SPEECHES AND DEBATES IN THE House of Commons, DURING The Seventh and Last Session of the Seventh
Parliament of Great Britain.
Anno 7, Geo. II. 1733-34.
On Thursday the 17th of January the
Parliament being met at Westminster,
pursuant to their last Prorogation, the
King came to the House of Lords, and
being seated upon the Throne with
the usual State and Solemnity, and
the Commons being sent for up and attending, his Majesty open'd the Session
with the following Speech to both Houses:
The King's Speech at opening the Seventh Session.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
The War, which is now begun, and carry'd on,
against the Emperor, with so much Vigour, by the
united Powers of France, Spain, and Sardinia, is become
the Object of the Care and Attention of all Europe; and
though I am no ways engaged in it, and have had no
Part, except by my good Offices, in those Transactions,
which have been declared to be the principal Causes and
Motives of it, I cannot sit regardless of the present
Events, or be unconcerned for the future Consequences
of a War, undertaken and supported by so powerful an
Alliance.
"If ever any Occasion required more than ordinary Prudence and Circumspection, the present calls upon us to
use our utmost Precaution, not to determine too hastily
upon so critical and important a Conjuncture; but to
consider thoroughly what the Honour and Dignity of my
Crown and Kingdoms, the true Interest of my People,
and the Engagements we are under, to the several Powers
we are in Alliance with, may in Justice and Prudence
require of us.
"I have therefore thought it proper to take Time to examine the Facts alledged on both Sides, and to wait the
Result of the Councils of those Powers, that are more
nearly and immediately interested in the Consequences of
the War, and to concert with those Allies, who are under the same Engagements with me, and have not taken
Part in the War, more particularly the States-General of
the United-Provinces, such Measures as shall be thought
most adviseable for our common Safety, and for restoring
the Peace of Europe.
"The Resolutions of the British Parliament, in so nice a
Juncture, are of too great Moment not to be carefully
attended to, and impatiently expected, by all, and not
the least by those, who will hope to take Advantage from
your Determinations, whatever they shall be, and to turn
them to the Prejudice of this Kingdom. It must therefore be thought most safe and prudent, thoroughly to
weigh and consider all Circumstances, before we come to
a final Determination.
"As I shall have, in all my Considerations upon this
great and important Affair, the strictest Regard to the
Honour of my Crown, and the Good of my People, and
be governed by no other Views, I can make no Doubt,
but that I may entirely depend on the Support and Assistance of my Parliament, without exposing myself, by
any precipitate Declarations, to such Inconveniencies, as
ought, as far as possible, to be avoided.
"In the mean Time, I am persuaded, you will make
such Provisions, as shall secure my Kingdoms, Rights,
and Possessions, from all Dangers and Insults, and maintain the Respect due to the British Nation: Whatever
Part it may, in the End, be most reasonable for us to act,
it will, in all Views, be necessary, when all Europe is
preparing for Arms, to put ourselves in a proper Posture
of Defence. As this will best preserve the Peace of the
Kingdom, so it will give us a due Weight and Influence,
in whatever Measures we shall take in Conjunction with
our Allies: But should the Defence of the Nation not
be sufficiently provided for, it will make us disregarded
abroad, and may prove a Temptation and Encouragement
to the desperate Views of those, who never fail to flatter themselves with the Hopes of great Advantages from
publick Troubles and Disorders.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"I shall order the Estimates to be laid before you of such
Services, as require your present and immediate Care.
The Augmentation, which will be proposed for the Sea
Service, will be very considerable; but I am confident it
will be thought by you reasonable and necessary. I must
particularly recommend to your Care the Debt of the
Navy, which has every Year been laid before you; but,
from the present Circumstances of the Times, I believe
you will think it now requires some Provisions to be
made for it, which cannot well be longer postpon'd,
without manifest Detriment to the publick Service.
"As these extraordinary Charges and Expences are unavoidable, I make no Doubt but you will effectually raise
the Supplies necessary for defraying of them, with that Readiness and Dispatch, and with that just Regard to the true
Interest of my People, which this Parliament has hitherto
shewn upon all Occasions.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
"It is at all Times to be wished, that the Business of
Parliament might be carry'd on free from Heats and
Animosities, and with that Temper, which becomes the
Justice and Wisdom of the Nation: At this Time it is
more particularly to be desired, that this Session may not
be protracted by unnecessary Delays, when the whole
Kingdom seems prepared for the Election of a new Parliament; an Event which employs the Attention of all
Europe: And I am very well pleased, that this Opportunity offers of taking again the Sense of my People in
the Choice of a new Representative, that the World may
see how much their true Sentiments have been mistaken,
or misrepresented. Those who see and hear only at a Distance, may easily be imposed upon, and from thence conceive false Hopes or Fears; but I am confident a little
Time will effectually remove all groundless Surmises, and
it will be found that Great Britain is always to act that
Part, which the Honour and Interest of the Nation calls
upon them to undertake."
Mr John Campbell's Motion for an Address of Thanks.
The Commons being return'd to their House, and the
Speaker having reported his Majesty's Speech, Mr Campbell,
Member for Pembrokeshire, mov'd, 'That an Address of
Thanks be presented to the King, for his most gracious Speech
from the Throne: To acknowledge his Majesty's Goodness in the Concern he had express'd upon account of
the War unhappily begun in Europe, and his Majesty's great
Wisdom in using so much Precaution upon that critical Conjuncture, in waiting the Result of the Councils of those Powers, who were more nearly and immediately interested in the
Consequences of the War, and in taking time to examine
the Facts alledged on both Sides, and to concert with those
Allies, who were under the same Engagements with his Majesty, and had not taken Part in the War, such Measures, as
should be thought most advisable for the common Safety,
and for restoring the Peace of Europe: To declare their unfeigned Confidence in his Majesty, that in all his Considerations upon that great and important Affair, his Majesty
would have the strictest Regard to the Honour and Dignity
of his Crown and Kingdoms, and to the true Interest of his
People: And to assure his Majesty, that he might intirely
depend upon the Support and Assistance of his faithful Commons, in such Measures as he should find it necessary to enter
into, for attaining and securing these great and valuable Purposes: And that that House would make such Provision for
the Safety and Defence of the Nation, as should secure his
Majesty's Kingdoms, Rights and Possessions from all Dangers
and Insults; as might preserve the Respect due to the Crown
of Great Britain; and not give any Encouragement to the
desperate Views of those, who never fail to flatter themselves
with the Hopes of great Advantage from publick Troubles
and Disorders: And to assure his Majesty, that that House
would immediately take into their Consideration such Estimates and Demands, as should be made by his Majesty for
the publick Service; and raise the Supplies, which should be
necessary and answerable to the present Exigency of Affairs,
with their known Zeal and Chearfulness, and with a due
Regard to the Interest of their Fellow-Subjects: And, that
the publick Business might be dispatched with all proper Expedition, that they would endeavour to avoid all Heats and
Animosities, and all Occasions that might tend to protract
this Session by unnecessary Delays.
Debate thereon.
