesty to make good his Engagements with his Allies: And in Return to his Majesty's Goodness, in avoiding to bring any unnecessary Burthens upon
his People, to assure his Majesty, that in case the Circumstances of Affairs should oblige his Majesty to ask the farther
Advice and Assistance of that House, they would, upon every
Occasion, discharge their Duty to his Majesty and those they
represent, with that Chearfulness and Affection which became a British House of Commons, tender and jealous of
the Honour of the Crown, and careful and solicitous for the
Glory of the Kingdom.'
Debate thereon.
This Motion was oppos'd by Mr Daniel Pulteney, Mr
William Pulteney, and Sir William Wyndham, who were
for leaving out most Part of the Motion in order to make
the Address general; and for desiring his Majesty to take
Care, that no War should be carry'd on in Flanders or upon
the Rhine. The Arguments they offer'd in Support of this
Amendment were, 'That according to the ancient Parliamentary Method, all Addresses were general: That our Ancestors
never were so complaisant as to declare their Sense of Things,
till the Particulars came regularly before them: That the
making of an Address, in Terms so particular as those now
proposed, look'd like an immediate Determination of all the
Points likely to come before them, which was in Effect bringing the Business of the whole Session into the Resolves of one
Day, and proceeding to determine without either Proofs or
Reasons for such Determinations: That the promising now
to support his Majesty in all his Engagements, without knowing what those Engagements were, seem'd to be determining, that they would support him before any Reason could
be offer'd for such a Determination; for no other Reason
could be offer'd, than that they were all just and reasonable,
which no Man could say before he knew what they were:
That every Gentleman in that House must remember very
well the great Expence of Blood and Treasure, which it had
cost this Nation to reduce the exorbitant Power of France,
which by the impolitick Measures of former Times had been
allow'd to rise to such a Height, that it began to threaten
the Liberties of all Europe: That our joining with France,
and attacking the Emperor in Flanders, or upon the Rhine,
would naturally throw Flanders, and perhaps a Part of Germany, into the Hands of the French; by which that Monarchy would again become terrible to Europe: That French
Alliances, thro' the Unfaithfulness of that People, and their
inveterate Malice to us, had always proved destructive to the
Interest and Trade of this Nation; and the Use they had
always made of a Correspondence with us, was to encourage
arbitrary Designs in our Princes, and that therefore it had
generally proved fatal for any King, or Ministry of England,
to enter cordially into any Friendship or Correspondence with
them: That we might learn, from the Histories of former
Times, what Faith could be given to French Promises or
French Engagements: That even at present we may see, that
they have taken Advantage of the late precarious Situation of
the Affairs of Europe, and of the Confidence we have reposed
in them, and from thence have presumed to clear and restore
the Harbour of Dunkirk, and to incroach upon our Settlements in the West-Indies: That from their present Management we may judge, how much their Friendship is to be
depended on; we may see that we must pay dear for any
superficial Favours they are pleased to vouchsafe to us, or to
any of our Allies: That prosecuting a War either in Flanders
or upon the Rhine, in Conjunction with the French, could
tend to nothing but the Ruin of that Balance of Power in
Europe, which with Difficulty we had at last establish'd,
after a ten Years bloody and expensive War, crown'd with
many glorious Victories, and attended with a most surprizing
Success: That in the present Conjuncture of the Affairs of
Europe, the Balance of Power by our being beaten might
suffer; by our being victorious, it would be entirely destroy'd
and lost perhaps for ever.'
