6. THE ABBEY OF CROWLAND
The origin and foundation of the monastery
of Crowland are veiled in obscurity. Until the
first quarter of the nineteenth century was past,
a history purporting to have been written by
Ingulf, the first Norman abbot, from the muniments of the house and the materials of his predecessors, (fn. 1) was accepted as a genuine and valuable
chronicle. Later scholarship has, however,
rejected it. (fn. 2)
In 714 an anchorite of widespread fame died
at Crowland. Guthlac was the son of a Mercian
lord, and when he grew up he became the
leader of a band of youths who lived a life of
fighting and plunder. At the age of twenty-four
he suddenly repented, and entered the double
monastery of Repton. But he craved for solitude and a more austere life. At the end of two
years he left Repton, with the leave of his superior,
and in 699 took refuge with two followers at
Crowland, then a lonely island in the marshes.
The story of his life was written before 757 by
a certain Felix, (fn. 3) at the will of Ethelbald, then
king of the Mercians, who, when a fugitive from
the wrath of King Ceolred, had come to visit
Guthlac.
In 1051 there was a monastery at Crowland,
which at that time seems in some way to have
been subject to the abbot of Peterborough. (fn. 4) In
that year, at the will of Abbot Leofric, Edward
the Confessor appointed Ulfcytel, a monk of
Peterborough, abbot of Crowland. When in
search of materials for his Ecclesiastical History,
Orderic Vitalis came to Crowland for a stay of
five weeks, on the invitation of Abbot Geoffrey
(1109-24). He put together the traditions of
the monastery, which he learnt from Ansgot,
the sub-prior, and some of the older monks. (fn. 5)
They told him that after the death of Guthlac in
714, Ethelbald, king of the Mercians, founded a
monastery on the island of Crowland, and gave
a charter setting forth the bounds of its possessions in the marshes. In those days an abbot
named Kenulph bore a great reputation. There
had never been a break in the monastic life of
the house. In the Danish invasions, in 870
Crowland, like other monasteries, was burnt, and
its possessions were occupied by lay lords. In
the reign of King Edred (946-955) a clerk of
London, Turketyl, a kinsman of Osketul, archbishop of York, had great possessions, which he
longed to use in God's service, and he begged
that Crowland might be given to him. The
king granted his request, he was received by the
monks of Crowland and chosen as their abbot.
He gave his lands at Wellingborough, Elmington, Worthorp, Cottenham, Hokington, and
Beby to the monastery. He was the familiar
friend of Dunstan, Oswald, and Ethelwold,
and had their advice and help. Six abbots ruled
Crowland between the death of Turketyl and
the accession of Ulfcytel, in 1051. During the
abbacy of Osketul the bones of St. Neot were
brought to Crowland. The monastery of Peakirk was united to Crowland, and ruled by
Abbot Wulgeat after 1044. Whether these
traditions had any foundation in fact, it is difficult to decide. It is not improbable that Ethelbald should have founded a monastery at Crowland, but at that time monastic life in England
had greatly degenerated. It is not, impossible
that Crowland was refounded at the same time
as Ely, Peterborough, and Thorney, but the
silence of writers of the tenth century is very
baffling. Two documents of which Orderic
made mention were most probably forgeries. (fn. 6)
After the Conquest, when many of the older
monasteries lost some of their possessions, the
claim to be founded several hundred years ago by
a Saxon king was an obvious advantage. It was
of the utmost importance to be able to show that
the relics of the monastery were genuine. There
can scarcely be a doubt that the interesting story
of the destruction of Crowland by the Danes,
the sparing of the boy Turgar by Jarl Sidroc,
and the return on the next day of the younger
monks who had been sent away with the relics
of St. Guthlac, the charters and jewels of the
house, grew out of the imagination of the fourteenth-century writer. His object was to find
a clear proof of the continuity of the history of
Crowland. The reputation for hospitality
which afterwards made 'Courteous Crowland' (fn. 7)
proverbial may have suggested to him the story
of the kindly welcome given to Turketyl on his
first visit to the poor old monks. The account
of the founding of a cell at Spalding by Thorold
de Bukenhale in 1051 occurs for the first time
in his work, (fn. 8) and the charter granted by Thorold
is another obvious forgery. About 1085 Ivo
Tailbois founded a cell at Spalding for the
monastery of St. Nicholas at Angers. (fn. 9) As the
abbot of Crowland then held two carucates and
a granary at Spalding, (fn. 10) strained relations with
the monks of Spalding were inevitable. It is possible that Ivo Tailbois deprived Crowland of part
of its lands for his foundation, and after the lawsuits of the thirteenth century a claim to prior
possession would easily have occurred to the
writer of Ingulfs history.
As it is impossible to warrant the truth of
much that is contained in the histories ascribed
to Ingulf and Peter of Blois, (fn. 11) there is but little
to record of the earlier abbots of Crowland.
Abbot Ulfcytel began to build a new church, and
received much help from Waltheof, then earl of
Northampton and Huntingdon, afterwards earl
of Northumbria. (fn. 12) He gave the vill of Barnack,
noted for its quarries. (fn. 13) After the earl's unjust
execution in 1076 his body was brought to
Crowland and buried in the chapter-house. (fn. 14) It
was the deliberate policy of William I and
Lanfranc to get rid of English abbots, and at
the mid-winter council of 1085 Ulfcytel was
deposed, apparently for no other reason than
that he was English, and sent to the monastery
of Glastonbury. (fn. 15) In his stead William appointed
Ingulf, prior of the Norman monastery of St.Wandrille. He was by birth an Englishman, and had
been in William's service as a clerk. On his
return from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem he became a monk at St. Wandrille. In spite of some
misfortunes the monastery prospered under his
rule. (fn. 16) The possessions, according to the Domesday Survey, consisted in Lincolnshire (fn. 17) of the
manor of Holbeach and Whaplode, two carucates
in Spalding, the manors of Dowdyke in Sutterton,
Langtoft and Baston, berewicks in Drayton and
Algarkirk (Alfgare), and a bovate in Burtoft, the
manor of Bucknall; in Leicestershire (fn. 18) of two
carucates in Sutton and two in Stapleton, the
manor of Beby; in Northamptonshire (fn. 19) of the
manor of Worthorp and lands in Elmington, Edinton, Wellingborough, and Badby; in
Huntingdonshire (fn. 20) of the manor of Morborne, and
also a hide and a half in Thurning; in Cambridgeshire (fn. 21) of the manors of Hokington, Cottenham and lands in Drayton; and of three fisheries
in Wisbech. The property was valued in money
at £57 1s. 4d., and had increased by £3 2s. 4d.
since the time of Edward the Confessor.
In response to the entreaties of Ingulf, William
allowed Ulfcytel to leave Glastonbury for Peterborough, (fn. 22) from which he had come to be abbot
of Crowland in 1051. Ingulf translated the
body of Waltheof to the church; and it is recorded by Orderic Vitalis that miracles were
often worked at the tomb. (fn. 23) In 1091 a serious
fire destroyed part of the church, its vestments
and books, and some of the monastic buildings. (fn. 24)
A new church 'of most beautiful work' was
begun by Ingulfs successor, Geoffrey, prior of
St. Evroul, who was appointed by Henry I in
1110. (fn. 25) In the opinion of Orderic Vitalis, himself a monk of St. Evroul, he was a man of great
learning and a zealous ruler of the monastery.