Mr Campbell was seconded by Mr Stephen Fox, and back'd
by Lord Tyrconnell: Hereupon Mr Shippen stood up and
spoke as follows,
Mr Speaker,
'I believe it has always been taken for granted, that the
Speeches from the Throne are the Compositions of Ministers
of State; upon that Supposition we have always thought ourselves at Liberty to examine every Proposition contained in
them; even without Doors People are pretty free in their
Remarks upon them: I believe no Gentleman here is ignorant of the Reception the Speech from the Throne, at the
Close of last Session, met with from the Nation in general. It
is not to be doubted, but the same Freedom may be taken
with any Proposition made by any Gentleman in this House,
in consequence of such Speech. I will not say the Question
moved by the Honourable Gentleman, was penned by the
same Hand that penned his Majesty's Speech tho' there is a
good deal of Reason to believe it.
'As to the Motion, I have one very great Objection to the
whole; it is too cautiously and too generally worded: Under such general Expressions there may be Designs concealed,
which the Gentleman, who penned the Motion, does not
think proper now to declare; but when they come to be
explained, this House may then probably find itself drawn
into some Difficulties, by making use of such uncertain Expressions in the Address now proposed. There is indeed one
Paragraph, which I shall now particularly lay my Finger on;
I cannot pretend to repeat the very Words, for we, who hear
the Speech and the Motion but once read, are obliged in
some manner to shoot flying; I think it proposes for us to
say in our Address, 'That we will support his Majesty in all
'those Measures, which he shall think it necessary to enter
into.' Now, I am afraid, that under such a general Expression, there may be couched, or at least it may hereafter
be insisted on that there is couched, a Promise of a Vote of
Credit, and therefore I should be willing to have those
Words a little explained; for I shall always endeavour, as
much as I can, to prevent this House being rashly drawn
into such Promises: I shall not pretend to offer any Amendment till I have heard other Gentlemen's Sentiments; I
now only lay my Finger upon this Part of the Motion; after other Gentlemen have spoke, I may possibly give my
Opinion farther, and perhaps offer an Amendment; but
I could wish rather that the Words were lest out.'
Sir John Hynde Cotton.
Sir John Hynde Cotton spoke next:
Mr Speaker,
'I agree in a great Measure with the Motion; but I
have an Objection to the Passage where we promise to provide for the Security of his Majesty's Kingdoms, Rights,
and Possessions: Now, Sir, these last Words are so general, that
I am afraid they may include his Majesty's German Dominions; I am persuaded they will be understood in this Sense
by all without Doors, whatever this House may intend to
mean by it: The Gentleman who opened the Debate has,
'tis true, satisfy'd me and I believe every Gentleman in
the House, that no such Thing is intended; but I think it
likewise necessary to satisfy the World without Doors; I
think it incumbent upon us, to assure our Constituents, that
no such Thing was ever meant, and therefore I think it
will be proper to add some explanatory Words; for which
Reason I shall beg Leave to move for this Amendment,
viz. that the Words, thereunto belonging, may be added
after the Word Possessions, so that the Sentence will run
thus, 'As shall secure his Majesty's Kingdoms, Rights and
'Possessions, thereunto belonging, from all Dangers and Insults.'
Mr Campbell.
Hereupon Mr Campbell replied:
Mr Speaker,
'I believe I did open the Affair before us in the Manner
the honourable Gentleman was pleased to mention: But it
was not from an Opinion, that there really was any Possibility for putting such a Sense upon those Words, as the Gentleman seems to be apprehensive of: They are so fully explained, both by what goes before, and by what comes
after, that there is no Room for imagining, they ever were
meant to comprehend his Majesty's German Dominions;
every Man must see they relate only to the foreign Rights
and Possessions belonging to the Crown of Great Britain:
I gave some Explanation of them, only to preclude any Exception being taken, by Gentlemen's considering those general Words by themselves, and without Regard to what went
before, or followed after: But to any Gentleman either
within or without Doors, who considers the whole together,
there cannot so much as a Doubt arise about the Meaning;
they can relate to nothing but what belongs to his Majesty
as King of Great Britain, therefore I cannot think there is
the least Occasion for the Amendment proposed.'
Lord Coleraine.
Then Lord Coleraine stood up and said:
Mr Speaker,
'The Gentleman who spoke last, has not in the least
satisfied me, as to the Meaning to be put upon the Words
objected to; for if those Words be taken in a strict grammatical Sense, they must certainly comprehend his Majesty's
German Dominions: Those Dominions are certainly a Part
of his Majesty's Possessions, and as such must be comprehended under those general Words; nor can I see any Restriction put upon them, either by what goes before, or what
follows after; even the Amendment proposed, will not, I
am afraid, be sufficient to restrain them as they ought to be,
and therefore I am of Opinion, that the Amendment ought
to be in these Words, belonging to the Crown of Great
Britain; so as that the Sentence may run thus, 'As shall
secure his Majesty's Kingdoms, and all the Rights and
Possessions belonging to the Crown of Great Britain, from
all Dangers and Insults.'
Mr H. Pelham.
Mr Henry Pelham spoke next, as follows:
Mr Speaker,
'The Question moved by the honourable Gentleman
was, I thought, so aptly worded, and, to use my worthy
Friend's Expression, so cautiously worded, that I did not
imagine any Objection would have been made to it. As
to the Words, Rights and Possessions, the proper Meaning
of them seems to me certain and apparent: Doubts have
lately been raised about some of those Dominions, which
properly belong to the Crown of Great Britain; and tho'
there never was any Foundation for those Doubts, yet some
Gentlemen have strongly insisted there was still something
wanting, something farther necessary to be done, in order
to secure her Enjoyment of those Possessions: From that
Consideration alone, if there were no other, every Gentleman must conclude, all that could be meant by those
general Words, was, to comprehend the several British Possessions in foreign Parts; but as to his Majesty's German
Dominions, as they in no way belong to the Crown of
Great Britain, which is mentioned in the very next Sentence,
I can't believe any Gentleman in this House, or without
Doors, will ever imagine they were meant to be comprehended under those general Words, therefore I can't think
any Amendment necessary.'
Mr Pulteney.
Then Mr Pulteney stood up and said:
Mr Speaker,
'When I heard his Majesty's Speech, and the Motion
made by the honourable Gentleman, I was in Hopes, Sir,
we should have separated to Day without any Debate; yet
I must own, the Words taken Notice of by my honourable
Friend [Mr Shippen] did at first strike me a little. I was
indeed a little afraid of the Consequences, or at least of the
Use that might be made of such Words, but I was resolved
to pass them over in Silence: However, now they are
taken Notice of, I must say, some Amendment in order to
restrain them a little, will not be unnecessary. I am not
for leaving them out entirely, because one Part of his Majesty's Speech would stand without any Answer; and I am
unwilling this House should, upon any Occasion, shew the
least Want of Respect and Complaisance towards his Majesty.
