SPEECHES and DEBATES
In the Twelth Session of the Second Parliament of King George II.
Thursday, Feb. 1. A Message came by Sir
Charles Dalton, Usher of the Black Rod, to the
Commons, commanding their Attendance in the
House of Peers; and they attended accordingly. Being return'd, Mr. Speaker reported his Majesty's Speech, which
was as follows:
The King's Speech.
My Lords and Gentlemen.
"I Have, upon all Occasions, declared, how sensibly I have
been affected with the many Hardships and Injuries
sustained by my trading Subjects in America. I have the
Honour of my Crown, and the true Interest of my
People too much at Heart, to see either of them suffer
any Prejudice or Diminution, without pursuing the
most proper and advantageous Methods for their real Security and Preservation.
"These Considerations alone were sufficient to incite me
to exert my utmost Power, in vindicating and protecting
our undoubted Rights and Privileges of Navigation and
Commerce; and nothing could add to my own Zeal in
so just a Cause, but the due Regard I always have to the
Petitions and Complaints of my Subjects, and the Advice
of my Parliament. The Wisdom and Prudence of your
Resolutions, upon this great and national Concern, determined me to begin with the more moderate Measures, and
to try, once more, what Effect and Influence my friendly
Endeavours, and pressing Instances would have upon the
Court of Spain towards obtaining that Satisfaction and
Security, which we were intitled to demand and expect;
and your Assurances to support me in all Events, enabled
me to proceed with proper Weight and Authority.
"Thus supported by the concurrent Advice of both Houses
of Parliament, I lost no Time in making Preparations to
do my self and my People Justice, if the Conduct
of the Court of Spain had laid us under that Necessity; and at the same Time I did, in the strongest Manner, repeat my Instances for obtaining such Justice and Reparation for the many Injuries and Losses already sustained, and such an effectual Security for the future, as might
prevent the Consequences of an open Rupture.
"It is now a great Satisfaction to me, that I am able to
acquaint you, that the Measures I have pursued, have
had so good an Effect, that a Convention is concluded,
and ratified between me and the King of Spain; whereby, upon Consideration had of the Demands on both
Sides, that Prince hath obliged himself to make Reparation to my Subjects for their Losses, by a certain stipulated Payment; and Plenipotentiaries are therein named
and appointed, for regulating, within a limited Time,
all those Grievances and Abuses, which have hitherto
interrupted our Commerce and Navigation in the American Seas; and for settling all Matters in Dispute, in such
a Manner, as may for the future prevent, and remove
all new Causes and Pretences of Complaint, by a strict Observance of our mutual Treaties, and a just Regard to the
Rights and Privileges belonging to each other. I will order
the Convention, and the separate Article to be laid before you.
"It hath been my principal Care, to make use of the
Confidence you reposed in me in this critical and doubtful
Conjuncture, with no other View, but the general and
lasting Benefit of my Kingdoms; and if all the Ends,
which are to be hoped for, even from successful Arms,
can be attained, without plunging the Nation into a War,
it must be thought, by all reasonable and unprejudiced
Persons, the most desirable Event.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"I have ordered the proper Estimates to be prepared,
and laid before you, for the Service of the current Year.
I heartily wish, that the Posture of Affairs would have permitted me to retrench the publick Expences, for which I am
obliged to demand the present Supplies: And I make
no Doubt, but your experienced Zeal and Affection for
me and my Government, and the proper Concern you
have always shewn for the publick Good, will induce you
to grant me such Supplies, as you shall find necessary for
the Honour and Security of me and my Kingdoms.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
"I cannot but earnestly recommend it to you, not to
suffer any Prejudices or Animosities, to have a Share in
your Deliberation at this important Conjuncture, which
seems in a particular Manner, to call upon you to unite
in carrying on such Measures, as will be most conducive
to the true Interest and Advantage of my People."
Motion for an Address of Thanks.
Upon a Motion made by Mr. Campbel (fn. 1) of Pembrokeshire,
the following Address of Thanks was agreed to.
Most gracious Sovereign,
"WE your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal Subjects,
the Commons of Great Britain in Parliament
assembled, do beg Leave to return your Majesty our unfeigned Thanks for your Majesty's most gracious Speech
from the Throne.
"We acknowledge your Majesty's great Goodness in
the constant Regard your Majesty has been pleased to express to the Petitions and Complaints of your Subjects,
and the Advice of your Parliament, and in pursuing such
Measures for the Honour and Dignity of your Crown
and the true Interest of your People, as your Majesty
in your great Wisdom judged to be most proper and advantageous.
"We congratulate your Majesty on the Success of your
Royal Endeavours, in concluding a Convention with the
King of Spain, whereby Reparation is stipulated to be
made and paid to your Majesty's injured Subjects, and
Plenipotentiaries are appointed for regulating all those
Grievances and Abuses, which have hitherto interrupted
our Commerce and Navigation, and for removing all future Causes and Pretences of Complaint.
"We beg Leave to assure your Majesty, that your faithful Commons will effectually support your Majesty in accomplishing and bringing to Perfection this great and necessary Work, in such a Manner as may answer the just
Demands and Expectations of your Majesty and your
People.
"And your Majesty may be assured, that your faithful Commons will grant to your Majesty such Supplies, as
shall be necessary for the Honour and Security of your
Majesty and your Kingdoms; and that we will endeavour to avoid all Heats and Animosities in carrying
on the Publick Business at this critical and important
Conjuncture."
Debate upon the Motion for the Address.
The Motion for this Address produced the following Debate.