The miracles which are again said by Orderic
to have occurred at the tomb of St. Waltheof
doubtless brought in much money for the building fund. In 1124 Geoffrey was succeeded by
Waltheof, an English monk of Crowland, (fn. 26) and
brother of Gospatric, formerly earl of Northumbria. The body of St. Guthlac was translated in 1136. (fn. 27) Accusations were brought
against Abbot Waltheof by the monks, and in
1138 he was deposed at the synod of London
by the papal legate, Alberic. (fn. 28) Godfrey, prior of
St. Albans, was chosen as his successor, and is
said to have introduced into the monastery the
customs of St. Albans. (fn. 29) During his abbacy, in
or about 1141, the cell of Freiston was founded
and endowed by Alan de Croun. (fn. 30)
Edward, prior of Ramsey, was appointed abbot
in 1142 and ruled for thirty years. (fn. 31) He obtained
from Stephen in 1142 an important charter Iconfirming the lands and possessions of Crowland,
and defining the bounds of the surrounding
marsh, which was again confirmed by Henry II
early in 1155. (fn. 32)
In 1142 Stephen also granted the right of
holding a fair at Crowland. (fn. 33) In 1147 the abbot
obtained from Eugenius III a bull confirming all
the possessions of the monastery, and taking it
under his special protection. (fn. 34) He was an able
and vigorous ruler, and increased the possessions,
ornaments, and books of the monastery. The
church and monastic buildings were again in
great part destroyed by fire, but the re-building
was well advanced before his death. (fn. 35) Under his
successor, Robert of Reading, prior of Leominster, the whole of the nave was finished. (fn. 36) His
abbacy was marked by the beginning of the first
of those great lawsuits which are so special a
feature in the history of Crowland. The lords
and men of neighbouring manors looked with
covetous eyes on the marshes of the monastery.
Indeed, the fen-lands were so profitable in those
days that Hugh the White, a monk of Peterborough, described the site of his house as a
veritable paradise. 'The marsh,' he wrote,
about 1150, 'is very necessary for men, for there
are found wood and twigs for fires, hay for
fodder of cattle, thatch for covering houses,
and many other useful things. It is, moreover,
productive of birds and fishes.' (fn. 37) Some of the
marshes of Holland had already been drained,
and converted into fertile arable land, and,
accordingly, the men of Holland greatly desired
rights of common in the marsh of Crowland that they might have sufficient pasturage
for their cattle. (fn. 38) They attempted to secure
them by violent occupation, and it was not until
the end of the fifteenth century that these
troublesome disputes ceased. Yet the oftrenewed struggle had its compensations in the
succession of vigorous and able abbots, in the
absence of dissension within the house, and in a
keen interest in historical study.
Early in 1189 a false report of the death of
Henry II reached England. A conspiracy was
at once set on foot among the men of Holland.
Gerard de Camville, Thomas of Moulton, and
other enemies of Crowland united under the
leadership of Nicholas, prior of Spalding, meeting
sometimes in the prior's barn at Weston, sometimes in Holbeach church.
According to the usual custom at Rogationtide, a proclamation was made on Spalding
bridge, by the abbot's command, that the men of
Holland and others should keep their cattle off
Crowland marsh because the hay was growing.
As it was disregarded the abbot's servants impounded the cattle. On 12 May over 3,000
men came in arms to the marsh. At Asendike
they were met by the abbot, who sued for peace,
fearing an attack on the monastery itself. The
invaders divided the marsh among the vills
which they represented, and encamped for fifteen
days. They dug the turf, cut down most of the
woods and alderbeds of Crowland, and pastured
their cattle in the meadows. The abbot and
monks scarcely ventured forth from the
gates of the monastery, but they managed to
send a messenger to one of the justices, Geoffrey
FitzPeter, who was then in Northamptonshire.
He sent four knights to investigate the outrage,
and each body of men replied that they were
there by their lord's orders. The abbot secretly
made his way to London with the charter of
Henry II to show to the justices, who commanded Geoffrey FitzPeter to give the abbot
full redress. A number of the trespassers were
imprisoned, and both parties were bidden to
appear at Westminster at Michaelmas. Meanwhile Henry II died on 3 September. The
knights, in alarm, made their peace with the
abbot, but the prior of Spalding persisted in his
claim, stating that he had occupied his own
marsh, which was of the fee of William de
Romar. This time the abbot had left the
charter at Crowland. Accordingly, an inquisition was ordered, and sixteen knights were
chosen to make view of the marsh. The trial
was twice postponed on account of the abbot's
illness, and he died on the vigil of Easter, 1190.
Richard I was then in Normandy, and his
chancellor, William Longchamp, bishop of Ely,
obtained leave from him to appoint as abbot his
own brother Henry, then a monk of Evesham. (fn. 39)
After the chancellor's disgrace and expulsion
from England in 1191, the cause was resumed
at the instigation of William de Romar, and
Abbot Henry was summoned to Westminster to
hear the verdict on the view made of the marsh.
Fearful of the fate which had overtaken his
brother, he had himself essoigned on the first
day for illness on the road, and on the second
for being confined to his bed. Four knights
were sent to view him, but as they did not come
on the appointed day, the abbot left Crowland
and set out for London. After two or three
postponements the verdict was at last pronounced.
Because the abbot was not found in bed when
the knights came to view him, judgement was
given that he should for a time lose his seisin
but not his right, and the seisin was given to
the prior of Spalding, who speedily entered upon
it. In the middle of the winter in 1193 the
abbot set out to see King Richard, and arrived
at Spires fifteen days before he was ransomed.
On 22 January Richard I granted a confirmation of the bounds of the monastery, (fn. 40) and
wrote to the justiciar, Hubert Walter, archbishop of Canterbury, ordering that the abbot of
Crowland should have seisin of his marshes. But
in 1195 the abbot of St. Nicholas, at St. Angers,
persuaded Richard I that his cell of Spalding
had been wronged, and the question was reopened. Abbot Henry again crossed the seas,
and followed Richard from place to pkce in
Normandy praying for a settlement in his favour.
A final judgement was given on 2 November,
1195. In 1202 the abbot of St. Nicholas, at
Angers, again attempted to get seisin of the
marsh, another vexatious trial followed, and the
abbot of Crowland and a monk of Spalding pursued John from one place to another in Normandy, outbidding each other in presents. On
their return to England an indecisive judgement
was given. A monk of Crowland was sent to
John in Normandy, and for 100 marks obtained,
on 1 April, 1202, a confirmation of Richard's
warranty for seisin of the marsh, and of the
charter of Henry II setting forth the bounds of
Crowland. (fn. 41)
Abbot Henry was soon involved in a costly
suit with the abbot of Peterborough, who put
forward a claim to the southern marsh, called
Alderland, and in 1206 succeeded in securing
rights therein to the detriment of Crowland. (fn. 42)
The impounding of the abbot's cattle on his own
marsh of Goggisland, by Hugh de Wake, lord of
Deeping, forced him into another suit, which,
however, was settled at Lincoln in his favour in
1234, and at the same time an agreement was
made with Simon, prior of Spalding, about rights
of common in their respective marshes. (fn. 43)
In 1216 Crowland suffered, like a number of
other monasteries, in the civil strife. Savaric de
Mauleon was sent by John to arrest certain
knights and servants of the king, who were
in hiding. They arrived at Crowland on
30 September, and broke into the monastery.
Armed men rode into the cloisters, monastic
buildings, and church, and while mass was being
celebrated they dragged men away from before
the altar and carried them off. (fn. 44) They also took
away as their booty a great number of beasts and
cattle.