In Answer to this, Sir Robert Walpole, Mr Horatio Walpole, Lord Hervey, and Sir William Yonge, urg'd, 'That
the making of the Address in Terms so very general, seem'd
to be shewing a Sort of Diffidence in his Majesty's Conduct
and Management: That his Majesty, ever since he came to
the Throne, had always been so careful of the Interests
of the Nation, that no Member of the House had any Reason to harbour the least Suspicion of his Majesty's Measures:
That as to the other Part of the Amendment relating to the
War in Flanders or upon the Rhine, they agreed, that it
was not for the Interest of Europe, that any Part of those
Countries should fall into the Hands of the French: That
his Majesty would without doubt, according to his wonted
Prudence, take all proper Care to prevent any such Consequence: And that the putting such Words into the Address
would look like an Encroachment upon the Prerogative of the
Crown, and a Directing of the Operations of the future War,
if any should happen, which they hoped would not; for that
they had good Reason to believe, that the Measures already
concerted would produce a Pacification: That the principal
Design of the great Alliance form'd against the Emperor was
to convince him, that if he did not come into the peaceable
Measures proposed, he would be so powerfully attack'd upon
all Sides, that it would be impossible for him to resist; which
Design would be entirely frustrated, if they should declare
at the Beginning, that he was not to be attack'd in Flanders
or upon the Rhine, these being the only two Places in which
he was vulnerable; for that in Italy he could make himself
superior to the whole Alliance, since he was already in Possession of that Country, and could pour in what Troops he
pleased by unexpensive Land Marches, whereby he might fill
the whole Country with his numerous Body of Horse; which,
being Master of the open Country as well as of all the fortify'd Places, he might easily subsist, whilst the Troops sent
by the Allies to attack him in Italy, in order to force him
to a Compliance with the Terms of the Treaty of Seville,
must be both transported, and supported by Sea; it being
well known to all who understand any Thing of the Geography of Italy, that it is impossible to force a Passage by
Land into that Country, when it is provided with a powerful and well disciplin'd Army to oppose the Entry of an
Enemy: That therefore it would be very impolitick to put
any such Words into their Address, because it would persuade
the Emperor, that the Allies had come to a Resolution not
to attack him in Flanders or upon the Rhine, which, by
taking away all Grounds of Fear from the Court of Vienna,
would make them persevere in refusing to enter into any
peaceable Measures; whereby those Alliances, which had
been procured with so much Expence and Labour, would
be render'd fruitless and of no Effect, and consequently a
Pacification wouid become altogether impracticable.'
Then another Amendment was offer'd by Mr Wyndham,
Member for Sudbury, viz. That they would support his Majesty's Engagements, so far as they related to the Interest of
Great-Britain. This Motion was seconded by Mr Pulteney
and those Gentlemen who were for the first Amendment:
In Support thereof it was alledg'd, 'That this was agreeable to the Act of Settlement, whereby it is expresly provided; 'That this Nation shall not be obliged to enter into
a War for the Defence of any Dominions not belonging to
the Crown of Great-Britain:' 'That by Virtue of this
Act his Majesty held the Crown of these Realms; and that
therefore every Clause and Proviso thereof was to be exactly
observ'd, except in so far as they had been or should be alter'd by Parliament; and that therefore the House could not
well, by way of Address, go any farther than to say, that
they would support his Majesty's Engagements, in so far as
they related to the Interest of Great-Britain.'
To this it was replied by Lord Hervey, Sir Robert Walpole, and those other Members, who were for the Motion
as at first propos'd, 'That such an Expression in their Address would seem to infinuate, that his Majesty had enter'd
into Engagements that did not relate to the Interests of
Great-Britain, which would be the greatest Ingratitude that
could be imagin'd towards his Majesty, who in all his Measures had never shew'd the least Regard to any Thing but
the Interest of Great-Britain, and the Ease and Security of
the People thereof, as all those who had the Honour to serve
him could testify, and upon their Honour declare: That
they hoped every Member of that House was convinc'd,
that his Majesty never would enter into any Engagement
that was not absolutely necessary for procuring the Happiness and insuring the Safety of his People, and therefore it
was quite unnecessary to confine the Words of their Address
to such Engagements as related to the Interest of Great-Britain.' Upon this Occasion, Mr Heathcote, Member for
Hindon, said, 'That with Respect to the Prerogative, he
did not think, that the giving of Advice to his Majesty
could ever be call'd an interfering with the Prerogative of the
Crown, since it was the proper Business of Parliament, which
was the King's great Council, to advise the Crown in all
Matters of Importance; and it was what many Parliaments
had done, and what they were always obliged to do: That
the acting against the Emperor, in Flanders or upon the
Rhine, was absolutely destructive to the Interest of England,
and inconsistent with that Political Maxim of maintaining a
Balance of Power in Europe, as had been acknowledg'd by
all the Gentlemen who had spoke in the Debate; therefore
he thought he had good Reason to believe, that no Minister,
would dare to advise his Majesty to concur in such a Measure; for which Reason there was no need of advising his
Majesty against a Measure, which it could not be supposed he
would take: That in order to procure the long wish'd-for