Sir William Windham.
Sir William Windham.
Sir,
'Tho' no Gentleman in this House has a greater Regard
for his Majesty than I have, nor would be more ready to
agree to every Expression of Zeal and Duty to his Person, yet
I can by no Means agree to an Address in the Terms of this
Motion. In the first Place, Sir, give me leave to observe,
it looks a little suspicious, that the Meeting of Parliament
has been put off at this critical and important Juncture for
fourteen Days. Tho' I am not very apt to believe vulgar
Reports, yet I am sorry to say, it is but too probable, that
the Court of Spain had dar'd to trifle with us in a most egregious Manner, notwithstanding the Resolutions both Houses
came to last Session; and that they could not be brought
to make the least Concession in our Favour, till we had given
up every thing that we ought most strenuously to have insisted on. I say, Sir, it is but too probable, that this is the
true Reason why we did not sit fourteen Days ago. The
Spaniards knew well, that something must be done to satisfy
the Expectations of the Parliament and the Nation; they
knew that our Ministry would purchase this at any Rate;
they knew at the same Time, by repeated Experience, that
we are so far from being fond of Fighting, that we would
give up almost any thing rather than enter into a just and necessary War. Therefore they put Things off from Time to
Time, till they brought us to the very critical Day, I may
say Hour, when it was necessary for us to grant them their
own Terms. I beg leave to give my Reasons for thinking so,
and these Reasons shall be founded upon the greatest and most
unquestionable Authority, the Words of his Majesty's
Speech. We are told there, Sir, that a Convention with
Spain is concluded and ratified; and that in Consequence of
this Convention, Plenipotentiaries have been nominated for
redressing within a limited Time all our Grievances and Abuses. I have no Manner of Design to forestal the Opinion of
the House upon this Convention; I hope we shall be soon favoured with seeing it, and I wish that it may be found a good
one. But I beg leave to take notice, that our Ministers
would have shewn a much greater Regard for the Sentiments
of Parliament than they have done, if this Convention had
been communicated to the House before it was ratified. By
this Means, Sir, we should not have been put to the ungrateful Task of perhaps condemning a Measure which has had
the royal Sanction, and which is now in some Sort irrevocable. But how have our Ministry managed? Why, Sir,
they put off the Meeting of Parliament for fourteen Days,
in order to throw this, I may call it, unsurmountable Difficulty in our Way; and then we are told, that this Convention is concluded, not only concluded but ratified, and
not only so, but that Plenipotentiaries are appointed to see it
executed, and to carry it into a definitive Treaty. This is a
very bold Stroke, especially as the Parliament has already
pointed out what our Rights are. If Regard has been had
to the Resolutions of Parliament, I can see no Manner of
Reason for appointing Plenipotentiaries for settling all Matters in Dispute. The Parliament, I think, has already done
that, by expresly ascertaining what the Rights and Privileges
of this Nation with regard to our Navigation in the Indies
are. Therefore I cannot conceive what these Gentlemen our
Plenipotentiaries are to settle, unless they intend, by virtue of
their full Powers, to give up some Part of what the Parliament has already found to be the undoubted Right of this
Nation. I am certain, Sir, that if they had made the Resolutions which the Parliament came to last Session the Foundation of their Demands; if they had discovered a Resolution to break off all Treating, rather than depart from the
Sense of Parliament, either a definitive Treaty might have
been obtained, or we should by this Time have known the
worst. But by what appears from his Majesty's Speech, this
Convention is no other than a Preliminary; and in all Probability a very bad Preliminary too; and the Minister has
ventured to clothe some of his Creatures with full Powers to
give up the Rights of this Nation; for they may do it, if they
dare.
'I know, Sir, it will be said, that if these Plenipotentiaries
should act in so scandalous a Manner, they are liable to the
Censure of this House. But will it be any Satisfaction to our
injured Country, that two or three Persons, who have but
very little Property, and perhaps as little Reputation to lose,
shall fall under the Censure of this House, after they have
shamefully sacrificed her most valuable Privileges. Besides,
Sir, how easy is it for a State Offender to skreen himself
from the Justice of his Country by flying from it, when he
has made any Step to its Disadvantage or Dishonour? This
is no uncommon Thing; and I should not at all be surprised,
even if the Authors, whoever they are, of this Convention,
should find it necessary to keep those Underlings, whom they
have employed in concluding it, at a Distance, and not suffer
them to return, lest they be obliged to discover some Secrets
which certain Gentlemen may think necessary to be concealed. Should a dishonourable definitive Treaty be concluded
upon the Footing of this Convention, our most valuable
Rights, even the Independency of this Crown, may be given
up, without our being able either to save them, or to bring
the Authors to condign Punishment. I remember to have
heard or read, that the Gentleman who concluded the American Treaty, the Observance of which is all we now contend for with the Crown of Spain, and which was in those
Days looked upon as a very bad one, never thought fit to
return to England, for Fear of a Parliamentary Censure.
'From these Considerations and many other, I believe
Gentlemen will find it no easy Matter for them to agree to
the present Motion. With what Propriety, Sir, can we
congratulate his Majesty on his Success, in concluding a
Measure, before we know what Kind of a Measure it is.