I therefore take the Liberty to propose an Amendment,
but I must acquaint the House, that the Motion I am to
make, is without any View of making a Difference or Division among us this Day; nor shall I insist upon it, if not
entirely agreeable to every Gentleman in this House. I
know very well, we are not tied down by any general Expressions in an Address of Thanks to his Majesty: But I
remember, a Vote of Credit passed in this House, towards
the Close of a Session, [See Vol. I. p. 393.] for which
there was no other Foundation but some general Expressions
in the Address of Thanks, which had been voted the first
Day of the Session, in Answer to his Majesty's Speech from
the Throne; and therefore we ought to be extremely cautious in agreeing to any Sort of Words, from whence the
Promise of a Vote of Credit may be afterwards inferred
For this Reason I shall beg Leave to add a few Words by
Way of Amendment, viz. Provided such Measures shall
appear to this House to have been necessary for obtaining
such Ends. In which Case the Paragraph, taken Notice of
by my worthy Friend, will run thus, 'And to assure his
Majesty, that he may entirely depend upon the Support
and Assistance of his faithful Commons, in such Measure
as he shall find it necessary to enter into, for attaining and
securing these great and valuable Purposes; provided such
Measures shall appear to the House to have been necessary
for obtaining such Ends.'
Sir R. Walpole.
To this Sir Robert Walpole replied:
Mr Speaker,
'The honourable Gentleman who spoke last has propose
an Amendment, but has not made any direct Motion for that
Purpose; and he was pleased to say, what he proposed was
without any View of making a Difference or Division among
us; I am very glad to find that Gentleman is now come
to be of that Way of Thinking, for nothing can contribute
more to the Honour of this House, than a Harmony are
Unanimity in all our Proceedings; therefore I hope the
Gentleman will not insist upon the Amendment he has proposed.
'One of the Objections to the Question before us, made
by the Gentleman, who spoke first against it, was, that
it was too general, and worded with too much Caution
This is an Objection of a very new Nature; the chief objection to Addresses of this Nature has generally been, that
they descended too much into Particular, and were not
worded with proper Caution. From this general Objection
the Gentleman was pleased to come to a Particular, and took
Notice of some Words under which, he said, he believed
Vote of Credit was intended to be couched: But does not
every Gentleman in this House know, that his Majesty never
desires any such Thing as a Promise of a Vote of Credit, nor
has it ever been usual, for this House to make any such Promise? The usual Method has always been, whenever his
Majesty wanted any such Thing as a Vote of Credit, he always acquainted the House of it by a direct Message for
that Purpose; therefore there is now no Ground to presume
an Intention of couching a Promise of a Vote of Credit,
under any general Words proposed to be put into the Address.
'As to the Case mentioned by the honourable Gentleman
who spoke last, I don't remember there was ever any Vote of
Credit, founded upon a pretended Promise contained in the
Address of Thanks at the Beginning of the Session. There
may have been a Case, but I cannot say whether it may have
been a late Case, or one of an older Date: However this
I am certain of, that no such Thing is intended by the
Words now objected to, nor will there, I believe, be any
such Use made of them.
'The other Objection is equally without Foundation. I
do not believe it can so much as once enter into the Heart
of any Man to imagine, that by the Words Rights and Possessions, this House means to include his Majesty's German
Dominions: If ever those Dominions should come to be in
such Danger, as that his Majesty should find it necessary to
ask the Assistance of this Nation, he would certainly do it by
direct Message to Parliament; I am very sure, at present,
no such Thing is thought of, nor is there the least Shadow
of Reason for suspecting there will be any Occasion for such
Demand: The Words, Rights and Possessions, must there are be understood to relate only to the foreign Possessions
belonging to Great Britain; had those Words been left out,
to willing Minds, at least, it would have afforded a Pretence
for the raising of much greater Alarms without Doors; it
then might probably have been said, that we were going to
give up some of those valuable Possessions we have abroad;
possessions so valuable, that I hope this Nation will never
consent to give them up.'
'Upon the whole, Sir, however unwilling some Gentlemen may pretend to be, to create Differences and make Divisions in this House, I am persuaded, nothing but a Desire to
do so, could have raised Objections to the Question now in
your Hand, and as I have not heard any Colour of Reason for supporting the Amendments offered, I must be against
them.'
Sir W. Wyndham.
Sir William Wyndham spoke next:
Mr Speaker,
'Tho' the honourable Gentleman, who spoke last, does not
seem to remember the Case mentioned by the Gentleman who
spoke just before him, I remember it well, and I speak of it
with the greater Confidence, because this very Morning I
look'd over some of the Journals of the House, together with
my honourable Friend, by which I found that famous Vote
of Credit was agreed to in this House, April 12, 1727. towards the Close of the Session: I remember there was a very
thin House, and no other Foundation for that Vote, hardly
indeed any material Argument offered in Favour of it, than
what has been mentioned by my honourable Friend. I remember it bore a very strenuous Debate, and that the Gentleman
[Mr Winnington] who sits behind the honourable Person who
spoke last, had a very considerable Share in that Debate, and
was one of the Tellers against the Question.
'Whether any such Use is now intended to be made of the
general Expressions objected to, I shall not say; but that I do
not take to be the Matter in Dispute: The proper Question
is whether any such Use can be made of those general Expressions? For if it can, we are not to depend upon the Assurances of any Member of this House that it will not;
therefore, lest any such Use should hereafter be made of those
general Expressions, it is highly necessary some Words should
be added, for restraining them to what is now declared to be
the Meaning and Intention of them: For my own Part, I am
very easy about it, because I am now free to declare, that if
ever any Vote of Credit of the same Nature with those lately
agreed to, be proposed or moved for in this House, I shall
always be against any such, as long as I have the Honour to
sit in this House; nor shall any general Words, or any express Promise contained in any former Address, be of the least
Weight with me in such a Debate.'
Sir Will. Yonge.
Hereupon Mr Winnington gave an Account of the Vote
of Credit agreed to in the Year 1727: But Mr Gibbon and
Mr Sandys objecting to his Account of that Transaction, Sir
William Yonge spoke as follows:
Mr Speaker,
'I was at some Distance, when the honourable Gentleman on the Floor first mentioned the Case, which seems
now to be the Subject of Debate; and tho' I had not look'd
into the Journals this Morning, yet I could not but think
it was impossible, that ever any House of Commons should
have proceeded in the Manner represented. I have now
look'd upon the Journals of that and the preceeding Session,
and as I have the Book in my Hand, I shall from thence
set that Matter in a clear Light. In the Year 1726, his late
Majesty sent an express Message to the House of Commons
then sitting, [See Vol. I. p. 369.] by which he acquainted
them, that in order to prevent and frustrate such Designs, as
had been formed against the particular Interest of this Nation and the general Peace of Europe, he found it necessary
not only to augment his Maritime Force, but to concert such
other Measures as might most effectually conduce to these
desirable Ends; and as these Services would require some
extraordinary Expence, his Majesty hoped he should be enabled, by the Assistance of Parliament, to encrease the Number of Seamen then before voted and granted for the Service of that Year; and to enter into and make good such
Engagements, as the Circumstances and Exigency of Affairs
might require. Upon this Message, the House of Commons, as in Duty they ought, voted and presented an Address to his Majesty, [See Vol. I. p. 370.] that he would be
pleased to make such Addition to the Number of Seamen
then before voted; and to concert such other Measures, as
his Majesty should in his great Wisdom think would best
conduce to the Security of the Trade and Navigation of this
Kingdom, and to the Preservation of the Peace of Europe;
and assured his Majesty, that the House would effectually
provide for, and make good all such Expences and Engagements, as should be made for obtaining those great and desirable Ends.