Peace, it was necessary to convince the World, that they
would join heartily with his Majesty in all proper Measures
for that End, which they could not more effectually do, than
by shewing an Unanimity in their Resolves at the Beginning
of the Session of Parliament: That such an Unanimity would
certainly have its Weight Abroad, it would encourage our Allies, it would terrify our Enemies, and make both attentive
to such Proposals as his Majesty should think proper to make
to them; and it would testify to the World their Zeal for
the Support of the present happy Establishment: That for
his Part, he look'd upon all Addresses to be in their own
Nature general, and that no Words which could be put into
an Address could any Ways influence the future Resolutions
of Parliament: He look'd upon them only as Words of
Course, and no more Obligatory than the penal Words of a
Bond, which every one knows obliges the Debtor to the Payment of nothing more than the principal Sum borrow'd,
with Interest and Costs of Suit: That the declaring in the
Address, that they would support the King's Engagements,
necessarily implies that such Engagements do relate to the
Interest of England; and if afterwards it should appear,
that any one of them did not, he would not at all think
himself obliged by the general Words of the Address to approve of, or support any such Engagement: That he believ'd he should vote for an Address in the Terms as at first
proposed, but that his Voting in that way might not be construed so as to anticipate his Assent to any Thing thereafter
proposed, he thought it proper to declare, That by supporting his Majesty's Engagements, he neither meant to agree to
the continuing of the Hessians in the Pay of Great-Britain;
nor to approve of submitting tamely to the Depredations of
the Spaniards, nor of allowing them to blockade Gibraltar;
nor did he approve of submitting passively to the Incroachments of the French in the West-Indies; or to the Opening the Port and Harbour of Dunkirk; nor would he from
thence think himself obliged to approve of any Measure,
which he should not at the Time of proposing think expedient, and consistent with the real and true Interest of Great-Britain: That by assuring his Majesty, that the House would
support his Engagements, he meant to support no other Engagements, than such as the House should judge to be for
the Advantage of the Nation: That for his Part, he was very
sure that his Majesty would enter into none but such as were
so; and if it should appear that any other Sort of Engagement had been enter'd into, he would take it to be an Engagement of the Minister's, and not an Engagement of the
King's; and consequently that the Words of the Address
did not oblige the House, or any Member of the House,
to support the same in any Manner of Way. For these
Reasons, he was of Opinion, That the Address ought to be in
the Terms first proposed.' Sir Joseph Jekyll and several other
Members declaring that they understood Addresses in the
same Manner, the Question was put, and it passed without
a Division, to address his Majesty in the Terms first proposed
without any Amendment.
An Address resolv'd on, and presented.
Hereupon a Committee was appointed to draw up an
Address accordingly, and the same being drawn up, and reported next Day to the House, was agreed to, and presented to his Majesty by the whole House as follows:
The Address.
Most gracious Sovereign,
'We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal Subjects, the
Commons of Great Britain in Parliament assembled, beg Leave to return our sincere Thanks for your Majesty's most gracious Speech from the Throne.
'We cannot but in Gratitude acknowledge your Majesty's
Goodness, in endeavouring to have the Conditions of the
Treaty of Seville fulfilled and executed in such Manner as
might best secure a general Pacification, and be conformable
to your Engagements with your Allies.
'And out of a just Sense of the Blessings we enjoy, we
think it our Duty to declare our entire Considence in your
Royal Care and Concern for the Honour and Interest of
your People, and our perfect Reliance upon your Majesty's
Wisdom and Justice, in doing every Thing that shall depend upon you to procure the Satisfaction due to your Allies, by such Means as shall be the most desirable; or, if they
prove ineffectual, by such as shall be absolutely necessary.
'We are firmly resolved to continue our utmost Zeal and
Vigour in Support of your Majesty and your Engagements;
esteeming this the least Part of our Duty, when we consider, that those Engagements are the Effect of your Vigilance for the Welfare of your Subjects.
'We assure your Majesty, that we will give all possible
Dispatch to the Publick Business as it shall from Time to
Time be brought before us: That as your People feel the
Happiness of your Reign, so your Majesty may feel the
Ease of it. And from a dutiful Regard to your Honour
and Dignity, and a just Concern for the true Interest of our
Country, which we shall always look upon as indispensible
and inseparable Obligations, we have the greatest Satisfaction in assuring your Majesty, that we will, with all
Chearfulness, grant such Supplies as shall be necessary for
the Service of the ensuing Year; and effectually enable your
Majesty to make good your Engagements with your Allies.
'Your Majesty's Goodness to your People is very apparent in your avoiding to bring any unnecessary Burthens
upon them: And it is the least Return we can make for it,
to assure your Majesty, That in case the Circumstances of
Publick Affairs shall oblige you to ask the farther Advice
and Assistance of your faithful Commons, we will, upon
every Occasion, discharge our Duty to your Majesty and
those we represent, with that Chearfulness and Affection
which become a British House of Commons, tender and
jealous for the Honour of the Crown, careful and solicitous
for the Glory and Prosperity of the Kingdom.