No Gentleman here can, or at least will, take it upon him
to inform this House, what are the particular Heads of this
Convention; what are the Sums stipulated to be paid, or in
what Manner our Grievances, which have been so fully
proved in Parliament, and are so loudly complained of by
the Nation, are to be redress'd. If we can suppose the
Sum that is stipulated by this Convention, to amount to one
tenth Part of what we have suffered by the Spaniards; if we
can suppose that there is a Clause in the Convention, which
leaves all the former Treaties betwixt us and Spain at the
Mercy of those Plenipotentiaries; if we suppose farther,
Sir, that some Part of our Rights and Possessions are actually
given up by this Convention, will any Gentleman say that
we ought to agree to this Motion, and return Thanks for
Measures, not only before we know what they are, but
after the strongest Reason for prosuming that they are bad. I
hope therefore, Gentlemen will think it sufficient, if we
shall upon this Occasion, consine ourselves to those Expressions, that are respectful and dutiful to his Majesty's Person,
without adding any Thing in our Address, that may look
like an Approbation of this Convention. For this Purpose,
I think, we ought to leave out all the Words of this Address, but the first and last Paragraphs.'
Sir Robert Walpole.
Sir Robert Walpole.
Sir,
'The Importance of this Juncture, the Expectations of
the House, and the Share I have the Honour to bear in his
Majesty's Counsels, make it proper and necessary that I
should say somewhat on this Occasion: But at the same Time,
I own that I am able to say nothing that can give any Gentleman, who judges coolly and impartially, any additional
Conviction of this Address without the Amendment being
proper, besides what he must receive from reading the
Words of the Address itself.
'We have now, Sir, enter'd into a Debate about a
Measure, the Event of which must, in some Degree, influence Posterity in the Judgment that they shall form of the
Wisdom of the British Government during his present Majesty's Reign. The Wrongs we have recieved from Spain
have been great, and the present Age expects that the Satisfaction we are to receive, or the Revenge we are to take for
these Wrongs, will be great also. Future Ages, Sir, in
case the present is disappointed in this Expectation, will
look upon us as a dispirited, corrupted, mean People; in
short, they will look upon us in the same Light in which
some Gentlemen take the Liberty to represent the Ministry.
But, Sir, if on this Occasion his Majesty's Ministers have obtained more than ever on like Occasions was known to be
obtained; if they have reconciled the Peace of their Country to her true Interest; if this Peace, Sir, is attended
with all the Advantage that the most successful Arms could
have procured, as I hope to make appear, I will be bold to
say; that future Ages, always impartial in their Censure or
Praise, will consider this as the most glorious Period of our
History, and do that Justice to the Counsels which have
produced this happy Event, which every Gentleman who
divests himself of Passion and Prejudice is ready to do, and
which I have great Reason to believe the present Age, when
rightly informed, will not refuse.
'This House and Parliament, Sir, is his Majesty's greatest,
safest, and best Council. A Seat in this House is equal to
any Dignity deriv'd from Posts or Titles, and the Approbation of this House is preferable to all that Power, or even
Majesty itself, can bestow: Therefore when I speak here as a
Minister, I speak as possessing my Powers from his Majesty,
but as being answerable to this House for the Exercise of
those Powers. I have often, Sir, on other Occasions, profess'd my Readiness to submit to the Justice of my Country,
and shall chearfully acquiesce in the Judgment this House
shall form of our Negociations; because while I do that,
I am sure to suffer no Wrong. But, as the best and most equitable Intentions may be perverted by Misrepresentation
of Facts, and as the most impartial Mind is susceptible of
Prejudice when artfully instill'd, I hope it will be look'd
upon as a proper Piece of Justice done to myself, if I shall
endeavour, by stating one or two Facts, to set this Affair in a
Light that may remove all Objections.
'The chief Consideration, Sir, that arises from the present
Question is, Whether, as Great Britain is now circumstanced, it had been more proper for the Government to
have enter'd into a bloody and uncertain War, or to lay
such a Foundation for a Peace, as no Gentleman can regularly pronounce is not a safe and honourable Foundation.
In order to consider this Question rightly, we must take a
View of the Advantages we could propose to ourselves in
case of a War with Spain, and in case that War was even
to be successful.
'I know that Gentlemen, who are otherwise very candid upon this Point, are apt to imagine, from the military
Glory of this Nation, that our Arms are invincible: And I
own, Sir, that this is a most prevailing Argument, especially in a popular Assembly. There is somewhat in it, that
flatters the Ambition which People generally entertain of
acquiring Fame and Riches by the same Means that raised
their Ancestors. In the History of our Wars with Spain,
we see great Navies defeated, great Treasures, and still greater Glories, acquired by our Soldiers and Sailors. But in the
mean while, we never reflect that the Situation of Affairs
betwixt Britain and Spain is intirely different from what it
then was. Spain at that Time was the Dread, was the Envy of Europe; as she had then powerful Armaments, which
excited the Courage of the Brave, and immense Treasures,
all her own, that prompted the Avarice of the Rich. She
had not one Ally in the World who bore her Good-will enough to assist her with any Zeal, and her Views were so
dangerous, that her Enemies borrowed Courage from
Despair.
'At present, Sir, if I may advance a Paradox, her greatest
Security lies in her visible Weakness. The Preservation of
the Spanish Monarchy entire and undismember'd, has, for almost an Age past, seem'd to be the general Inclination of
all the Powers in Europe, because, were the Riches that
flow into Spain, to fall into the Hands of any other People,
the rest of Europe must soon be drain'd of all its Treasure.
Whereas, at present, there is scarce any Nation in Europe,
who has not a larger Property in her Plate-Ships and Galleons, than she herself has. It is true, all that Treasure is
brought home in Spanish Names, and the King of Spain generally imposes a large Indulto upon it; but Spain herself is
no more than the Canal through which these Treasures are
convey'd all over the rest of Europe. Should therefore
we pretend to seize these Treasures, we could not fail to
meet with a powerful Opposition. Even our best Allies, Sir,
I am afraid would look with a very indifferent Eye upon such
a Step, and be the first that would enter their Complaints
against it.