Abbot Henry's rule of forty-six years was marked
by progress in many directions. Much rebuilding went on in the monastery, and on the
manors belonging to it. (fn. 45) A Wednesday market
in the manor of Wellingborough was obtained
from John in 1201. (fn. 46)
Costly ornaments, books, and vestments were
provided for the church. In 1196 the body of
St. Guthlac was again translated. (fn. 47) Learning
and literature flourished. One of the monks, by
name William of Ramsey, (fn. 48) dedicated to Abbot
Henry a life of St. Guthlac in hexameters, a
metrical life of St. Neot, (fn. 49) and an account in prose
of the translation of St. Neot, which took place in
1213. When the bones of St. Waltheof were
translated in 1219, William compiled a 'Vita
Waltheofi.' In 1199 Edward, a monk of Evesham, compiled at Crowland a life of Thomas,
archbishop of Canterbury, (fn. 50) and about 1213
Roger of Crowland added to this compilation by
interspersing the archbishop's letters. (fn. 51) A copy
of his work was sent by the abbot to Stephen
Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, at the time
of the translation of St. Thomas, in 1220. (fn. 52) Yet
no continuous history of the monastery, or of
national affairs, seems to have been written at
Crowland, so that when the prior compiled his
work in the middle of the fifteenth century he
complained that only a few facts had been committed to writing, 'and not in any direct
historical order, but only as anything new took
place at intervening periods.' (fn. 53)
Abbot Henry was the last monk chosen from
another house, and the right of free election,
subject to the king's confirmation, was obtained
either from Henry III or Edward I. As in
other Benedictine houses, the congé d'élire was
granted by the king on the news of an abbot's
death. When the monks' choice was made, it
was then notified to him for his assent, and he
signified it to the bishop of Lincoln. (fn. 54) At the
same time he sent a mandate to the escheators
to restore the temporalities which fell into the
king's hands during the vacancy. At the installation of the abbot, the chapter of Lincoln
claimed his cope, and in the fifteenth century one
not worth more than five marks was thought
good enough for the occasion. (fn. 55) The archdeacon
of Lincoln claimed a palfrey or five marks, but
in 1248 the house secured an exemption from
Innocent IV. (fn. 56) In the fifteenth century the earl
marshal had established his right to a palfrey,
and the king to a corrody of 40s. a year for a clerk,
until a benefice was found for him. (fn. 57)
The house prospered greatly under the three
abbots who ruled it from 1236 to 1280. Its
property was developed, Aswyk and Dowdike
were enclosed and reclaimed from the marsh, the
manors were well stocked and profitable. (fn. 58) The
right of holding a market and fair in the manor
of Whaplode was obtained in 1255, (fn. 59) a market
and fair in Baston, (fn. 60) and a market at Crowland
in 1257. (fn. 61) In 1253 rights of free warren were
granted in ten manors. (fn. 62) A manor in Gedney
was first leased and then purchased from Walter
of Thurkelby in 1262, (fn. 63) and in spite of the
efforts of his widow and heirs and of the chief
lord to oust the abbot, after two costly lawsuits
he was left in peaceful possession in 1268. (fn. 64)
Another manor in Gedney was leased for thirteen
years for 320 marks down, and then granted to
the monastery by Henry of Stanhow in 1270. (fn. 65)
In 1267 the church of Whaplode was appropriated, (fn. 66) and, in consideration of the help given by
Richard, bishop of Lincoln, the abbot and convent granted him their patronage in the church
of Sutton. (fn. 67) In 1276 Simon de Lindone granted
the advowson of the church of Eston, (fn. 68) which his
father had successfully disputed with the
monastery in 1249. (fn. 69) The house was involved
in several important lawsuits in defence of its
rights. The abbey of Peterborough was worsted
in 1247, (fn. 70) and again in 1268. (fn. 71) In 1278 the
prior of Spalding failed to prove his claim to 100
acres of wood and 1,760 of marsh in Weston,
Moulton, and Spalding, (fn. 72) and Thomas of Moulton
to 20 acres of wood, 190 acres of marsh in
Weston, and 90 in Moulton. (fn. 73) Yet, in spite of
the immense cost of so much litigation, and the
heavy exactions of both crown and papacy in the
reign of Henry III, the abbots seem to have
kept the house clear of debt. Abbot Thomas
Welles journeyed to the papal curia, (fn. 74) and found
Innocent IV at Lyons. From him he obtained,
doubtless at great cost, several bulls, one of protection and general confirmation of the possessions
of Crowland, (fn. 75) two others securing the house against
the exactions of archdeacons on their visitation of
the churches appropriated to it, (fn. 76) others protecting
the house from the obligation of appointing nominees to benefices. (fn. 77) There is no record in the
chronicles or elsewhere of financial difficulties, such
as occurred in many other monasteries in the thirteenth century. Building went on. The farmery
was the work of Richard Bardney, (fn. 78) the central
tower and the chapel of St. Martin were built
under Ralph de Mersh, and the serious damage
done to the west front and nave in a great gale
was repaired. (fn. 79) Internal dissensions are not
recorded. In the division of property between
the abbot and convent, which, as in other Benedictine houses, probably took place soon after the
Norman Conquest, (fn. 80) the abbots seem to have
received a very large share. In the thirteenth
century they were generous in their dealings
with the convent, the revenues of the obedientiaries
were increased by Richard Bardney, (fn. 81) and again
by Thomas Welles, (fn. 82) the manor of Dowdike was
assigned by Thomas to the pittancer to provide milk
for supper in the summer and tunics every year. (fn. 83)
They were revered by their monks as men of
holy life, who cared no less for the spiritual welfare of the house than for its temporal interests.
Abbot Thomas was a stern ascetic and a great
preacher who was heard by the people on feast
days as well as by the monks in chapter. (fn. 84) Such
was his reputation that miracles were said to have
been worked at his tomb. (fn. 85) Ralph de Mersh was
called the good: 'He was duteous to God and
scrupulously careful in the observance of religion,
bountiful and generous to the world, faithful and
cheerful to all, and blameless in his life.' (fn. 86)
Richard of Crowland was elected in 1280.