To this his Majesty return'd the following Answer.
The King's Answer thereto.
Gentlemen,
"I Return you my hearty Thanks for this dutiful and
loyal Address. The Zeal and Affection you express
for me, and the Assurances you have given me of enabling
me to make good my Engagements with my Allies, will,
I am persuaded, have a very good Effect at this critical and
important Conjuncture.
A Bill brought in to prevent Pensioners from Sitting in the House of Commons.
February 1. The House order'd, 'That Leave be given to
bring in a Bill, for making more effectual the Laws in Being
for disabling Persons, from being chosen Members of, or sitting or voting in the House of Commons, who have any
Pension during Pleasure, or for any Number of Years, or any
Office held in Trust for them.
Feb. 2. In pursuance of the above Order a Bill was accordingly brought in, which was read the first Time, and order'd
to be read a second Time.
Debate concerning the continuing 12,000 Hessian Forces in British Pay.
Feb. 3. The House, in a Grand Committee on the Supply,
consider'd of the Estimate of the Charge of the Hessian Troops;
upon which there ensued a warm Debate. The Country-Party
were against continuing those Troops in our Pay, because
they apprehended that they could not be of any Service to Great
Britain, for as we were surrounded by the Sea, our Fleet was
our only real and proper Security; and therefore we had no
Use for the maintaining of Standing Armies either at Home
or Abroad, more particularly at a Time of perfect Tranquility: They alledg'd, 'That if the Apprehension of a War
being speedily to break out should be made an Argument for
keeping Foreign Troops in our Pay, we could never be without them; for Europe never was, nor ever could be in such
Circumstances, as that it could be said, there was no Reason
for having any Apprehension of a War: That many Wars
might happen upon the Continent with which we had nothing to do; and if we should at any Time have the Misfortune
of being involv'd in any War, it was then time enough to
take Foreign Troops into our Pay, but 'till then there was no
Necessity for it, for we should always find Troops enough in
Europe to hire, whenever we had Occasion for them: That
therefore the keeping of such Troops in Pay at present, when
we had no Occasion for them, was a Wasting of the publick
Money, which every Man, who has any Regard to the Interest and Welfare of his Native Country, ought to prevent as
far as lies in his Power.' To this it was answer'd by the
Courtiers, 'That tho' we were disjoin'd by the Sea from the
Continent of Europe, yet as long as we had any Trade or
Communication with any of the Countries upon the Continent, we could not help being involv'd in some of their
Quarrels, as well as having Quarrels of our own with some
of them: That by Means of our Influence upon the Affairs
of the Continent we had got a great many Advantages in
Trade, and in order to maintain those Advanges we had got,
we were obliged from Time to Time to interfere in the Quarrels among Foreign Princes: That some of the Countries of
Europe had so little Communication with the Sea, that they
were entirely out of the Reach of our Fleet, and therefore,
in case they laid the Trade of our Subjects in their Dominions under any Hardships or Inconveniencies, or offer'd us
any other Injury or Indignity, we had no other way of Righting
or Revenging ourselves, but by getting some of their powerful
Neighbours and Rivals upon the Continent to engage in our
Quarrel, which we could never procure without engaging in
some of theirs: That this Consideration first brought on the
Treaty of Hanover, and obliged us to take the Hessian Troops
into our Pay: That such Measures prevented the fatal Effects
of the Treaty of Vienna between the Emperor and Spain,
and at last brought about the Treaty of Seville, by which
Spain was effectually disunited from the Emperor; but that
in order to do this, we were obliged to enter into some new
Engagements with Spain, by which we had bound ourselves
to see 6000 Spanish Troops introduc'd into Italy, to secure
the eventual Succession of the Infante Don Carlos to the
Dutchies of Tuscany, Parma and Placentia: That the Emperor not only refused to consentamicably to the Introduction
of those Spanish Troops, but had fill'd Italy with his Troops,
in order to repel the Spaniards by Force, in case we and our
Allies offer'd to introduce them without his Consent: That
we had already seen the good Effects of having those Hessian
Troops in our Pay; and the Continuance of them might probably have such an Influence upon the Emperor, as at last to
induce him to agree to reasonable Terms; whereas, if we
should now dismiss them, it would free the Emperor from all
Fears of being attack'd upon that Side: That thereupon he
would become more obstinate, and his Obstinacy would certainly involve Europe in a general War, which would cost us a
great many Millions; so that they could not but look upon
dismissing the Hessian Troops, at this Time, as a very unreasonable and foolish Piece of Thrist, because we thereby run
the great Risk of losing Millions, for the Sake of saving a
Year's Subsidy to those Troops.' Then the Question being put,
it was resolv'd, That 241,259 l. 1 s. 3d. be granted to his
Majesty, for defraying the Expence of 12,000 Hessians taken
into his Majesty's Pay, for the Service of the Year 1731.