'But I have heard it objected, that if this is a good Reason
now for our not endeavonring to distress Spain by intercepting
her Treasures, the same Reason will always exist; since the
other Powers of Europe will always have a Property in these
Ships: therefore there never can be a Time proper for us to
do ourselves Justice in case we are denied it by Spain. I think
this Argument rather plausible than solid. For my own
Part, Sir, I am of Opinion, that though this would not
have been the proper Time for such a Step, yet it is not
impossible but that a Time may come when such a Step
may be proper and necessary. But give me Leave to say,
that this Necessity can arise only from our suffering more
from the Violence and Injustice of the Spaniards, than we
can suffer from a Confederacy of all the rest of Europe taking their Part. It never can be proper, Sir, for us to seize
the American Treasures, until their Court shall absolutely deny
us Justice, and tell us in downright. Terms, that she is resolved to have no Regard to Treaties, and that she is determined to do all she can to ruin our Trade, and
to disturb us in the Possession of our American Dominions. If she
should proceed, Sir, to that Height of Injustice, we might very
naturally conclude, that here our All was at Stake; that if
we should look tamely on while our American Commerce
was ruin'd, our European must soon follow; for there is not a
petty Republick, a petty Prince, in all Europe, who will
pay any Regard to a People who suffer such Insolence, such
Injustice, without resenting it; and that, if all our Trade is
gone and ruin'd, the Nation is in effect undone. Therefore
we have nothing in the worst Event to fear, worse than what
must unavoidably happen if we suffer this Treatment any
longer. I say, Sir, when we shall be brought thus low,
and when the Spanish Insolence shall run so high as to render this Way of Reasoning just and natural, then is the Time
for us to venture upon so bold, I had almost called it so
desperate, a Step as the seizing the Spanish Treasures. But,
will any Gentleman take upon him to pronounce, that the present Juncture comes within this Description, or that its Circumstances admit of any Parallel with those of the Time I
have just now figur'd? No, Sir; Spain, far from supporting
any just Claims that are inconsistent with the Interest of this
Nation, has actually relinquished those she before set up: She
has actually, I say, Sir, relinquished Claims which she maintained for these threescore Years past. I believe I may go
higher, I may say, she has now, by this very Convention, relinquished a Claim which she has maintained
ever since she possess'd her American Dominions. But
that is not all, she has not only given up this Claim, but
has paid Damages for the Injuries which the British Subjects
have suffer'd, in consequence of her pretended Rights, as
founded upon this Claim. This, Sir, is such a Point gain'd,
that Gentlemen must be wilfully blind, if they don't see that
any Administration in Britain must have been mad, had
they desperately plung'd their Country into a War, while it
was in their Power to conclude a Peace, where this great,
this decisive Concession was to serve as the Foundation. Upon
what Grounds, Sir, could we have proceeded to Extremities with
Spain? Had we pretended that, because some of our Merchants
had suffered by the Injustice and Rapaciousness of her Subjects,
therefore we were resolved to be deaf to every other Way of
making up the Difference that follow'd upon this Injustice, than
that of the Sword: Had we made such a Declaration, and such
a Declaration we must have made if we had gone to War, would
not Spain have had a very plausible Pretext for interesting the
other Powers of Europe in her Favour? Might she not then have
told the French Court, ' It is true, some of the British Merchants suffer'd by my Subjects, but without my Knowledge,
and against my Intention; but I was no sooner inform'd of
the true State of the Affair, than I offer'd her all imginable Satisfaction; I even offered to indemnify the Merchants for the Losses they have sustained; I offer'd
to tie myself down to a strict Observance of Treaties; but
it seems that these Concessions do not answer the Views of
Britain. She therefore certainly entertains some dangerous
Design; she is forming some Project that may be destructive
to your Interest, and which I shall never be able to disappoint but by your Means.'
'This, Sir, I say, would have been the Language of
Spain, had the Administration here rejected all her Offers,
and turn'd its Back upon the most favourable Proposals.
The Court of France, in the mean Time, shews too plainly, by her own Conduct, what her Sense of the Matter is.
She shews plainly that she is of Opinion, the Spaniards
may seize a Ship on the open Seas, and that such a Ship,
if concern'd in an unlawful Trade, may be brought into the
Spanish Ports, and there condemn'd. I say, that France,
is plainly of that Opinion, because we know that Ships belonging to her were actually taken and confiscated by the
Spaniards; nay, Sir, I can venture to affirm, that Seizures
have been made of French Vessels, as much in Violation of
all Treaties and Justice, as any British Subject ever yet had
Reason to complain of; but we never heard that France reclaim'd those Ships. I don't know whether that happen'd because
her Ministry was of Opinion that these Seizures were justifiable, or because they thought it would be impolitic to embroil themselves with Spain on account of any private Quarrel. I don't at all deny, that we have suffer'd a great deal
more from the Spaniards than the French have; but I mention this to inform the House that, in all Appearance, the
French would have been our Enemies, had we gone to War
before we had treated; and if we had rejected all Terms of
Accommodation, or insisted on those Terms that no People,
not absolutely reduced, would have granted.