At a vast outlay and expense he began the new
work of the quire, and built the manor house of
Dowdike, and the halls of Langtoft, Wellingborough, and Morborne. (fn. 87) In the Quo Warranto
trials in 1281, he successfully defended those
claims and rights of the monastery which were
in question. (fn. 88) In 1294 he was called upon to
defend the rights of Crowland to the advowson
of Whaplode, (fn. 89) and he gave 40 marks to Robert
de Hakebeth for his quitclaim. (fn. 90) Only four
years earlier the revenues from the church had
been recovered on the death of a papal nominee
who drew 80 marks a year from it. (fn. 91) The abbot
and convent had apparently seized the occasion
to diminish the vicar's portion from 60 marks at
which it was fixed in 1268 (fn. 92) to £20, (fn. 93) thus increasing the revenues of the rectory which accrued
to them to £73 6s. 8d. (fn. 94) In 1291 the temporalities were assessed at £423 7s., (fn. 95) and the house
drew over £250 from its spiritualities, (fn. 96) and at
the beginning of the fourteenth century was
selling on an average as much as 30 sacks of
wool each year at the rate of 12 marks a sack. (fn. 97)
In 1299 (fn. 98) and again in 1300, (fn. 99) for fines paid to
the exchequer, licence was granted to the abbot
and convent to acquire more property in mortmain. The abbot was summoned to attend the
great Parliament of 1295, and although it was
shown in 1322, (fn. 100) and again in 1341, (fn. 101) that the
abbots of Crowland did not hold their lands by
barony, their successors continued to receive
regular summons. (fn. 102)
Early in November, 1303, the abbot resigned, (fn. 103)
and on the 13th for a fine of 40 marks Edward I
granted the custody of the abbey during the
vacancy to the prior and convent, (fn. 104) thus protecting
it from the escheators. However, it was a grant
limited to a particular case, and at the next vacancy the crown again entered into possession.
For twenty years the monastery was under the
rule of Simon of Luffenham. In 1307 for a fine
of £20 he obtained from Edward I a very important confirmation of a number of charters
affecting the rights and property of the monastery. (fn. 105)
He attended the general council at Vienne in
1311, (fn. 106) and was again abroad in 1314. (fn. 107) Before
1315 the house was visited by an epidemic disease
of which thirteen monks died in fifteen days. (fn. 108)
In 1324 Simon was deposed by Henry Burghersh, bishop of Lincoln, because he had favoured
his kinsfolk at the expense of the house. (fn. 109) During
the vacancy (fn. 110) there were in the monastery fortyone monks, of whom three were novices, fifteen
persons who held corrodies, five of them being
clerks, and only thirty-six servants, a comparatively
small number in a great Benedictine house.
After the election of Henry of Casewick, a
petition was sent to Edward II that an allowance might be made out of the profits drawn
for the crown by the escheators for the maintenance of the monks, the holders of corrodies,
and the servants, their clothes, shoes, linen, and
necessaries, and for the lights in the church. (fn. 111)
Accordingly the king directed the treasurer and
barons of the exchequer to search the rolls and
find out what allowance was usually made during
a vacancy at Crowland. They reported that
they had found two vacancies and none whatever was made. The king held that a charge
for maintenance was reasonable, and ordered an
inquisition to be made into the numbers in the
house during the vacancy. As the result of an
inquisition held at Stamford on 19 March, 1328,
6d. a day was allowed for the prior, 3d. for each
monk and holder of a corrody, 2d. for each servant. The clear weekly profit to the crown
was £8 1s. 6d., (fn. 112) over £7 being charged for
maintenance.
Henry of Casewick was an able and vigorous
ruler. In 1327, by an important act of the chapter,
the master of the works was relieved of the charge
of keeping the abbot's buildings in repair, his obligations were strictly defined, (fn. 113) and the endowment
of his office was increased by the abbot. (fn. 114) In
pursuit of a policy of further expansion, in 1327,
for a fine of £20, a licence was obtained to
acquire lands and rents not held in chief to the
value of £20. (fn. 115) In 1334 licence was acquired to
appropriate the church of Drayton, (fn. 116) but it was
not acted upon.
The monastery was again involved in a number
of lawsuits. In 1332 Abbot Henry sued the prior
of Durham for £108, the arrears of a rent of
9 marks which in 1307 was guaranteed to the
convent of Growland for giving up their rights
in the town and church of Ederton. (fn. 117) The prior
of Durham pleaded that, as the agreement was
made at Stirling, it was illegal, but the abbot
recovered the annuity, 27 marks of arrears, and
£10 for damages. On several occasions he had
to contend against the hereditary foes of the
monastery. In 1329 (fn. 118) he complained to the crown
that the prior of Spalding, with the men of Spalding and Moulton, cut to pieces beams which were
placed to strengthen the dikes which prevented
the abbey from being submerged and washed
away. They destroyed the dikes and the arable
land was flooded. They extorted tolls and customs from persons coming to Crowland fair, and
assaulted the officers appointed by the abbot to
collect tolls and profits in his manors of Spalding,
Holbeach, Whaplode, and Suttpn. In 1332 (fn. 119)
Thomas Wake of Liddell and the men of East
and West Deeping and Barholm prevented the
bailiffs from holding the fair, which at that time
lasted for seventeen days, and from collecting
tolls and other dues, and hindered merchants from
attending; The abbot complained also that they
had mowed the rushes on his meadows at Langtoft, Baston, Pinchbeck, and Spalding, and carried
them away as well as his turves and hay. At
Baston they had broken into his close and house,
driven away 10 horses, chased 40 horses, 120
oxen, 300 cows, and 3,000 sheep from several
of his manors to West Deeping. There they
impounded them until he paid fines to the amount
of £500 for their release. But in 1332 Thomas
Wake had a countercharge against the abbot. (fn. 120)
With seven of his monks and many other men
he rescued some beasts which Thomas Wake had
lawfully impounded, carried away his goods at
East Deeping, seized six boats on the Welland
at Crowland and assaulted his servants. At the
Parliament which met at Westminster early in
1332, Edward III inhibited both parties from
injuring each other. On 22 July he issued a
commission of oyer and terminer, because there
were at that time in the parts of Holland assemblies of armed men of the abbot of Crowland
and the prior of Spalding, Ebulo Lestrange and
Thomas Wake. (fn. 121)
The maintenance of causeways, bridges, and
dikes in the marshes had long been a source of strife.
In a petition to Parliament in 1335, the men of
Holland and Kesteven stated that the ways between
Crowland and Spalding were in a very dangerous
state, and that this could be remedied if the abbot
of Crowland would make a causeway on his soil
between Crowland and a manor of his called
the Brotherhouse, on the understanding that he
and his successors should take tolls for its construction and maintenance. (fn. 122) Negotiations with
the abbot followed, (fn. 123) but with no result. (fn. 124) As
dikes to protect the lands of one owner hindered
the flow of water into the fisheries of another,
quarrels were inevitable. The abbot Of Crowland firmly maintained his rights. Thomas Wake
again attempted to rob him of profit in his marshes
by making a dike for the convenience of the men
of Deeping. In 1342 it was destroyed by the
abbot accompanied by four of his monks and a
number of his men. (fn. 125) The people of Spalding
were no more successful in 1349. They built
a causeway on the abbot's land, so that the waters
overflowed his marsh of Goggisland, and the abbey
and town were 'in danger of drowning.' The
abbot gave orders that the causeway should be
broken down in several places, and was afterwards discharged by the jury before the sheriff of
Lincoln on that count. (fn. 126) At the same inquisition
he also proved that he was in no way bound to
maintain a causeway between Crowland and
Brotherhouse.