'At the Beginning of next Session his Majesty, in his
Speech [See Vol. I. p. 375.] expresly said, That as the Expence, he had in the preceeding Year been in a particular
Manner intrusted to make, had amounted to no considerable
Sum; and the publick Utility might again require the like
Services to be performed, he hoped they would again repose
the same Trust and Confidence in him. To this the House
of Commons, in their Address of Thanks, [See Vol. I. p. 382.]
as expresly answer and promise, that they would repose such
a Trust and Confidence in his Majesty, as the publick Utility
should require, and as his Majesty should find reasonable and
necessary for carrying on the great Work, in which his Majesty was engaged, for the Interest and Security of his People, and the common Cause of Europe.
'Thus every Gentleman may see, that the Vote of Credit agreed to at the End of that Session, was not in Consequence of a few general Words in their Address of Thanks, in
Return to his Majesty's Speech at the Beginning of the Session:
But in Consequence of an express Demand in the Speech,
and as express a Promise in the Address of Thanks; and
from thence, I think, every Gentleman may see how vastly
different that Case is from what is now the Subject of Debate.'
Mr Scrope.
Then Mr Scrope stood up, and gave an exact Account of
the several Votes of Credit passed by the House; and declar'd it to be his Opinion, that there was no Occasion for
any Amendment to the Address: Hereupon Mr Pulteney
rose up again and said,
Mr Pulteney.
Sir,
'The honourable Gentleman, who spoke last, has, in a
few Words, explained how the several Votes of Credit
have been granted; he and I do not differ much in our Accounts; but the honourable Gentleman, who spoke with
the Book in his Hand, and set out with a Promise of clearing that Matter fully, has, in my Opinion, and, I believe,
in the Opinion of every Gentleman who heard him, left the
Matter just where he found it; therefore I would advise
him, for the future, to speak without Book.
'Can any Gentleman imagine, that, in Consequence of
the Paragraph of his late Majesty's Speech mentioned by the
honourable Gentleman, or the Answer thereto in the Address of Thanks, a Vote of Credit was or ought to have
been agreed to, without a new Message from his Majesty,
signifying, that the publick Utility did actually again require
the reposing of such a Trust and Confidence in his Majesty,
as had been reposed in him the preceeding Year? Does any
Gentleman suppose, that this House is to repose such a Trust
and Confidence in the Crown, only because it is demanded
by the Crown, and without assigning any Reason for so
doing? No, Sir, I appeal to every Gentleman present when
that Address was agreed to, whether he did not think, that
all that was meant or intended by those general Assurances
in their Address of Thanks, was, that they would again repose the same Trust and Confidence in his Majesty, if upon
a new Message, it could be shewn them, that the publick
Utility required it: But Gentlemen found afterwards another Use made of those general Expressions; they were at
the End of the Session made the only Argument for agreeing to a Vote of Credit; and lest the same Thing should
be again practised, we ought to be extremely cautious of
putting any such general Expressions in our Address of
Thanks.
'When I first stood up, I said I had no Intention of making a Division or Difference amongst us to Day, and the honourable Gentleman, who spoke next after me, said, he was
glad to find me in that Way of Thinking. Sir, I am now
in the same Way of Thinking I always was; and if other Gentlemen think in the same Way they have lately taken up, I
am afraid we shall have many and great Differences before
this Session can well be at an End. The honourable Gentleman said he did not remember, whether the Case of a
Vote of Credit I mentioned was of a late or old Date:
Alas, Sir, there are no such Votes of Credit to be found of
an old Date; Votes of Credit of old were of a very different Nature, they were never so much as asked, but for
some particular Purposes expresly mentioned; the Sum was
always limited; the Parliament became Sureties only for
that Sum; and an exact Account was afterwards given to
Parliament to what Purposes the Money so granted was applied: But our late Votes of Credit have all been granted
in the Dark; we have granted Sums unlimited without
knowing to what Uses the Money so to be raised was to
be applied; and we could never have any proper Account,
tho often asked for, how the Money was disposed of.
'However, Sir, tho' I wish we may separate to Day without any Division, yet I hope we shall have many Days after
this to enter into the Consideration of Affairs of very great
Consequence. The calamitous Situation of our Affairs both
at Home and Abroad necessarily requires the Consideration of
Parliament: There are many, many Grievances both foreign
and domestick, under which the Nation groans at present,
and which call loudly for Redress; therefore, tho' we promise not to protract or prolong the Session by unnecessary
Delays, yet I hope we shall not separate before we have
taken all those Matters properly under our Consideration:
The State of the Nation must be called for, and, I dare
say, this House of Commons, which has shewn so much Regard for their Fellow-Subjects, will envy any succeeding
House of Commons the Glory of redressing those many
Grievances we now labour under: On such an Occasion, I
hope, Gentlemen will be emulous who shall attend best;
and when such a Spirit of Liberty appears over the whole
Nation, I am convinced no Man will dare desert his Duty
in this House, when Affairs of such Moment demand his
Attendance in Parliament.'
Mr Campbell's Motion agreed to.
The above Amendments not being insisted on, the Question was put upon Mr Campbell's Motion, and agreed to
without a Division: A Committee was also appointed to
draw up an Address of Thanks accordingly.
January 18. The said Address was reported to the House
and agreed to, as follows:
The Address.
Most gracious Sovereign,
We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal Subjects,
the Commons of Great Britain in Parliament assembled, beg Leave to return your Majesty our humblest
Thanks for your most gracious Speech from the Throne.
'We are truly sensible of your Majesty's Goodness; and
hear with the deepest Sense of Gratitude the Concern you
are pleased to express, for the War unhappily begun in
Europe; and acknowledge with the highest Satisfaction
this new Proof your Majesty has given us, of your great
Wisdom in waiting at this nice and critical Juncture, the
Result of the Councils of those Powers, who are more
nearly and immediately interested in the Consequences of
this War, before your Majesty makes any final Determination for your own Conduct; not wondering, that the
same Prudence and Precaution, the same Concern and
Circumspection, that have guided and directed every Step
hitherto taken in your Majesty's happy and auspicious
Reign, should now induce you to take Time to examine
the Facts alledged on both Sides, and to concert with those
Allies, who are under the same Engagements with your
Majesty without having taken Part in the War, particularly the States General of the United Provinces, such
Measures, as shall be thought most adviseable for the common Safety, and for restoring the Peace of Europe.