A Petition from several Bristol Merchants trading to America, complaining of the Spanish Depredations;
Feb. 6. A Petition of the Merchants and other Traders
of the City of Bristol, trading to his Majesty's Colonies in
America, was presented to the House, complaining of the
great Interruptions of their Trade to the said Colonies, and
the Depredations of the Spaniards for several Years past;
who, notwithstanding the Resolutions of that House,
[See Page 44.] and his Majesty's Endeavours to obtain for
his Subject just and reasonable Satisfaction, still continued
their Depredations, and had lately taken and plunder'd several Ships and Vessels belonging to Bristol and other British
Ports, and had treated such as had fallen into their Hands
in a very barbarous and cruel Manner, and therefore praying
the Consideration of the House, and such timely and adequate
Remedy as to the House should seem fit.
Which is referr'd to a Committee of the whole House.
This Petition was referr'd to a Committee of the whole
House.
Debate concerning the Subsidy to the D. of Wolsenbuttel.
Feb. 10. The House resolv'd itself again into a Committee of the whole House, to consider farther of the Supply
granted to his Majesty, when a Debate arose about the Subsidy payable to the Duke of Wolsenbuttel. The Country-Party
insisted that all those Subsidies were of no Service to
Great Britain; and that they were paid only for the sake
of protecting his Majesty's Foreign Dominions, which was
contrary to the following Clause in the Act of Settlement;
viz. ' That in case the Crown shall come to any Person not
'a Native of England, this Nation shall not be obliged to a
' War in Defence of Dominions not belonging to this Crown.'
To this the Courtiers answer'd, 'That all the Quarrel we
had with the Emperor was upon account of the Interest
and Trade of England, and not at all on account of any of his
Majesty's Foreign Dominions; so that if they should be involv'd in a War, it would be so far from involving Great
Britain in any War upon account of them, that the Case
would be directly the contrary; they would be involved in
a War for Defence of the Trade and Commerce of Great-Britain: That since we had a Quarrel with the Emperor,
who was a very powerful Prince upon the Continent, we had
no Way of Revenging this Quarrel, but by engaging as many
Princes upon the Continent as we could on our Side; and that
therefore it was necessary to continue those Subsidies 'till we
could bring the Emperor to our Terms.' Then the Question
being put, the Committee likewise agreed to the continuing
of this Subsidy, and resolv'd, that the Sum of 25,000 l. be
granted to his Majesty, for one Year's Subsidy to the Duke
of Brunswick Lunenburgh Wolfenbuttel.
Petitions against the Proceedings at Law being in Latin; ; Which are referr'd to a Committee.
Feb. 11. Two Petitions were presented to the House,
from the Quarter-Sessions of the Peace held for the East and
North Ridings of Yorkshire, complaining, 'That the obliging Grand-Jury-Men, at the Sessions of the Peace, to make
their Presentments in a Language, which few of them understood; and the suffering in any of the Proceedings of the
Courts of Justice, or in any of the Transactions of the Law,
whereby the Person or Property of the Subject may be affected, the Use of a Language not intelligible and of a Character not legible, but by the Learned in the Law, were
great Occasions of the Delay of Justice, and gave Room to
most dangerous Frauds: That Special Pleadings, by their Intricacy and Dilatoriness, render'd the Prosecution of the
Rights of the Subject difficult and expensive: That the
Recovery of small Debts, as the Law then stood, was impracticable, and the Number of Attornies excessive; and
praying the House to take these Grievances into Consideration, and to give such Remedy as to the House shall seem
meet.' These Petitions were order'd to be referr'd to a Committee.
The Pension-Bill pass'd the House of Commons: But rejected by the Lords.
Feb. 17. The Pension-Bill was read the third Time and
pass'd; and Mr Sandys was order'd to carry it to the Lords
and desire their Concurrence: But their Lordships rejected
it on the second Reading.
Petition from the Sugar Colonies in America. ; Which is referr'd to a Committee.