In 1344 the monastery was in serious financial
difficulties. Owing to raids on the manors and
granges by men who carried off goods and drove
away animals and cattle to places unknown, it
was so much impoverished that the abbot and
convent could not pay their creditors or provide
for their own maintenance. (fn. 127) Accordingly
Edward III took the abbey and its possessions
into his special protection, and committed the
custody during his pleasure to John Stratford,
archbishop of Canterbury, and William de Bohun,
earl of Northampton, to apply the issues and
profits, saving reasonable sustenance for the
abbot and convent and their servants, in discharge of the debts and relief of the estate of the
house, by view, aid, and counsel of the abbot
and more experienced monks.
The abbot made a vigorous effort to prevent
encroachments of the crown. In 1338 he bargained with Edward III, on condition of granting
a corrody to his yeoman, John of Ashmeresbroke,
that on his death the monastery should be in no
way bound to receive another royal nominee. (fn. 128)
He urged that the lands of the house were held
in free alms, and were therefore exempt from
any such service to the crown. His contention
was true, and in 1346 he only owed service for
two knights' fees in Langtoft, (fn. 129) and with others for
one-third of a fee in Gedney besides one-tenth of
a fee in Witham. In 1284-5 the abbot held the
vill and site of Crowland in free alms, he also
held with others the vill of Gedney, and 4 carucates of land in Holbeach and Whaplode, 1 carucate in Pinchbeck, and 2 carucates in Spalding.
In 1303 he held three fees in Langtoft, and onethird with others in Gedney. In 1428 he held
three-quarters of a fee in Bucknall.
There is no record of the visitation of the
Black Death at Crowland, and the effects do not
appear to have been particularly serious either on
the temporal prosperity of the house or in permanently diminishing the numbers of the monks. It
is true that the numbers had fallen from fortyone (fn. 130) in 1324 to about twenty-seven under Abbot
Ashby, (fn. 131) but in 1445 there were again about
forty-one. (fn. 132)
When Henry of Casewick died in 1358 the
prior and convent made a fine of 100 marks to
have the custody of the monastery during that
vacancy. (fn. 133) Little is known of the welfare of the
convent during the twenty years of Thomas of
Barnack's rule, but he is said to have triumphed
over his enemies. (fn. 134)
Although there were serious disturbances in
several of the eastern counties in 1381 and the
following years, discontent among the bondsmen
of Crowland is only recorded in the manor of
Wellingborough in Northamptonshire. In 1383
they besieged the abbot and his servants in the
manor house and threatened to burn it. (fn. 135)
Under the three abbots who ruled from 1378 to
1427, Crowland was engaged in another succession of lawsuits about its possessions in the marshes.
In 1389 the commons of Holland and Kesteven
again petitioned for a division between their
marshes. (fn. 136) Accordingly a commission was appointed to make inquiry that stone crosses or
posts might be set up to mark the boundaries.
The result was that new crosses were erected at
Kenulfston, Wode-lode-Graynes, and other places.
Nevertheless the king's half-brother, Thomas
Holland, earl of Kent, and his servants, committed
a number of outrages. They drove away cattle
from the manor of Langtofc, fished in the Welland from Kenulfston to Brotherhouse, destroyed
the fishing-nets of the monastery, beat the abbot's
servants at Deeping Market and threw them from
their boats into the water. In 1390 and again
in 1391 the abbot presented complaints in Parliament against the earl, and the earl made countercharges; but John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster,
took up the abbot's cause very warmly. The
abbot and the earl were several times cited before
the council, but though the abbot always appeared,
the earl failed to present himself on every occasion.
He chose a steward of Deeping who was guilty
of further outrages in 1392. In the autumn the
abbot again complained in Parliament. John of
Gaunt exerted all his influence, and peace at
length prevailed for a short time. At Whitsuntide, 1394, the men of Deeping invaded the
marsh in arms, and destroyed the cross at Kenulfston. (fn. 137) Abbot Thomas of Overton hastened to
London to lay his grievance before the king, and,
largely owing to the support of John of Gaunt,
a grand assize was held to investigate the matter.
Many of the men of Deeping were seized and
taken in chains to Lincoln Castle, where they
remained till their friends and neighbours had set
up another cross at Kenulfston.
In 1413 Abbot Thomas was stricken with
blindness, and the monks had no longer a powerful protector like John of Gaunt. The men
of Holland saw a chance of trespassing with
impunity. (fn. 138) Armed men from the vills of Moulton
and Weston occupied an island called 'Le
Purceynt' within the bounds of the abbey for
nearly a year. They fished, fowled, plundered
the nets and everything they could find, and
burnt the fishing-house at Sandistowe to the
ground. Men from Spalding fished in the Welland as far as Crowland, dug turves in the marsh
of Goggisland, cut sedges and bulrushes, and
prevented the entry of the tenants of Crowland.
The abbot had wished to resign on account of
his blindness, but the monks prevailed on him
to continue in office. With the consent of
Repingdon, bishop of Lincoln, the management
of the affairs of the house was deputed to the
prior, Richard Upton. He was a man of considerable experience, and had formerly been prior
of the cell of Freiston for ten years. (fn. 139) He also
bore a reputation for learning, and had taken the
degree of bachelor of divinity at Cambridge.
He firmly determined to end the disputes about
the marsh, and gained his purpose by the production of the forged charters and other documents, which were used for the first time as
evidence in a lawsuit. (fn. 140) His first step was to
excommunicate all persons who infringed the
liberties of the church of St. Guthlac, plundered
its property, or invaded its possessions. (fn. 141) The
sentence was pronounced with the leave of the
bishop of Lincoln, in virtue of a privilege which
was then said to have been granted by Dunstan,
archbishop of Canterbury, but which had never
been mentioned or used on any previous occasion. Afterwards, in the words of the chronicler,
'he manfully girded up his loins as though about
to fight against beasts,' and hastened to London
to prosecute the men of Spalding, of Moulton,
and Weston, taking with him the charters of
Ethelbald, Edred, and Edgar. The charters of
Ethelbald and Edred were inspected and confirmed in 1393, (fn. 142) and again in 1399, (fn. 143) but they
had not been officially recognized by any previous kings. It must be concluded that these
and other Saxon charters were forged soon after
the middle of the fourteenth century. (fn. 144) The
writers showed ignorance of the language of an
old English diploma and of the history of the
rights which were claimed, (fn. 145) but their ignorance
was shared by all who afterwards accepted them.
About the same time, before 1360, the history
of Crowland was compiled and ascribed, with a
stroke of genius, to Ingulf, the first Norman
abbot. (fn. 146) The object of the writer seems to have
been to provide a setting for the Saxon charters,
and a defence of the rights of the monastery.