'That your Majesty in all your Transactions, in this
great and important Affair, will have the strictest Regard
to the Honour and Dignity of your Crown and Kingdom, and to the true Interest of your People, is what not
only your Majesty's royal Assurances, but our happy Experience of all your Majesty's past Conduct leave us no
Room to doubt.
'And as we have an entire Confidence in your Majesty's
Judgment to discern, and Solicitude to procure the Welfare and Interest of your Subjects, so your Majesty may
depend upon the effectual Support and ready Assistance of
your faithful Commons in all such Measures, as your Majesty shall find it necessary to enter into for attaining and
securing these great Ends.
'And we beg Leave farther to assure your Majesty, that
your Commons will make such Provision for the Safety
of your Kingdoms, as the present Situation of Affairs and
Exigency of the Times require; such Provisions, as shall
effectually secure your Majesty's Kingdoms, Rights, and
Possessions, from all Insults and Dangers; as shall preserve
the Respect due to the British Nation Abroad, and guard
its Safety at Home; that not the least Encouragement may
be given to the desperate Views of those, who never fail
to flatter themselves with Hopes of some Advantage from
Publick Troubles and Disorders, and of molesting the inseparable Interests of your Majesty and your People.
'Such Estimates and Demands, as your Majesty shall
think fit to lay before your Commons for the Publick Service, shall be immediately taken into our Consideration;
and your Majesty may depend on our known Zeal for
raising such Supplies, as shall be necessary and answerable
to the present Circumstances, with our usual Chearfulness
and approved Fidelity, and a due Regard both to the Ease
and Interest of our Fellow Subjects.
'And that the Publick Business may be dispatched with
all proper Expedition, and the present Session not protracted by any unnecessary Delays, we will endeavour to avoid
all Heats and Animosities, and to proceed with that Unanimity, which the Justice and Prudence of your Majesty's
mild and wise Government may expect and claim, and
may give Weight to our Deliberations, and maintain the
Dignity of Parliament.'
Jan. 19. The above Address was presented to the King,
who return'd the following Answer:
The King's Answer thereto.
Gentlemen,
"I Return you my Thanks for this very dutiful, affectionate, and loyal Address, and for the Confidence you
repose in Me, which, you may be assured, shall always
be employed for the Honour of my Crown, and the true
Interest of my People."
An Address for a Copy of the Treaty between his Majesty and the Emperor, in 1731. Resolv'd on. ; Sir J. Rushout moves for Copies of the Instructions sent to the British Ministers in France and Spain, relating to the Execution of the Treaty of Seville, to be laid before the House.
Jan. 23. The House resolv'd, That an Address be presented to his Majesty, to give Directions, that a Copy of the
Treaty between his Majesty and the Emperor, concluded at
Vienna in the Year 1731, with the secret and separate Articles, and the States Generals Act of Concurrence to the same,
should be laid before the House. Then Sir John Rushout
stood up, and mov'd, 'That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, that he would be pleased to give Direction, that the Letters and Instructions sent to his Majesty's
Ministers at the Court of France and Spain, relating to the
Execution of the Treaty of Seville, should be also laid before the House; upon which ensu'd a Debate, in which Sir
William Yonge spoke as follows:
Debate thereon.
Sir,
'I do not stand up, to say any Thing against the
Power, which this House has of calling for whatever Papers
they may think necessary, to give them proper Lights into
any Affair they are going to take under Consideration:
That the House has such a Power, is what I believe no
Gentleman will deny; but then every one must grant, that
this Power ought to be used with great Caution and Discretion; no Papers ought to be called for, but those which
properly relate to the Affair in Hand, and without which
it would be impossible to understand fully and clearly what
we are to be about. It has been resolved to address his
Majesty, to order a Copy of the Treaty of Vienna to be
laid before us, but I cannot apprehend what Connection there
is or can be, between that Treaty and the Letters and Instructions sent to our Ministers at the Courts of France and
Spain, relating to the Treaty of Seville. Can it be supposed, that those Letters and Instructions have any Relation
or Concern with a Treaty afterwards concluded with the
Emperor, who was not at that Time in good Terms with
either of the other two Courts? As all such Negotiations
are carry'd on in the most secret Manner possible, it cannot,
in my Opinion, be supposed, that our Ministers, either at
the Court of France or Spain, knew any Thing of those
Negotiations at Vienna, which so happily ended in that
Treaty; and therefore it is impossible to suppose, that we
can, from the Letters and Instructions sent to them, receive
any Light or Information, with respect to the Treaty of
Vienna now called for.
'But granting, Sir, that some possible Connection might
be found out, between the Treaty of Vienna and the Letters and Instructions which the honourable Gentleman has
been pleased to move for, yet there is another Rule to be
observ'd in the using that Power which this House has of
calling for Papers, which, in the present Case will be an
effectual Bar to the Motion: Tho' this House has a Power
of calling for Papers, yet we ought in no Case to call for
those Papers which may contain Secrets, the publishing
whereof might be of signal Disadvantage to the Commonwealth; I believe it will be granted, that a Secret communicated once to this House, is in great Danger of not remaining long a Secret: It was never known that a Secret
was long kept by any such numerous Assembly; and therefore we ought to be extremely cautious, and never call for
any Papers which may contain such Secrets. For my own
Part, I do not pretend to know the Nature of those Instructions or Letters; but it is certain, that some of them
may contain something not proper to be publish'd to the
World at this Juncture; the publishing of them might, perhaps, open old Sores, and give Offence to some of those Powers
with whom we have at present a good Understanding; by
which his Majesty's Negotiations for restoring the Tranquility of Europe might be very much embarassed, perhaps
render'd entirely fruitless; and therefore I cannot but think,
that any such general Call for Papers is now, and always
will be of dangerous Consequence.
'If this House should at any Time hereafter resolve to
take the Treaty of Seville into their Consideration, when
that Day comes, if any Gentleman of this House can then lay
his Finger on any particular Paper, which he thinks may be
necessary for the Information of the House, he may then
move for it, and the House may, if they think proper,
agree to such a Motion: But to make such a general Motion
as the present, and to call for all the Letters and Instructions
sent to our Ministers at those two Courts in general, I
think most improper and irregular, and therefore I shall
give my Negative to it.'
Sir William Wyndham.
To this Sir William Wyndham reply'd,
Sir,
'Notwithstanding what the honourable Gentleman, who
spoke last, has said, I cannot help being of Opinion, that
the Motion made by my honourable Friend is regular,
and that the Papers he has called for, are such as must necessarily tend to give the House a great deal of Information, not only with relation to the Treaty of Seville, but
likewise with relation to the Treaty which we shall soon
have, I hope, laid before us, in Pursuance of the Resolution we have just now come to; and therefore I take it
to be as proper now, as it can be when the Day comes
which the Gentleman speaks of.