Feb. 23. A Petition of several Merchants, Planters and
others, trading to and interested in his Majesty's Sugar Colonies in America, was presented to the House in behalf of
themselves and many others, complaining, That divers of his
Majesty's Subjects, residing within his Dominions in America,
and elsewhere, had of late Years carried on a Trade to the
Foreign Sugar-Colonies in America, from whence they were
supplied with Sugar, Rum, Molosses, and their other Productions, instead of those from our own Colonies, as well as
with Foreign European Goods and Manufactures, contrary
to the Intention of the Laws in Being, and the Treaty made
with France in 1686; and as that new Method of Trade
encreased and enriched the Colonies of other Nations, so it
was injurious to the Trade of this Kingdom, and greatly
impoverished the British Sugar-Colonies; and therefore the
Petitioners prayed the Consideration of the House, and such
Relief as the House should think fit. This Petition was referred to the Consideration of a Committee.
Petition of the Liverpool-Merchants complaining of the Depredations of the Spaniards in the West-Indies; ; Which is referr'd to a Committee of the whole House.
Feb. 25. A Petition of the Corporation of Liverpool, and
also of the Merchants trading from that Port to his Majesty's Colonies in the West-Indies, was presented to the House
and read; complaining of their Sufferings by the continued
Depredations of the Spaniards, who had treated such as had
fallen into their Hands in a very barbarous and cruel Manner, and praying the Consideration of the House, and such
Redress as the House should think fit: This Petition was referred to a Committee of the whole House.
Motion for appointing a Committee to inquire if any Members of the House had Pensions from the Crown.
March 3. The Pension-Bill having been, on the Day before, rejected by the Lords on the second Reading thereof,
a Motion was made by Mr Sandys, That a Committee be
appointed to inquire whether any Member of the House had
directly or indirectly any Pensions during Pleasure, or for
any Number of Years, or any Offices from the Crown holden
in Trust for them, in part or in the whole. Tho' the
Pension-Bill had met with no Opposition in the House of
Commons, yet this Motion was vigorously oppos'd by the
Courtiers; and the Question being put on Mr Sandys's Motion, it was carried in the Negative by 206 against 143.
Motion for a Bill to prevent the Translation of Bishops.
March 4. A Motion was made, and the Question put,
That leave be given to bring in a Bill, To prevent the Translation of Bishops; which occasion'd a Debate. In Support of
the Motion it was urg'd, 'That such a Bill was necessary to
prevent a too great Dependence of that Part of the Legislature upon the Crown.' To this the Courtiers answer'd,
'That such a Law would be a great Incroachment upon the
Prerogative of the Crown, and an Injury to the Rights of
the Clergy.' Then the Question being put on the Motion,
it passed in the Negative. This Motion was generally suppos'd to be owing to a remarkable Speech having been made,
in the House of Lords, against the Pension-Bill, by Dr S—
Bishop of B—r, the Day before, and to the Unanimity
which appear'd in the reverend Bench in their Opposition
to that Bill.
The English Law-Bill twice read, and order'd to be printed;
The same Day Sir George Saville, Bart. Member for
Yorkshire, presented to the House, a Bill to enact, That all
Proceedings in Courts of Justice should be in English, which
was read the first Time, and order'd to be read a second
Time, and likewise to be printed.
While this Bill was depending in the House, great Opposition was made to it, and the principal Arguments insisted
on were, 'That if the Language and Writing of the Law
should be alter'd, and made according to the modern Way
of Speaking and Writing, no one would ever be at the
Pains to study that ancient Language and Writing, which
most of our old valuable Records are wrote in, so that the
Use of them would in a few Years be entirely lost: That
the Method of distributing Justice was now established according to a most concise and regular Form, which must
be entirely alter'd, if the Language and Methods of Pleading
should be chang'd: That this would necessarily produce such
a Confusion, that it would cost many Years painful and
troublesome Application, before the new Forms could be
settled in a certain and regular Course of Proceedings; so
that the making of those Alterations would occasion greater
Delay of Justice; give more Room to dangerous Frauds;
render the Prosecution of the Rights of the Subject more
difficult and expensive; the Recovery of small Debts more
impracticable; and the Number of Attornies more excessive
than heretofore.' To these Objections it was answer'd by the
Advocates for the Bill, 'That tho' both the Language and
Writing of the Law should be alter'd, there would be no Danger of losing the Use of our ancient Records; because, as long
as we have any such, there always will be some Men, who either
out of Curiosity, or for the sake of Gain, will make it their
Business to understand both the Language and Character in
which they are wrote, in the same Manner as we find among
us now several Gentlemen, who make it their Business to learn
to understand the Language and Character of Manuscripts,
much ancienter than any of our Records: That a very few
of such Law-Antiquarians will suffice, considering the little
Occasion we have in any Law Proceedings to have Recourse
to any very ancient Records; and that when they are made
use of, they often do more Harm than Good; it being necessary for every Nation to have private Property determined
and ascertained by a continued Possession for a moderate
Term of Years.' And as to the Set-Forms of the Law, it
was alledg'd, 'That we had already too many of them, and
that they were of Opinion that nothing so much perplex'd
and retarded the Proceedings of the Courts of Justice, as a
too nice Observance of the establish'd Forms: That such
Forms are generally brought, for the sake of new Fees, to
such a Bulk by the Lawyers of all Countries, that every
Country have found it necessary from Time to Time to curtail and abridge them: That Justice was generally the
most speedily, and the most impartially, distributed in those
Places where the fewest Forms were observ'd: That therefore they thought the Destruction of our Law-Forms was a
good Argument for the Bill, instead of being one against
it; because it would take up a considerable Time, before
the Lawyers could again perplex the Course of Justice, with
a Number of useless Forms and Ceremonies.'