With vivid imagination and keen insight he
wrote a delightful story, weaving into it traditions which at that time may well have gained
acceptance as history among the monks of Crowland. (fn. 147) Another monk about the same time
compiled a continuation of the history to 1135,
which purported to be written by Peter of Blois
at the request of Abbot Henry Longchamp. (fn. 148) It
is only extant to 1117. It may well have been
based on materials then at Crowland, which
have now disappeared, but it contains a full share
of amusing fiction.
The suits dragged on for nearly two years,
and the expenses exceeded £500. The prior
fell sick in London from vexation and despair. (fn. 149)
His counsel was a skilled lawyer named William
Ludington. According to the story current at
Crowland St. Guthlac appeared one night to
Ludington with cheering promises of success.
The next day he succeeded in agreeing with the
counsel for the other parties to submit the question to arbitration. Two arbitrators were chosen
on behalf of the abbot and convent of Crowland,
and two for the men of Moulton and Weston,
and William Ludington and John Cockayne;
both justices of the common pleas, acted with
them. After an examination of the evidence
and muniments at Crowland, they gave their
award early in September, 1415. The island
called 'Le Purceynt' was adjudged to be within
the bounds of Crowland, and the men of Moulton
and Weston were excluded from common of
pasture, piscary, or turbary therein. They were
condemned to rebuild the fishing-house at Sandistowe before 1 November, to pay 40 marks to
the abbot and convent for damages, and to
enter into recognizances to pay £200 before
25 December. The award of the arbitrators in
the suit against the men of Spalding and Pinchbeck on 30 October, 1415, was equally favourable, and the rights of the abbot and convent in
the marsh of Goggisland were strictly safeguarded.
In spite of serious damages to property and
the heavy cost of the lawsuits, there was much
activity in other directions. Abbot Thomas
bought the fee of Shelton in the manor of
Gedney about 1398, (fn. 150) and also part of a knight's
fee in Baston called the fee of Beaumont, (fn. 151) and
thus added 36 marks to the rental of the house.
He obtained from Henry IV a charter granting
the custody of the monastery to the prior and
convent in each successive vacancy on condition
of a payment of £20, and thus excluded the
escheators, who, in the words of the chronicler,
'raged like lions, committed waste in the manors,
and made heavy exactions.' (fn. 152)
Abbot John had the great bells of the church
recast, and provided vestments, thuribles, and
other ornaments. (fn. 153) Abbot Thomas repaired the
bells in the central tower and built a new brewhouse and bakehouse. (fn. 154) The finances of the
monastery were so flourishing that several of the
obedientiaries were able to expend their surplus
revenues and gifts from their friends on further
benefactions. (fn. 155) Laurence Chateres, the kitchener,
found £40 for the building of the west side of
the cloister, £20 towards building a farmhouse
on the manor of Dowdike, £26 for a set of
black vestments, and £40 to provide milk of
almonds on the days when only fish was eaten.
Ten marks were therefore assigned to the master
of the works, almoner, pittancer, sacrist, chamberlain, and cellarer. Each in turn was bound
to supply three pounds of almonds and good
bread and honey, a pound of almonds sufficing
for each eight or nine monks. William Crowland, master of the works, built the western
cloister, the north and south transepts, which he
vaulted and glazed, the reredos of St. Guthlac's
altar, the Lady chapel, and the frater, and he
rebuilt the western part of the nave. Towards
his work he received £270 from benefactors
outside the monastery. Simon Eresby gave the
reredos of the altar of St. John the Evangelist,
and two silver-gilt thuribles which cost 40 marks.
Abbot Upton (fn. 156) rebuilt the abbot's hall and
the west side of the court leading to the
water-gate. He added many valuable books to
the library. To the vestiary he gave a reliquary
worth 100 marks and some most costly vestments. When John of Freiston was sacrist he
hired workmen to embroider a 'Jesse' vestment
valued at 300 marks, a blue cope embroidered
with eagles in gold, and some beautiful albs.
Abbot John Litlington was elected in 1427,
and ruled the monastery for forty-three years.
The question of the liability to repair embankments again became very prominent. There
was already friction with the people of Moulton
when a priest of that vill met the receiver of
Crowland going along an embankment belonging
to Moulton. (fn. 157) After violently abusing him he
threw him into the marsh, and as the monk was
an old man he with difficulty escaped alive.
The abbot appealed to William Gray, bishop of
Lincoln, who cited the priest and compelled him
to do public penance on a great festival before
the high altar at Crowland. The people of
Moulton next complained to William Bondvill,
lord of that manor, of the overflow of water
from the precinct of Crowland because the embankments were out of repair; in consequence
their meadows and pastures were so swamped
that they could not pay their rents. (fn. 158) Bondvill
impleaded the abbot for the damage to himself
and his tenants. Abbot John hastened to London
to defend himself, and after a great outlay of
money on both sides the matter was referred to
Crowland for a final settlement in 1433. The
award was that the abbot should rebuild the
embankment between Brotherhouse and Whaplodesdike and keep it in repair for forty years,
but if the rainfall was very excessive he was not
to be held responsible for any overflow. (fn. 159) In
1439 there were heavy storms, and the water
overflowed the embankment on the south side
of the precinct, which happened to be out of
repair, and inundated the common lands of
Whaplode. Accordingly the abbot was presented for default before the commissioners of
sewers, who pronounced that he was bound to
repair the embankments. (fn. 160) With great efforts
the abbot succeeded in getting the judgement
reversed. At an inquisition held at Bolingbroke,
before the sheriff of Lincoln, the jurors swore
that the abbots of Crowland, their men and
tenants, had never repaired the embankments,
'either for the safety of the lands adjoining, or
for the purpose of keeping out the water running
between the embankment or for the easement of
the people . . . or any one of them, nor ought
of right to repair the same . . . but only for
their own easement, advantage, and profit, at
their own will and pleasure.' (fn. 161)
In 1433, too, in spite of the award of 1415,
the people of Spalding again trespassed in the
marsh of Goggisland. (fn. 162) With some difficulty the
abbot brought them to justice, and recovered
£90 for damages and £10 for costs. A few
years later there were serious quarrels with the
lord of Deeping, John earl of Somerset. (fn. 163) Another
very expensive suit was against Thomas Dacre,
lord of Holbeach, who encroached on the abbot's
manorial rights in Whaplode. (fn. 164) By consent of
both parties the question was transferred from
the grand assize at Lincoln to the arbitration of
the bishop, William Alnwick, and on 2 September, 1448, Dacre's rights were restricted to the
punishment of his own few tenants in Whaplode, (fn. 165)
In the lapse of years the boundaries of the
marsh of Alderland had disappeared, and the
abbot of Crowland, anxious to avoid strife with
the abbot of Peterborough, proposed an arbitration. (fn. 166) However, the arbitrators met several
times without coming to any conclusion, and the
abbots failed to agree. After the payment of
large fees and further heavy expenses the matter
was left unsettled in 1448.