'As to any Secret which may be contain'd in the Papers
call'd for, and which it would not be proper at present to
publish to the World, that can be no Argument against
the Motion; because, if that should happen to be the
Case, his Majesty would communicate to us none but such
as contained no such Secrets; and in his Answer to our Address would acquaint us, that the other Letters or Instructions contained such Secrets as were not proper to be reveal'd at present: This would be a proper Answer from his
Majesty, and such an Answer as this House would certainly
rest satisfied with, unless some very strong Reasons appeared
to the contrary: But, Sir, this is an Answer which ought
not to be taken from any other Person but his Majesty; It
is below the Dignity of this House to take it from any other;
it is what no Member of this House ought so much as to
infinuate; for any such Insinuation is offering an Indignity
to the Crown, because it seems to be a dictating to his Majesty, and prescribing to him what Answer he is to make
to the Address of this House. The Gentleman spoke of
opening old Sores, and that the publishing of those Papers
might give Offence to some of those Powers we are now in
Friendship with: This seems to be a very extraordinary
Reason against the Motion; for I am sure this Reason will
hold equally good against calling for any Treaty, or any
Paper relating to foreign Negotiations; and I can see no
Difference between denying that the House has a Power to
call for any Papers, and making Use of an Argument,
which, if allow'd, would render that Power altogether ineffectual: But, Sir, I would gladly know what Prince, what
State there is now in Europe, whom we have not disobliged
and fallen out with by Turns; and shall it be said, that the
publishing of those Negotiations which we carry'd on while
we were at Enmity, or at least not in a cordial Friendship
with them, will open those Sores which were entirely healed
up by a new Treaty afterward concluded with them? Does
not every Gentleman see, that this Argument strikes against
this House's ever desiring to have any foreign Treaty or
Negotiation laid before them, except such as have been before published to the World?
'As to the Connection between the Papers now moved
for and the Treaty just before call'd for, it is in my Opinion evident: For what End have we called for a Copy of
the Treaty of Vienna? What are we to consider of, when
we enter into the Consideration of that Treaty? Are not
we to consider, whether it was for the Benefit of this Nation,
or not? And how shall we determine this, without knowing
the Circumstances, or those Affairs, which made it necessary
for us to conclude such a burthensome Treaty? It is well
known, that by that Treaty we enter'd into very great Engagements; Engagements, which, if punctually perform'd,
may cost this Nation infinite Sums of Money; and Engagements which we certainly ought not to have enter'd into, if
the publick Tranquility could have been established at any
cheaper Rate. Is it to be presumed, that the Impossibility,
which was found of carrying the Treaty of Seville into
Execution, without involving ourselves and all Europe in a
bloody War, was what made it necessary for us to agree to
those Engagements contain'd in the Treaty of Vienna: And
how is it possible for us to determine, whether or no there
was an Impossibility of carrying the Treaty of Seville into
Execution, without having all those Papers first laid before
us, which relate to the Execution of that Treaty? It was,
I remember, when first concluded, a Treaty which was much
bragg'd of by the Friends of the Gentleman who spoke last;
and if it was so good a Thing, I cannot find out why he or
his Friends should be so fond of keeping secret either the
Means by which it was obtain'd, or the Methods that were
afterwards used for carrying it into Execution. As to the
Means by which that Treaty was obtain'd, they may not,
perhaps, relate much to the Treaty of Vienna; but as to
the Methods used for carrying it into Execution, the last of
which was the Treaty of Vienna, every Man must see the
Connection, and therefore every Man must be convinced,
that it is necessary for us to have the Papers now moved
for laid before us, before we can properly take the Treaty,
of Vienna into our Consideration.
'His Majesty, Sir, in his Speech from the Throne, recommends the present Situation of Affairs to the Consideration of Parliament; he recommends it to us throughly to
weigh and consider all Circumstances before we come to a
final Determination; but if such Things as are necessary for
our Information are, when call'd for, refused by those in
Power, how is it possible for us to answer his Majesty's Expectations? It must be owned, that we have of late Years
been in very odd Circumstances; and our present Situation
may, perhaps, in the Opinion of many, be owing, in some
Measure to the Mismanagement of those in the Administration; I shall not say it is so; but if this be not the Case,
I can see no Reason for refusing the Papers now called for;
and if this be really the Case, it ought certainly to be inquir'd into; and the Papers now call'd for, as well as a great
many others, must necessarily be laid before us, in order to
enable us to make a proper Inquiry, and to apply proper
Remedies for those Evils which the Nation labours under at
present. Upon the whole, Sir, as I said at first, I think
the Motion now made to us most regular; I think it is absolutely necessary for us to have those Papers laid before
us; for without them, I am sure, the Resolution we have
just now come to can be of no Effect, and therefore I hope
the House will agree to the Motion.'
Sir R. Walpole.
Sir Robert Walpole spoke next:
Sir,
'I stand up to agree in some Part with the honourable
Gentleman who spoke last: If we are at present in any unhappy Situation, and if it be but thought, by any Gentleman in this House, that that Situation is any Ways owing
to the Mismanagement of those in the Administration, in
my Opinion, whoever thinks so, ought to move for this
House's going into such an Inquiry; they ought to move
for the House to go into a Committee upon the State of
the Nation; and, upon the Foot of such an Inquiry, I will
willingly join Issue with the honourable Gentleman, or any
other Gentleman in this House. Whenever the House shall
please to resolve upon going into such a Committee, I promise, that so far as lies in my Power, nothing shall be refused, that is thought proper or necessary for giving the
House all the Information, that can be wished or desired:
But as that Time is not yet come, I must think that the
Motion now under Consideration is very irregular, and seems
calculated rather for giving Gentlemen an Opportunity of
declaiming against those, who have the Honour to serve the
Crown, than for procuring any proper Information to the
House, or any Advantage to the Country.
'It is usual, Sir, for some People to make Motions, rather to fix unpopular Things on others, than to have any
Information for themselves: They make Motions in order
to make a Figure in the Votes, which are sent to all Parts
of the Nation, and to serve some particular Ends of their
own: When a Negative is put upon any such Motion, they
are then ready to cry out, 'We would have reliev'd you, we
would have extricated you from all the Difficulties you
labour under, but we were by Power deny'd the Means of
doing it.' This, Sir, is a Piece of Management, it is a
Sort of Parliamentary Play, which has always been practised
by those who oppose the Measures of the Administration; I
remember it as long as I remember Parliaments, and have
by my own Experience been acquainted with it: I can remember Motions made with no other View, but to have a
Negative put upon them; and particularly at the Beginning
of a Session, the Language among such Gentlemen has always been, 'We must give them no Rest, but make Motion
after Motion; if they agree in any Motion we make, it
will distress them; and if they put a Negative upon every
one, it will render them odious among the People.'
'This, I say, has been always the common Practice of
those who are resolved, at any Rate, to oppose the Administration; but I must take Notice that to say, that any Motion in Parliament is refused by Power, is, in my Opinion,
a very unparliamentary Way of speaking: When any Motion
is made, every Gentleman is at Liberty to debate with
Freedom upon it, and to agree of disagree as he thinks reasonable; if it be rejected, it must be by a Majority of the
House, and becomes an Act of this House; and to say, that
what is an Act of the House, is an Act of Power, is not, I
think, speaking in the Language of Parliament.