'Even the Dutch, Sir, who depend as much upon Trade
as we do, have never thought fit to come to Extremities,
tho' their Sufferings are as great, and. as unjustifiable, as
ours are. They have been contented to make Applications,
and repeat Remonstrances at the Court of Spain; but we
have never yet heard of their being able to obtain so much
as a Cedula to American Governors for the Restitution of
one Ship of theirs unjustly seized. We, Sir, it is well known,
have obtained many; and if some of them had not the desired Effect, I am convinced it was owing more to the Arts
of the Governors themselves, than to the Intentions of the
Spanish Court. So that I cannot see, upon what Foundation
Gentlemen proceed, when they represent Britain as under an
Administration so weak, that she has been for these twenty Years
past forc'd to put up with the grossest Affronts and Injuries, without the least Satisfaction or Reparation. Had the Dutch obtained as much as we did even before this Convention, I
am convinc'd, that they would have been perfectly contented. I
am convinc'd their Government would not have indulged the
Complaints of private Traders so far, as to make a public
Enquiry, which might have occasion'd a Rupture; nor
would their Ministers have insisted on immediate Satisfaction.
They know too well, Sir, that very great Abuses are daily
committed in the American Trade; they know too well that
publick Complaints and Remonstrances might produce an
Enquiry that would turn out no way in their Favour.
'After what I have said, Sir, is it to be imagin'd that
any of our Neighbours would have been well pleased, had we
all at once, without hearing, or at least weighing the Terms
proposed by Spain, come to Extremities? The French, so
far from countenancing such a Conduct in us, would not, I
am afraid, have been prevailed upon to remain neutral. And
however Gentlemen may flatter themselves, however great
an Opinion they may entertain of the Power of this Nation,
we are not invincible. The French have Men; they have
Money; they have Allies to support them. The Spaniards
have Revenge; they have Pride; they have Resentment to
gratify. Gentlemen won't find that it would have been an
easy Matter for us to have grappled with both these Powers,
supported by such Advantages, and prompted by such Motives. I believe our Land-Forces are equal to any Body of
Men in the World of the like Number; but I have not so
good an Opinion of them as to venture the Honour and Interest of a whole Kingdom on the Bravery and Skill of the
small Handful which we keep, against the vast Bodies of
well-disciplin'd Veteran Troops, which France and Spain in
conjunction can bring into the Field.
'As to the Dutch, they in all Probability would have
been determined by the Conduct of France, in case we had
come to an open Rupture with Spain. Every Gentleman
here is sufficiently sensible of the present low Circumstances
of that Republick. The late glorious War left them prodigiously involved in Debt; this Debt obliged them to
encrease their Taxes, and disband all their Troops,
excepting what are absolutely necessary to keep up
their Garrisons. Their Fleet lies in their Harbours in a
very bad Condition, and requires more Money than they
can furnish to rig it out. Besides, Sir, it would at this
Time have been extreamly dangerous to herself, had
she acted for an Interest separate from that of the
French; who have a fine Army on Foot, which
they can with almost no Expence or Danger march down into
Holland. At this Time, Sir, the Emperor is no longer in
a Condition to give any Diversion that Way. His own Army
and Finances are in the utmost Disorder. And the other Powers, who may be inclinable to prevent such an Attempt, lie at
too great a Distance, and have too strict Engagements with
France, for us to expect any Diversion from them. Thus,
Sir, if we argue upon the Principles of Reason, if human
Forefight can determine any Thing, if the strongest Probability is to have any Weight, it must have been impolitick and imprudent in us to have hazarded a War, so long as
we had any Prospect of concluding an honourable Peace
'I shall now beg Leave, Sir, to consider what Effect a
precipitate Declaration of War must have had at Home. In
the first Place, our whole Spanish Trade must have sunk at
once; our Portugal Trade must have been greatly embarrassed, and our American very much endangered. Suppose
that the Administration had joined last Session in the popular Outcry for War; and that a vigorous War was actually
entered into; Can any Gentleman say that this would have stopt
the Mouths of those who are resolved to find Fault at any Rate?
In such an Event, may we not easily imagine to ourielves that
we hear a violent Opposition Man declaiming on the Benefits of Peace; telling the World that a trading People ought
by all manner of means to avoid War; that nothing is so
destructive to their Interests, and that any Peace is preferable,
even to a successful War? He might argue, the Spaniards
have offered fair and reasonable Terms: They have even
offer'd to indemnify our Merchants for the Losses they have
sustained. They have offer'd an amicable Meeting to adjust all Points in Difference; they have offered to come into
all reasonable Terms; yet our Ministry, rather than listen
to what might have proved so beneficial to the Nation, has
blundered into an expensive and hazardous War.
'This, Sir, I own would have been blundering; and those
Gentlemen, once in their Life-time, in such an Event,
would have applied that Term right. It requires no great
Art, no great Abilities, in a Minister, to pursue such Measures as might make a War unavoidable. That is a very
easy Matter; but, Sir, how many Minsters have you had,
who knew the Art of avoiding War by making a safe and
an honourable Peace? How many Kings, Sir, have you
had, who knew how to make Choice of such Ministers? If
those Gentlemen who are very fond of Parallels desire to know
what Figure we make in the Affairs of Europe at present,
when compared with the Figure which we made in former
Times, let them dip into our History under James the
First, a Reign, famous for Negociations and Treaties:
Let them compare, Sir, the Insolence of Spain at that
Time, with what it is now: Let them compare
the Resentment we then shew'd, with the Manner
in which we have borne their late Treatment. If any
Gentleman will do this, and do it impartially, he will
find that the very worst Treaty made under his present
Majesty is more advantageous, and more honourable,
than the best that was made under that long pacific Reign.