In 1446 Litlington won a suit in the Court
of Arches against the vicar of Whaplode, who
had tried to make the abbot liable for the repair
of desks and stalls in the chancel. (fn. 167) About 1451
he successfully defended his rights as lord of the
manor of Baston. (fn. 168)
Crowland escaped injury during the Wars of
the Roses. Henry VI visited the monastery in
Lent, 1460, and granted a charter confirming
the liberties of the vill of Crowland. (fn. 169) In 1461
the approach of the Lancastrian army, which
had marched from the north pillaging churches
and committing sacrilege, filled the country with
terror. (fn. 170) Many refugees came with their valuables to Crowland. Vestments, jewels, treasures,
charters, and muniments of the monastery, were
hidden away. There were daily processions and
prayers for protection. The approaches were
guarded by stakes and palisades. Hearing of
Edward's march northwards, the army turned
back when within six miles of Growland.
In the Parliament of 1461 all charters of
privilege granted by the Lancastrian kings were
cancelled. Accordingly, Abbot John obtained
in 1466 for 40 marks a confirmation of the
right of custody during a vacancy, and also a
further confirmation of charters of the monastery. (fn. 171)
The prior, writing soon after his death, judged
that 'in his time the observance of the monastic
rule flourished to such a degree that it might not
unworthily have been called a very castle of the
Gospel, and one worthy to be entered by our
Lord Jesus, and where mystically the sisters
Mary and Martha had together taken up their
abode. For while one part of the officers was
diligently intent upon the careful performance
of their respective duties, the others, bestowing
all due attention upon the service of God, were
occupying themselves in the quiet pursuits of
contemplation amid the mystic embraces of
Rachel.' (fn. 172) Visitations of the bishops of Lincoln
on the whole suggest a high standard of life.
In 1431 Bishop Gray (fn. 173) enjoined that the rule of
silence should be kept, and those who indulged
in taunts and reproaches were to be punished.
The prior and other officers were bidden to be
affable, modest, discreet, and intelligent in administering correction, and officers who made
themselves hateful were to be removed. The
sacrist was ordered to repair the buildings of his
office, 'lately very ruinous,' especially the house
provided as a dwelling for the parish chaplain.
The kitchener was to supply the monks with
healthy and sufficient food in such quantities
that there might be plenty for them and for
alms afterwards. The almoner was to distribute
the fragments among the poor, not to his own
servants. The pittancer was to provide a servant to cater for the monks who were at Dovedale to be bled. The master of the works and
the sacrist were to provide horses for monks who
went to visit their kinsfolk or to receive holy
orders from the bishop, and the abbot was to find
servants for them. The barber was to be provided
at the common expense. The monks were to
get their allowance for clothes and spices at the
right time. Their friends and relations were to
be lodged, according to their rank, at the common
expense. Freiston Cell was to be better served
and administered. The abbot was bidden to
make to the chapter a clear annual financial
statement of the position of the house between
29 September and 11 November. He was
warned against granting corrodies, pensions, and
annuities, and against cutting down the woods
of the monastery, without the consent of the
convent and the bishop of Lincoln, except for
necessary repairs, and then only with the advice
of three monks. Nine years later, when Alnwick (fn. 174) visited the monastery, there were thirtysix monks who made depositions. The abbot
stated that all his monks were professed except
three novices, and that there were two scholars
at Cambridge. The prior and most of the monks
replied that all was well. The complaints were
that the almoner and master of the works did
not each provide two horses for the monks, that
sick and aged relations of the monks and the
servants of the convent used to be received and
supported at the 'Sisterhouse' in the office of
the almonry, but the custom had fallen into
disuse, and lastly that the prior of Freiston was
away from his cell.
An important step was taken in 1428 when a
licence was granted to the abbot and convent of
Crowland to appropriate in mortmain two messuages in the parish of St. Giles, Cambridge. (fn. 175) It
was represented to Henry VI that some of the
monks were continuously sent to the university
of Cambridge to study canon law and theology,
but as there was no hostel for the Benedictine
order, they were compelled to lodge with
seculars. A condition of the grant was that
other Benedictine houses should be able to build
rooms for their monks. The site embraced the
principal portion of the present Magdalene
College, and until the Dissolution was known
as Buckingham College. (fn. 176)
Litlington was a great benefactor to the
monastery. (fn. 177) The nave was vaulted and gilded
at his expense, the windows were glazed, and a
gilded reredos and screen were provided for the
high altar. The large organ and the small one
in the choir were his gifts. He gave to the
vestiary nine embroidered copes of cloth of gold
valued at £240, a set of red vestments, a processional cross, chalice, water-bottles, and candelabra of. silver gilt; he erected new buildings in
the court of the monastery, and a number of
tenements in Crowland which he gave to the
convent, and repaired all his manor-houses and
tenements. Shortly before he died he built a
fair hostel for distinguished guests, and had five
new bells cast in London and brought by water
to Crowland at a total cost of £160. There
was much activity too among the obedientiaries,
who expended their revenues on building and
gifts to the sacristy. (fn. 178)
The interest shown at Crowland in the writing of history at a time when it languished
utterly in other monasteries is very conspicuous.
A monk who at the death of Litlington had
held the office of prior for many years devoted
his moments of leisure to compiling a history of
the monastery from the accession of Stephen
until the abbot's death in 1470. (fn. 179) His sources,
as he explained in the very charming and modest
conclusion of his work, were the scattered annals
of the house, and the charters and deeds, some
even then 'aged and worm-eaten,' which he
found among the muniments. The events of
his own time he read 'more truthfully still in
the book of experience.' He was painfully conscious that his style was very inferior to that of
the authors of the earlier history of the house
whom he believed to be Ingulf and Peter of
Blois, and he has suffered from the advantage
which the picturesque writer has always had
over the student whose pen is fettered by his
scrupulous regard for accuracy. He confessed
that he had wished to leave a memorial of his
name that his readers might pray for his soul,
but he forbore of his own accord, for he would
not appear to covet an undue meed of praise. (fn. 180)
A more ambitious monk began to write after
the death of Litlington. His outlook was wider
than the prior's, and he wrote a general history
of his times from 1459 to 1486, (fn. 181) digressing
occasionally to relate what was happening at
Crowland. His work is a valuable authority for
the reign of, Edward IV. Another monk continued his history with the avowed object of
setting an example to those who should come
after him, but unfortunately the manuscript ends
abruptly, and part of his work is lost. (fn. 182)
The abbacy of John of Wisbech passed without one lawsuit, and the historian commented
'that he enjoyed the singular and especial privilege and piece of good fortune which never fell
to the lot of any of his predecessors.' (fn. 183) Like
Litlington he was a great builder within the
abbey and without. (fn. 184) At Buckingham College
he built chambers for the scholars of Crowland.
He abolished the old custom, 'or rather corruption,' of giving away knives on St. Bartholomew's
Day to all who asked for them. As there
was a vast concourse of people at the fair, it had
become a very expensive matter. A fire in the
vill of Crowland diminished the rental of the
monastery by twenty marks, but in compassion
for the poor tenants the abbot gave divers sums
of money towards the rebuilding.