'I shall likewise agree with the honourable Gentleman,
that when any Papers are moved to be called for, the House
is not to be told by any Member, or any but his Majesty,
that such Papers contain Secrets which must not yet be discover'd; but I hope the Gentleman will agree with me, that
it is below the Dignity of this House to present insignificant
Addresses to his Majesty; we are not to desire of his Majesty what, evidently and at first Sight, appears to be such
as his Majesty cannot comply with; and therefore, when a
Motion for any such Address is made, any Gentleman of
the House may, nay he ought, if he thinks so, to rise up
and shew to the House, that what is desired by the Address
moved for, is of such a Nature, that his Majesty cannot
comply with it; and this I take to be the Case now before
us. In most publick Negotiations, there are some Things
may happen which ought never to be revealed; in every Negotiation, some Things, I believe, do happen, which ought
not to be published to the World for a great many Years
after; and therefore it must be very irregular to desire his
Majesty to lay before this House, that is, to publish to the
World, all the Letters and Instructions relating to a Negotiation, which happen'd but a very few Years ago.
'Gentlemen may assign what Causes they please for the
Treaty of Vienna; but when that Treaty comes to be considered by this House, I believe it will appear, that we thereby entered into no extraordinary or burdensome Engagements; it will appear, I believe, that we are not thereby
obliged to do any Thing, but what we were by the Nature
of Things, and by the Circumstances of the Affairs of Europe, obliged to do, if no such Treaty had ever been made.
If this should appear, it will then be certain, that what the
honourable Gentleman was pleased to mention, was not the
true Cause, or the only Foundation of the Treaty of Vienna; so that, 'till this House has entered into the Consideration of the Treaty of Vienna, and has found that the
Engagements thereby entered into were such, as we ought
not to have taken upon us, if there was any other Way left
of carrying the Treaty of Seville into Execution, without
entering into a War; 'till such Time, I say, it cannot so
much as be pretended, that there is any Connection between
the Letters and Instructions relating to the Execution of the
Treaty of Seville, and the Treaty of Vienna now resolved
to be called for; and therefore, 'till that Time, the Motion
now before us cannot be a proper or a regular Motion.
'Before I conclude, Sir, I must take Notice, that the
Way which some Gentlemen have got into, of making Panegyricks, and praising the Ministers for their great and profound Wisdom by way of Irony at one Time, and at other
Times calling Names, such as, A cowardly Administration,
a wheeling, shifting Ministry; (though by the By, I never
understood the present to be a shifting Administration; for,
as I take it, the great Quarrel amongst us is, that the
Administration has not been shifted) such a Way, I say,
Sir, is a Method of Speaking, which very ill becomes any
Member of this House. Though I cannot agree with Gentlemen who say, that this Nation is at present in so unhappy
a Situation; yet I must grant that the Affairs of Europe are
not at present in a very happy Situation; and if the Errors
or Mismanagement of any of the Administration here, has
contributed in the least to the present Posture of Affairs in
Europe, I must think that they very little deserve to serve
the Crown; but really by some Gentlemen's way of Talking, one would imagine that the Ministers of England were
the Ministers of Europe; or that Madness and Folly reigned
at this Court, and that the most prosound Wisdom prevail'd
at all others: If any unforeseen Accidents abroad, if the
Ambition of any foreign Prince, or the Misconduct of any
foreign Court, produce any untoward Effects, or occasion
any Troubles or Commotions in Europe, the Ministers of
England are immediately loaded with the Whole; it is they
that have done the Mischief, and they must answer for it.
This, Sir, is a way of treating those who have the Honour
to serve the Crown, which to me really seems neither candid
nor just: However, I shall trouble you no farther, but only
to declare that I shall be against the Motion, which the honourable Gentleman has been pleased to make.'
To this Mr Shippen answer'd,
Mr Shippen.
Sir,
'As the honourable Gentleman, who spoke last, has made
grievous Complaints of the Treatment he and his Friends receive from other Gentlemen, I am a good deal surprized
that he should, at the same time, fall into that very Error
which he so much complains of in others; for to say, that
Gentlemen make Motions, only for the Sake of having an
Opportunity to declaim against those in the Administration; or for the Sake of making a Figure in the Votes, is
Language, in my Opinion, as unparliamentary, and treating Gentlemen with as little Candour, as what he has blamed others for.
'I must say, Sir, that it seems to be a very difficult Matter, to know how to please those great Men in the Administration; for I find that when any Encomiums are made upon them, when any Thing is said in Praise of their Measures, they immediately take it to be meant by way of Irony; and if any Gentleman happens to give them any Nameswhich may seem to be a little harsh, those they understand exactly as they are spoke, and complain that Gentlemen do not
treat them in a parliamentary Way: But, Sir, whatever other Gentlemen may do, I am none of those who have bestowed Panegyricks either upon the present or upon any
Administration, and I hope I never was, or ever shall be
guilty of calling Names. Perhaps the honourable Gentleman may dislike those Names, which he pretends have been
given to him in this House; whether it be parliamentary
Language or not I shall not determine, but I must tell him,
that it is very soft and pleasant. Language when compared
with that of the People of England: Were he to hear them
speak, he would hear them speak in a Stile very different
from that used at Court, or even in this House; and I believe it would be for his Advantage, to give a little more Attention to the plain Language of those he looks on to be none
of his Friends, than to the soothing Flatteries of his Creatures and Parasites about him.
'Sir, Gentlemen may make themselves merry, but what
I have said may perhaps, when it is too late, be found
to be true; and whatever the honourable Gentleman and
his Friends may pretend to think of the present Motion, I
must be of Opinion, that it is not only reasonable, but that
it is a natural Consequence of what was immediately before
moved and agreed to; and therefore I hope this House will
act so consistently with itself, as to agree to the present Motion likewise. What Information we may get from the
Papers moved for, with regard to the Treaty of Vienna,
the Gentleman who has seen them can best tell; but as that
Treaty was the immediate Consequence of the Negotiations relating to the Execution of the Treaty of Seville, I
must think that the Journal of those Negotiations will afford
us some Light, with regard to that Treaty which immediately followed; and therefore I hope the Gentleman will
excuse me for not taking it upon his Word, that the Papers called for can have no Manner of Connection with
the Treaty, which we seem now resolved to take into Consideration.'
Mr Pulteney spoke next:
Mr Pulteney.
Sir,
'I stand up now, as I have been obliged to do upon many other Occasions, to assert the Rights and the Privileges
of this House; we have not only a Right to call for what
Papers we think necessary for our Information, but we have
a Right to have the Papers so called for, laid before us.