It will perhaps be thought that the Parallel ought to be run
with the Days of Queen Elizabeth, rather than with those of
King James. But, as I observed before, that is a very false
delusive Way of Reasoning. So many Circumstances concurred to raise the Reputation of that Princess, that it is next
to impossible they should ever again meet in one Person, and
at the same Time. She had to do with Neighbours, every
one of which was of a different Interest from another: By
artfully fomenting their Differences, it was easy for her to
keep the Balance of Power in her own Hand. The many
open and secret Attempts made by Traitors at home upon
her Life and Crown, endeared her Person to her Subjects;
and her Ministry, who found their own Interests inseparably
connected with hers, run all Risques in her Service. It is
true, they were great and wise Men, and they served a great
and wise Mistress. But still, Sir, give me leave, to say, that a great
deal of the amazing Success that attended her Reign was
owing to Fortune. Had not the Winds and Waves fought
more effectually for her at the Time of the Spanish Invasion,
than her Sailors and Soldiers, though it must be own'd, they
were very brave Men, I am afraid the Character of her
Reign would have suffered, and that not a little. The World,
Sir, is very apt to judge of Measures and Characters by
Events, and as Events depend on Fortune, it is the Part of a
wise Minister to leave as little as possible to Fortune: Too
much must be left to her, even in the most cautious Manner
a Minister can act. In the Negociation we are now considering, Sir, had we acted in any other Manner than we
have done, we must in effect have left every Thing to
Fortune, since all the Reparation we could expect, by any
other Means than those of Negociation, depends upon a
Thousand Accidents, and is liable to a Thousand Disappointments. Therefore give me leave say, Sir, that the Success
which one Ministry has met with from the Favour of Fortune, is no Reason why another Ministry should tread the
same dangerous Paths, especially when they can compass the
same Ends by the more safe and more certain Way of
Negociation.
'Upon the whole, Sir, I will venture to say that this
Negociation has been the best conducted, and the most happily finished, of any we meet with in History. For we have
not left the Payment of our Merchants to the Arbitration of
Commissaries, or Plenipotentiaries; we have not accepted of
an Order upon any of their Chambers in Spain; but we have
expresly ty'd down his Catholick Majesty himself; we
have obtained his great Seal as a Security for their Payment;
and so tender was his Majesty of his Subjects Property, that
his Ministers refused to enter into any Negociation relating to
this Affair, till such Time as Reparation for the Losses of
our Merchants was fully and expresly stipulated. Such an
express and full Stipulation is obtained, to the great Confusion, I believe, and Disappointment of some amongst us,
who, rather than not see their Country involved in a War,
would be content that she were involved in Calamities, and
embroiled with every one of her Neighbours. These Dispositions are more dangerous to our Interests than all the
Force of Spain; and it must be owing to these Dispositions,
if the Endeavours of his Majesty for the Peace and Happiness of Britain are rendered ineffectual. As yet we may
thank Heaven, they had no other Effect than to unite the
Friends of our most happy Establishment more firmly together; and while they continue united, I hope the Efforts
of Malice and Faction will be always disappointed.
'But it is some what very surprizing, Sir, that this Address
should meet with such Opposition; for I don't see any Thing
in it that can in the least preclude Gentlemen from making
what Objections they please to the Convention, when it shall
be laid before them. We thank his Majesty for the Success of his Royal Endeavours in concluding a Convention,
whereby Reparation is obtain'd for his injur'd Subjects, and
Plenipotentiaries appointed for regulating all those Grievances that have hitherto interrupted our Commerce and
Navigation, and for removing all future Causes of Complaint.
Are not all these very desirable Consequences of a Negociation? Is not Reparation for past Injuries one of the two
Points we have always insisted on? And what can be more
done towards obtaining Security against future Encroachments, than to remove all future Causes of Complaints by
proper Regulations? But, say Gentlemen, this is only referred to Plenipotentiaries, whereas it ought to have been
positively insisted upon, as a Foundation to all future Negociations upon that Subject, that the Spaniards had no Right
whatsoever to search our Ships upon the open Seas. Really,
Sir, no Gentleman in this House would have been better
pleased than I, had Spain thought sit to have given up this
Point by a clear and positive Renunciation. But when two
People treat upon an equal Foot, I believe it very hard to
produce any Instance wherein one Party could be brought to
give an absolute Renunciation of a Point which they once insisted on as their Right, and to give such a Renunciation too,
even before it was so much as examined into, whether they
had such a Right or not. The Spaniards have usurped
a Claim of searching our Ships for many Years past; for
many Years, Sir, before the present august Family came to
the Throne; for many Years before I was concerned in publick
Affairs: And are we to imagine that they will give up this
Claim by a positive Renunciation, even before we give them
any Reason why it ought to be abolished? I say, Sir, are
we to imagine that Spaniards will do this, a People who are
obstinately fond of Power, and even of the Shadow of it?
a People scrupulously attached to formal Enquiries and Discussions? I do not know, whether after a War successfully
carried on by us, we could have made them yield to any
Treaty to which a positive Renunciation was to be the Preliminary. At least I remember to have read, that notwithstanding their being reduced to the lowest, the most despicable
Circumstances, at the Time the American Treaty was concluded; yet all the Art, all the Threatening, all the Representations of our Court and Ministry at that Time, could
not induce them to confirm our Right to Jamaica by a positive Renunciation of that Island in our Favour. How unreasonable then is it to expect that Spain would have hearkened to any Accommodation, where it was laid down as
a Preliminary, that she should give up a Claim which she
had immemorially possess'd, and which she look'd upon,
perhaps, as absolutely necessary to the Preservation of her
Interest in America?