And passes into a Law.
This Bill afterwards pass'd both Houses, and obtain'd the
Royal Assent, notwithstanding the Opposition of the whole
Body of the Lawyers.
The Commons, in a Grand Committee, consider of the Petitions of the Bristol and Liverpool Merchants relating to the Spanish Depredations. ; And resolve to address his Majesty on that Affair.
March 5. The House, in a Grand Committee, consider'd
of the Petitions of the Merchants of Bristol and Liverpool,
relating to the Depredations of the Spaniards: And after
hearing Council for the Petitioners, and examining several
Captains and Owners of Ships, who gave an Account of a
very great Number of British Ships, taken or plunder'd by
the Spaniards, without any just Pretence of their having been
carrying on any contraband Trade with any of the Spanish Dominions, came to the following Resolutions, viz.
1. That the Petitioners had fully proved and made good
the Allegations of their Petition. II. That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to continue his Endeavours to prevent the Depredations of the Spaniards for the future; to procure full
Satisfaction for the Damages then sustain'd; and to secure to
the British Subjects the full and uninterrupted Exercise of
their Trade and Navigation to and from the British Colonies
in America. These Resolutions being reported were agreed
to by the House.
Debate concerning that Address.
Then a Motion was made for the following Amendment
to the above Address, viz. And to procure a full, prompt
and speedy Satisfaction; on which there was a long Debate.
Those who were for the Motion insisted, 'That it was
the Business of Parliament to protect, or take Care that the
Subjects should be protected from all Injuries and Wrongs
both at Home and Abroad; and that the Case before them
was an Injury of so high a Nature, that it required not only
a full, but a prompt and speedy, Redress. The Courtiers
hereupon endeavour'd to shew, 'That the Adding those
Words would look as if the House had a Diffidence in his
Majesty's Conduct and Concern for the Good of his Subjects: At last the Question being put it was carried against
Adding those Words, by 207 against 135.
A Bill order'd to be brought in for Relief of the Sugar-Colonies in America.
March 22. Upon the Report of the Committee, to whom
the Petition of the Merchants trading to, and interested in,
his Majesty's Sugar-Colonies in America had been referr'd,
a Bill was order'd to be brought in for better securing and
encouraging the Trade of those Colonies.
March 26. The said Bill was presented to the House by
Sir John Rushout, Bart. Member for Evesham, and committed to a Committee of the whole House.
Petition from the Agent for Massachuset's-Bay, and Conecticut against the said Bill;
April 2. A Petition of Francis Wilks, Agent for Massachuset's-Bay, and for Connecticut in New-England, against
the said Bill, was presented and read, and referr'd to the
above Committee.
Which passes the Commons.
April 14. The Sugar-Colony Bill was read the third Time
and pass'd: But was afterwards dropt in the House of Lords.
Motion for an Address to the King to discharge the 12,000 Hessian Forces.
April 30. A Motion was made, and the Question put,
That an humble Address be presented to desire his Majesty, That he will be graciously pleased, for the Ease of his
Subjects of this Kingdom, to give Orders for discharging the
12,000 Men of the Troops of the Landgrave of HesseCassel, then in the Pay of his Majesty as King of Great
Britain: But after some Debate, it passed in the Negative.
Address to the King for the State of the Trade of the Colonies in America, to be laid before the House next Session, by the Board of Trade.