The honourable Gentleman on the Floor seems highly offended at an Expression, which drop'd from my honourable
Friend by me. I will agree with him, that this House may
or may not agree with the present, or with any other Motion, that shall hereafter be made by any Gentleman in this
House: This is a Privilege, which I hope shall always be preserved, not only in Show, but in Reality; I hope no Gentleman shall ever attain to such a Power, as to have a Majority in
this House always ready to approve what he pleases to propose; and I will likewise agree with him in this, that when
any Motion is rejected by a Majority, it then becomes an
Act of the House, in which every Gentleman must acquiesce; but I hope he will agree with me, that 'till the
Question is put upon any Motion, and the Opinion of the
House taken upon it, it does not become an Act of the
House; Now, as no Question has yet been put upon the
present Motion, and as it has yet been opposed only by those
who are immediately concerned in the Administration, I
think it may properly be said, that what has been asked has
been refused by Power, or at least by those in Power.
'The Gentlemen, who opposed this Motion, are forc'd to
acknowledge, that this House has a Power of calling for what
Papers we please; but then, say they, you ought not to call
for the Papers relating to any foreign Negotiation, because all
such Papers must contain Secrets which ought not to be published to the World. Is not this saying and unsaying in the
same Breath? You may call for what Papers you please; but
you must not call for the Papers relating to any foreign Negotiation, because the Addressing for those appears, at first
Sight, to be such an Address as his Majesty cannot comply
with. Sir, I say, that when this House finds it necessary, they
may call for all the Papers relating to any Negotiation whatever, and may insist upon having all of them laid before
the House. Do not we know, that upon such Occasions we
name a secret and select Committee to inspect such Papers,
and to report what they find in them relating to the Affair
under our Consideration; and I hope we shall always have
in this House ten or a dozen Gentlemen, as capable to
distinguish what ought to be kept secret, and as capable to
keep those Secrets, as any Secretary or other Minister of
State, that is or ever shall be in this Nation.
'I am really surprised to hear Gentlemen pretend, that
there is no Connection between the Negotiations for carrying the Treaty of Seville into Execution, and the Treaty
of Vienna; when by that very Treaty of Vienna the Treaty
of Seville was actually carry'd into Execution. It is plain
to the whole World; that the Treaty of Vienna was the
last Negotiation set on Foot for carrying the Treaty of Seville into Execution; and in order to judge of this last Negotiation, we only desire to see the Papers relating to the
preceding Negotiations, which were carry'd on for the same
Purpose. It may, for what I know, be true, that by the
Treaty of Vienna we enter'd into no Engagements, but such
as we were obliged to by the Nature of Things, and the
Circumstances of the Affairs of Europe; but it must surely
be granted; that an express Stipulation is more binding than
a natural Obligation; and that no prudent Man will confirm a natural Obligation by an express Stipulation, unless
he has some very good Consideration for so doing: If we
had enter'd into no express Engagements, we should have
left our Posterity in the same Case we were in ourselves;
they might then have judg'd as well as we, by the Nature
of Things and the Circumstances of the Affairs of Europe,
as they should then have appear'd to them; but now they
are pinned down, they must judge only by the Terms of
the Treaty which we have made for them; and though
the Nature of Things and the Circumstances of Europe,
should be entirely alter'd, it will, without Doubt; be insisted on, that they ought to perform those Engagements
we have subjected them to.
'The honourable Gentleman said, that if the Nation was
in an unhappy Situation, and if that Situation was owing to
any Mismanagement at Home, it ought to be inquired into;
and that, on the Foot of such an Inquiry, he was ready to
join Issue with any Gentleman in this House. On that
Foot, Sir, I am ready to join Issue with him: To me there
is nothing appears more certain, than that we are in a most
lamentable and calamitous Situation; and even from the
Lights I have already I am convinced, beyond all Doubt,
that our present Situation is owing to the Mismanagement
of those at home: It may, I believe, be proved, to the Satisfaction of every unbiassed Person; but I must say, that
if the honourable Gentleman's Opinion prevails in the present Debate, he is taking a very effectual Method to prevent
its being in the Power of any Gentleman to bring Proofs
of what I have now asserted. While he is possessed of all
or most of the Materials necessary for such a Proof, it is an
easy Matter first to deny Gentlemen any Access to them,
and then to throw out a Defiance; but this will not, I hope,
be in his Power; I hope this House will, in the present
Question, join with me in Opinion, that it is absolutely necessary for us to have the Papers now call'd for, laid before us.
'I would gladly know, how it is possible for the Parliament to give the Nation any Relief in its present melancholy
Circumstances, if we deny Access to those Particulars from
which only we can know what our present Situation is. If
the Question should come before us, Whether or no we
ought to take any Part in the present War? Can we pass
any Judgment upon such a Question, without first knowing
how we stand engaged to the several Powers abroad? And
can we know any Thing of this, without first examining the
many Treaties and Negotiations which have been carry'd
on of late Years? If we are to take no Part in the War,
we must provide for the Safety of the Nation: How can
we do this properly, and as it ought to be done? How can
we judge of the Estimates that are to be laid before us for
that End, without knowing what Danger the Nation is in?
And how can we know our Danger, without knowing how
we stand with respect to our foreign Alliances and Engagements? For these Ends, Sir, we must have not only the
Papers now moved for, but, in my Opinion, a great many
others will be necessary, in order to give us those Lights
which we ought certainly to have.
'As I have said before, Sir, even as Things now appear
to me, all that has happen'd is the Work of our own
Hands; the Weakness of those whom many already look
upon as our Friends, and the Strength of our Enemies, is
all of our own doing; Gentlemen were told of it at the
Time when those Transactions were carrying on, but they
were too wise to listen to Advice. When the whole Chain
and Series of our Management for several Years past, comes
to be impartially look'd into, what I now say will be found
to be true: Certain Causes will be found producing certain
Effects; these Effects afterwards becoming Causes, and producing other Effects, 'till at last we have arrived at the miserable State we are now in; but these are Matters, which I
hope will soon come to be more fully open'd, and clearly
stated to this House.
The honourable Gentleman said, 'That Motions were often
made with no other View, but to have Negatives put upon
them;' if that be the Case as to the present Motion, the
Gentleman and his Friends may easily disappoint us of the
Negative we are supposed to expect; and I wish with all
my Heart, that the Gentleman would give himself the
Pleasure of disappointing me and some other Gentlemen,
the obliging of whom did never, I am persuaded, yield him
any great Delight.'
Mr Danvers.
Mr Danvers stood up next, and spoke as follows:
Sir,
'I am entirely against your Question; I think it is a
most unreasonable Proposition; and that it would be altogether as right and as dutiful in us to address his Majesty
to bring his Cabinet, with all the Papers in it, and lay it
upon the Table, or upon the Floor of this House, to be
perused by the Members. An honourable Gentleman, who
spoke last but one, talked of the Language of the People
of England, and seemed to insinuate, as if they abused and
railed at the Ministry. As to that, I have been, since last
Session, in several Counties of England, and have conversed
with People of different Parties, and I never heard any
Man reproach the Ministry; on the contrary, they seemed
all to think, that the only Dispute among us here was who
should be Minister; and as this is a Dispute which the Generality of the People of England are no way concerned in,
Gentlemen are much mistaken, if they imagine that the
People of England trouble their Heads about it.'
The Question was then put upon Sir John Rushout's Motion, and carry'd in the Negative, by 195 to 104.