'Thus, Sir, I have, I hope, set this important Objection
in a clear Light. I don't know what Effect it may now
have upon Gentlemen, but the Reasons I have given against
the preremptory Method of Proceeding had such a Weight
with me, that I did not make the least Difficulty in agreeing to this Convention. I will venture to say, that when it
was concluded, I thought it my Happiness that the Nation
would look upon the Influence I have in the Government as
one of the principal Means that brought it about. Nay, I
should not be sorry if it was looked upon as a Measure entirely my own. But, Sir, whether this Convention is a
good or a bad Measure, a few Days will determine. Whatever
Judgment this House may think fit to pass upon it, I hope the
Address, as mov'd for without the Amendment, will be agreed
to. We have great Reason to believe that this Convention
is for the Honour and Interest of the Nation; we have as
yet no Reason to believe the contrary, and therefore no
Reason to oppose this Address. Last Session, Sir, I remember
that I undertook to be answerable for the Measures which
the Government shall pursue while I have the Honour to be
a Minister. I am prepared to make good my Promise. I
desire no more than a fair Hearing; and this I hope will not
be deny'd me. But, Sir, if Gentlemen may, by agreeing
to the Amendment, raise a Prejudice without Doors against
the Convention, and perhaps with such a Ferment, as would
in the Event give them great Uneasiness; in such a Case,
many who, I know, are otherwise Friends of the Government,
would be sorry to find themselves instrumental in heating the
People to such a Degree, as to admit of no Reasoning upon
this Subject, and thereby render a War unavoidable. Such,
Sir, I am afraid would be the Consequence of our agreeing
to this Amendment; and it is a Consequence which every
Man who understands, and desires to promote the Interest of
his Country, wishes to see avoided.'
George Lyttelton Esq; (fn. 2)
Mr. Lyttelton.
Sir,
'I am very ready to agree, with the honourable Gentleman, that Posterity will judge of the Figure which Britain
makes in the Affairs of Europe from her Behaviour at this
Juncture: There is no Doubt that if we have entered into a
scandalous Negociation with Spain, Posterity will think that
we have a very weak Ministry. But let the late Negociations that have been carried on with that Court be never so
honourable for this Nation, I am afraid Posterity will not
be persuaded that we are at present blessed with a very firm
disinterested Ministry. Taking the right honourable Gentleman's Account of this Negociation to be genuine, and
that we have made a safe and an honourable Convention, I
believe Posterity will be apt to enquire by what Means, by
whose Management, the Reputation and Power of Britain
were sunk so low as to be forced, after suffering a Series of
Insults and Injuries during almost 20 Years, to think herself
happy in procuring Common Justice to her Subjects from a
Power always found inferiour to her own. Posterity, I am
afraid, Sir, will be at a Loss to account for the Management
that reduced Great Britain so low as to be obliged, even before she could obtain this bare Piece of Justice, to fit out a
Fleet at a vast Expence, to send this Fleet abroad, to keep it
on the Coasts of Spain, and at last, to take up with a Convention, wherein no Regard has been had to all this vast Expence, and not a Shilling stipulated to desray it Sir, I think
that when the honourable Gentleman was displaying his Impartiality and Candour, he should have favoured the House
with his Thoughts in what Manner Posterity will account
for all these Circumstances, without taking it for granted,
that some Part of the Blame lies at the Door of our Ministry.
'The same right honourable Gentleman, in stating his
Arguments against the Amendment, said, that all History
could not furnish an Instance wherein a People not only
own'd themselves in the Wrong, but actually paid Damages. I cannot say, Sir, that I can at present bring
particular Facts and Parallels to disprove this Assertion; but I dare say there is no Gentleman ever so little
versed in History; who does not know that there is nothing
more common than for one Nation to indemnify another for
the Expence of a War, or even the Preparations of a War.
Let us consider; Sir, how either of these Cases differs from
what lately was the Case betwixt us and Spain. We were
not, it is true, in a State of open War; so far from it, that
the Spaniards were, during the Time of their most violent
Depredations; our faithful Allies; we caressed them; and
they were so very obliging to us, that they accepted of all
the Offices of Friendship and Kindness, which we so profusely heap'd upon them. They were even so civil as to accept of our Assistance in placing a Son of their Family upon
the Throne of an independent Kingdom; but in the mean time
they took care not to give us one Opportunity of shewing our
Complaisance in the same Manner. I need not descend into
Particulars; Gentlemen; I believe, have not forgot what was
proved at the Bar of this House last Session; they have not
forgot the Inhumanities and Insults practised on our Fellow
Subjects by this haughty Neighbour. Now, Sir, will the right
honourable Gentleman say, that because the Spanish Barbarities and Injuries were committed at a Time when we
were not only at Peace with them, but shewing them the
most excessive Marks of Friendship, therefore it was unprecedented that they should make any pecuniary Acknowledgments for our real Damages? Will he pretend that our Ministers, for that same Reason, ought not to have insisted on
having some Reparation for the Injuries our Sailors have received in their Persons, and some Satisfaction for the wounded Honour of this Nation? Let us suppose, Sir, that we had
shew'd our Resentment by repelling Force by Force, and
that we had; as we ought to have done, enter'd immediately into a vigorous War. We shall suppose, Sir, that an
Accommodation was set on foot, and Plenipotentiaries on both
Sides appointed. I shall in that Case appeal to every Gentleman, who knows the least either of the History of his
own or any other Country, if the Spaniards could have
objected to us, that our being indemnify'd, not only for
our preceding Damages; but even for our Expences of
the War; was unusual and unprecedented. It is a
Claim that is made almost in every Negociation that follows upon a War, and is commonly admitted. Now, Sir,
if this is the Case, what becomes of the extraordinary
Merit of this Negociation in obtaining this boasted Reparation for our Merchants Damages? I am afraid, Sir, Posterity will think we are so far from having obtained what we
could not have expected, that we have not obtained what
we might have justly claimed. If we were not at War
with Spain, Sir, during all these Transactions, it is so much
the worse for our Negociators; for that is the very Reason,
Sir, why our Claims ought to have been the more extensive,
and our Satisfaction the more ample.