Perhaps an unwarranted sense of security,
coupled with an enthusiasm for learning, led the
monks to elect Richard Crowland. (fn. 185) He was a
student and a writer of books, and gave to the
library several manuscripts written at his expense
and by his own hand. (fn. 186) In 1478 he obtained
two bulls from Sixtus IV. In virtue of the first
the convent was able to farm manors, churches,
and other possessions for ten years without
the leave of the ordinary. (fn. 187) On account of a
lack of monks of the age to take the order of
priest, the other bull allowed them to be ordained as soon as they had reached their twentysecond year. (fn. 188)
In the opinion of the historian, advantage was
taken 'of the simple innocence and innocent
simplicity' of the abbot. (fn. 189) Three hundred men
of Deeping trespassed in the marsh of Goggisland, seized the reeds that had been collected by
the men and tenants, and either beat or threw
into the water all the people they met. Emboldened by success, they assaulted the vill of
Crowland, and the abbot in turn met them in
the nave of the church to answer their importunate demands. Presumptuous officials of the
manor of Deeping fined the abbot heavily for
cutting the embankments to avoid an inundation
of the parts of Holland, and distrained upon his
grain from Langtoft and Baston. At Whaplode
the tenants and parishioners cut the trees which
grew in the churchyard and attacked Lambert
Fossdyke, the steward of the monastery, who
was compelled to bar himself into the sacristy of
the church. (fn. 190)
With the prospect of three serious lawsuits, in
January, 1484, the monks elected Lambert Fossdyke as successor to Richard Crowland. He
was a bachelor of law, and would have rendered
useful service to the monastery, but within two
years he died of the sweating sickness. (fn. 191) During
his rule the turbulent men of Moulton and
Weston again claimed rights within the precinct
of Crowland, and laid a complaint against the
monastery. (fn. 192) The judges who were sent to try
the case found that they had never possessed the
rights of common to which they laid claim.
However, provision was made against the overflow of water from the precinct into Holland.
Fossdyke was succeeded by the prior, Edmund
Thorpe, a bachelor of divinity. He sought to
secure and maintain his rights by tact and conciliatory conduct. (fn. 193) At Moulton he obtained the
support of the family of the Welbys, and their
influence over the inhabitants kept the peace.
He showed much patience in his dealings with
the men of Deeping, who were also restrained
by the Lady Margaret Beaufort, to whom the
manor belonged. The fresh dispute with the
monks of Peterborough about the marsh of
Alderland was settled between 1480 and 1484
by the arbitration of Rotherham, archbishop of
York, greatly to the detriment of Crowland.
The abbot and convent were bound to pay £10
a year to Peterborough until they had purchased
lands of that value for the said monastery, or
procured the appropriation of the church of
Brinkhurst. (fn. 194) Accordingly Abbot Edmund exerted all his influence to obtain the appropriation,
which was finally concluded at the expense of
Crowland in 1486. (fn. 195)
With this settlement the last instalment of
the history of Crowland ends abruptly, and there
is but little to record until the dissolution.
The last abbot, John Wells, or Bridges, ruled
the house from 1512 until 1538. The visitation of Atwater, (fn. 196) bishop of Lincoln, in 1519,
shows that he was very arbitrary and unpopular.
He then kept in his own hands the emoluments
of the cellarer and receiver, so that they were
officers only in name. In consequence the
monks got neither soup nor pudding. Sick
monks who were away with leave could not get
the customary allowance of food and drink.
One very old monk was denied the privileges
which were his due. The bishop ordered the
abbot to make full amends, and also to remove
the janitor who spent much of his time in the
town of Crowland, and sent pilgrims to Walsingham astray.
An anxious desire to appease Cromwell and
Henry VIII appears in the abbot's correspondence
in 1534, 1538, and 1539. (fn. 197) Demands were
made on him for leases and grants which were
beyond his power to satisfy. There is no record
of any discussions among the monks about the
progress of affairs, and they certainly swallowed
any scruples which they may have had. In
June, 1534, the abbot and thirty-two monks
subscribed to the royal supremacy. (fn. 198) On
25 March, 1537, the abbot sent a present of fen
fish to Cromwell, begging him 'to be good and
favourable lord' unto him and his poor house. (fn. 199)
Between 1535 and 1539 he granted over thirty
small annuities, (fn. 200) some of them possibly for sums
of ready money with the object of providing for
the future.
On 4 December, 1539, (fn. 201) Cromwell's commissioners arrived at Crowland, and the surrender
was signed by the abbot and twenty-eight monks.
Probably for his compliance John Bridges was
awarded the large pension of £133 6s. 8d., and
the rest of the monks received sums varying
from £10 to £5 a year. (fn. 202)
The clear value of the possessions of Crowland, including the cell of Freiston, in 1535
amounted to £1,093 15s 10½d. (fn. 203) Of this sum
about £160 was drawn from spiritualities. In
the hands of the crown-bailiffs four years later
the property brought in £1,434 11s. 4½d. (fn. 204) The
rectories belonging to the monastery were Crowland, Whaplode, Sutterton, Langtoft, Tetford,
and Baston, in Lincolnshire; Wellingborough
in Northamptonshire; Hokington in Cambridgeshire; and to the cell of Freiston, Freiston,
Butterwick, Burton Pedwardine, and Claxby in
Lincolnshire; Stonesby in Leicestershire; and
South Warnborough in Hampshire. There were
charges on a number of other churches. The
manors were Cottenham, Hokington, Dry
Drayton in Cambridgeshire; Crowland, Gedney,
Whaplode, Aswyke, Holbeach, Spalding, Dowdike, Langtoft, Baston, Manthorpe, Bucknall,
Freiston, and Claxby in Lincolnshire; Wellingborough in Northamptonshire; Morborne in
Huntingdonshire.
Abbots Of Crowland (fn. 205)
Ulfcytel, 1051
Ingulf, 1085-6 (fn. 206)
Geoffrey, 1110 (fn. 207)
Waltheof, 1124
Godfrey, 1138
Edward, 1142
Robert of Reading, 1175
Henry de Longchamp, 1191
Richard Bardney, 1236
Thomas Welles, 1247
Ralph de Mersh, 1254
Richard Crowland, 1281
Simon of Luffenham, 1303
Henry of Casewick, 1324
Thomas of Barnack, 1358
John of Ashby, 1378 (fn. 208)
Thomas of Overton, 1392
Richard Upton, 1417
John Litlington, 1427
John of Wisbech, 1470
Richard Crowland, 1476
Lambert Fossdyke, 1484
Edmund Thorpe, 1485
Philip Everard, 1497
William Gedding, 1504
Richard Bardney, 1507
John Wells alias Bridges, 1512
A seal of the date 1392 (fn. 209) is in shape a pointed
oval and represents St. Bartholomew on the
right, holding a book, and giving to St. Guthlac
on the left a triple-thonged whip. Between the
two figures there is a bird, one of the emblems of
St. Guthlac, to the right on a bush. Overhead
is a carved canopy; below the feet of the figures
an arched footboard. (fn. 210) The legend is—
SIGILL': COMMUNE: ABBATIS: ET: CONVENTUS
CROYLANDIE
A seal of Abbot Edmund Thorpe is attached
to a deed dated 1487. (fn. 211) It represents the Virgin
and Child in a canopied niche, with a smaller
niche on each side, now broken away. In base,
under a carved arch, is a half-length figure of
the abbot with pastoral staff. (fn. 212) The legend is
imperfect.