May 5. It was resolv'd, That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, That he will be graciously pleased to
give Directions to the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, to prepare a Representation to be laid before the
House, in the next Session of Parliament, of the State of his
Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in America, with respect
to any Laws made, Manufactures set up, and Trade carried
on there, which may affect the Trade, Navigation and Manufactures of this Kingdom.
Motion for a farther Address on that Subject.
Then a Motion was made, and the Question put, That
an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, That he
will be graciously pleased to give such Orders and Instructions to the several Governors of his Colonies and Plantations
in America, as his Majesty shall think most proper, to prevent the setting up, or to discourage the Improvement in,
any of the said Colonies, of Woolen, Linnen, Iron, and
other Manufactures, which may interfere with, and be prejudicial to the Manufactures of this Kingdom: But it pass'd
in the Negative.
The King's Answer to the above Address.
May 6. The above Address was presented to the King;
to which his Majesty return'd for Answer, "That he would
give Directions accordingly."
Motion for an Address relating to the Exports and Imports of the American Colonies.
May 7. A Motion was made, and the Question put, That
an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, That he
will be pleased to give Orders, that the proper Officers do
prepare an Account to be laid before that House, in the
next Session of Parliament, of the Value of the Exports and
Imports between this Kingdom and his Majesty's Plantations
in America, and all foreign Countries, from Christmas 1720
to Christmas 1730, distinguishing each Year, in each Plantation or foreign Country: But the Question being put, it
passed in the Negative.
The same Day the King came to the House of Peers, and
the Commons being come thither, his Majesty made the following Speech:
King's Speech at putting an End to the Fourth Session.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
"It is a great Pleasure to me, that, at the Close of this
Session of Parliament, I am able to acquaint you, that
the Hopes I had conceived and given you, of seeing very
suddenly a happy Period put to the Troubles and Disorders which had been so long apprehended, are now,
by the Treaty signed at Vienna, answer'd and accomplish'd.
"A Project of a Convention betwixt the Emperor and
the Maritime Powers, for accommodating the Differences
and Disputes that were subsisting, having been formed,
the Treaty is concluded and signed by me and the Emperor; and is now under the Consideration of the States
General, the Forms of that Government not admitting a
previous Concert in a Negotiation of this Nature: And,
as this Treaty principally regards the Execution of the
Treaty of Seville, it is likewise communicated to the Courts
of France and Spain, as Parties to the Treaty of Seville:
And I have just received Advice, that the Ratifications
between me and the Emperor are exchang'd.
"The Conditions and Engagements, which I have enter'd
into upon this Occasion, are agreeable to that necessary
Concern, which this Nation must always have for the Security and Preservation of the Balance of Power in Europe:
And as the uncertain and violent State of Affairs, to which
Europe was reduced, and the Mischiefs of an immediate
general War, which began to be thought unavoidable,
are now removed; this happy Turn duly improved, with
a just Regard to our former Alliances which it shall be
my Care to preserve, gives us a favourable Prospect of
seeing the Publick Tranquility re-established.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"I return you my Thanks for the effectual Supplies, which
you have granted me for the Service of the present Year,
and for the proper Disposition you have made of the Publick Funds, towards lessening and discharging the National
Debt: The remarkable Dispatch and Unanimity which
you have shewn, at this critical Conjuncture, has added
very much to the Credit and Weight of your Proceedings;
and you shall find as great a Readiness on my part to ease
the Burthens of my People, as soon as the Circumstances
and Situation of Affairs will admit of it, as you have
shewn to raise the Supplies necessary for the Service of the
Publick.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
"I hope at your Return into the Country, you will find
all Attempts to raise a Spirit of Discontent among my People, by unjust Clamours and Misrepresentations, vain and
ineffectual. All malicious Insinuations to the Prejudice of
my Measures must surely vanish, when it shall appear
that my first and principal Care has been for the Interest
and Honour of this Kingdom. Let it be your Endeavour
to remove all groundless Jealousies and Apprehensions,
that the Satisfaction of this Nation may be as general, as
it is my earnest Desire that their Happiness may be; let
all my People, let all Orders of Men enjoy, quietly and
unenvied, the Rights, Privileges, and Indulgences,
which by Law they are intitled to; let no Innovations
disturb any Part of my Subjects in the Possession of their
legal Property; let all that are zealous in the Support of
me and my Government partake in common the Benefits
of the present happy Establishment; and let your GoodWill to one another be as extensive as my Protection, which
all my good and faithful Subjects have an equal Right to,
and may equally depend upon."
The Parliament prorogued.
Then the Lord Chancellor prorogued the Parliament to
the 27th of July: They were afterwards farther prorogued
to the 13th of January.