'However, Sir, I entirely agree with the honourable
Gentleman when he said, that if we look over all the Histories of Europe, we shall not find one People paying Damages to another in the Manner (the honourable Gentleman
must mean) stipulated by this Convention. I believe we shall
not, Sir, because if we look over all these Histories, we
shall not find any Parallel to this Convention itself. We
shall not find that any People, without shewing the least Resentment, but in the Memorials of their Ministers, have
tamely for so long a Time born such Treatment, and that
their Ministry were at last satisfied with a Convention,
wherein no more than bare Reparation for the real Damages of their Subjects was stipulated. His Majesty, indeed, has told us in his Speech, that Plenipotentiaries are to
meet and settle every thing upon the Foot of Treaties
subsisting betwixt the two Crowns. Is this, Sir, so mighty
a Point gained, that we are to treat with Spain upon an equal
Foot? The simple Consideration of this, Sir, is in my
Opinion a full Answer to all that the right honourable Gentleman has advanced. He has allowed that our Wrongs
have been very great, and he says that our Satisfaction
ought to be adequate to our Wrongs.
'Now, Sir, as it is undoubted that we have suffered
greatly, I own that I don't think myself at Liberty to approve
in any Shape, of the Measures that have been pursued for
obtaining us Satisfaction, till my Judgment is sufficiently informed that these Measures have been both expedient and
successful. When the Convention shall be laid before us,
if it then appears that the Nation has received ample Satisfaction for her Losses and Injuries, I shall be willing to vote
not only for a zealous Address of Thanks to his Majesty, but
that the Thanks of this House shall be returned to his Ministers. But at present I can challenge any Gentleman to
shew, from the Speech we have heard, that the Nation has
by this Convention obtained one Concession in Favour of her
Trade and Navigation, excepting that Spain is willing to
treat. A very great Concession indeed!
'I cannot take my Leave of this Subject, Sir, without
making some Observations upon what fell from the right honourable Gentleman, with regard to what he said of the
Reign of James the first. That Reign was the poorest, the
weakest, and the most disgraceful in the English History:
And what have they to answer for, Sir, who have reduced
this Reign so low, as to admit of a Parallel with that of
James the first? This Convention, Sir, from all we yet
know of it, may one Day swell the Charge against those
who have brought us to this Pass; and, till I am more thoroughly acquainted with its real Merits, I am entirely
against taking any Notice of it at all.'
Sir John Hind Cotton.
Sir John Hind Cotton
Sir,
'I should be glad if the right hon. Gentleman, who
spoke last against the Amendment, would inform the House
what greater Security we have for the Performance of this
Convention than we have had for the Performance of every
Treaty we have for these twenty Years past entered into with
Spain. I speak this upon the Supposition that the Convention
is in our Favour, and that it answers all the just Demands of
the Nation. The right honourable Gentleman said, indeed,
that we had now obtained the Great Seal of Spain. Really,
Sir, I believe the Great Seal of Spain to be a very pretty
Thing; I believe we have obtained somewhat that may do
very well to divert a Boy or a Girl; but I don't see how the
Great Seal of Spain can be any greater Security to us for the
Preservation or Recovery of our Rights, than what we had
before by the Treaties in Force. Was not the Great Seal
of Spain affix'd to all these Treaties? Do we find that the
Spaniards pay any Regard to it? And has the right honourable Gentleman given the House any one Reason why
we should believe that they will pay any Regard to this Convention, supposing it is in our Favour? Therefore Sir, till I am
informed in what Manner the Rights of this Nation are better
secured by this Convention than they were by former Treaties, I must be for the Amendment.'
Sir John Barnard.
Sir John Barnard. ; The Address carried without the Amendment.
Sir,
'I shall not detain the House, as it is now late, in entering
very far into the Merits of this Convention; but I cannot
help observing that it seems to me to be a very extraordinary
Measure: All I can find that has been done by it, is a Sum
of Money obtain'd for our private Merchants. Every Thing
else is referred to a future Discussion, whose Event is very
uncertain. It is true, that this Address, as it stands
without the Amendment, seems to point out, it gives at
least some Hints of what will be the Business of these Gen
tlemen the Plenipotentiaries when they meet. It is there
said, Sir, that they are appointed for regulating Grievances
and Abuses. I have many Times heard of removing Grievances, but I think this the first Time I have met with such
an Expression as regulating them. The Regulation of Grievances must imply that some Conveniency attends them, and
therefore it is proper they should exist, provided they are
regularly imposed. Therefore, Sir, I own that I cannot
consent to our inserting any such Expression in an Address
from this House to the Throne.'
Division Yas 239, Noes. 141.
The Question being put, the Address was upon a Division carried without the Amendment: Ayes 230, Noes 141.