44. [Add. Ms. 27793, ff. 84-5. Place's copy of the Morning Chronicle's
report on the state of public opinion on Friday, 11 May.]
. . . The people have made up their minds to have the bill, coute qui
coute—they have long forseen the probability of the present emergency,
and their conduct has proved that, while on the one hand they were not
unprepared for the occurrence of this disastrus [sic] event, neither on the
other do they want sufficient spirit and energy to enforce their determination
in a manner which cannot fail to ensure success. The whole country seems
to be animated by one spirit. Individuals bodly avow their determination to
pay No Taxes in Money and every meeting concurs in calling upon the
house of commons to Cut off the Supplies, or Place them in the Hands of
Parliamentary Commissioners, Not to be Applied until the Reform Bill
shall be Passed into a Law. The utmost confidence is placed in earl Grey and
his administration, the most resolute determination to place no reliance
upon any other. His noble conduct in vindicating the honour and dignity
of the people, by refusing to suffer the integrity of the bill to be invaded,
and the nation to be insulted by a postponement of its just demands, has
called forth a feeling of gratitude, love and respect for him, the full extent of
which it would be in vain to attempt to describe. Last night the National
Political Union led the way, a splendid meeting of 5,000 members assembled
together—declared their devoted attachment to Lord Grey and Reform—
denounced the treachery which had been practised, and announced not only
their determination to petition the commons to take the supplies into their
own hands but one and all declared their determination Not to pay Taxes
in Money till the Reform Bill shall become law. The people are rallying
round the unions. Yesterday 1,200 more members enrolled themselves at
Saville House. Today up to the hour we are writing many hundreds more
have been enrolled—a body of about 100 from one factory alone marched
up today in procession from the east end of the town and entered their
names. The meetings of this Union will continue nightly until the bill be
carried. Tonight also the National Union of the working classes will
assemble, as will also the Bloomsbury Householders Union. At each of
these strong resolutions will be passed and declarations will be made by
individuals Not to Pay Taxes. The south western—Clerkenwell—Lambeth
—Greenwich—Deptford—Cripplegate—East London—Whitechapel and
other Unions have all announced meetings for the same purpose. The City
of London has set an excellent example to the Empire—the Court of
Common Council which assembles today, have denounced those who
advised his majesty to act as he has done, as enemies to the people, they
have declared the country to be in danger and have determined to continue
to meet de die in diem. They have petitioned the house of commons to cut
off the supplies until the Reform Bill be a law.—That petition has been
presented, and has received the support of all the four city members.
Tomorrow the Common Hall will assemble, similar resolutions of confidence in Lord Grey—cutting off the supplies etc. etc. are to be proposed—
they will declare that they have no faith in any reform proposed from any
other source. It is said that a proposition will be submitted to the meeting to
call upon the house of commons to suspend all public business till the
reform bill be carried. A permanent reform committee of citizens will be
proposed accompanied with a recommendation to every city, town and
parish throughout the kingdom to adopt the same course. Requisitions are
being signed in every ward of the City of London to call Wardmotes—and
in every parish to call parish meetings. Ten or twelve parishes meet tomorrow, and thrice as many more in the course of the next day. Westminster
will meet tomorrow, and a requisition has been forwarded to the High
Bailiff of Southwark to convene a public meeting which will probably be
held on saturday. Mary le bone—Pancrass [sic]—Paddington, Clerkenwell,
St Lukes, Cripplegate, St Brides, St Clement, Lambeth and many other
parishes are moving.
45. [Add. Ms. 27793, ff. 123-4. 11 May 1832.]
National Political Union
Mr Francis Place in the chair
The members of the council, and of the members as spectators was very
numerous.
The principal purpose of the meeting was to discuss the propriety of
carrying into effect the resolution of the General Meeting held on the preceeding evening, relative to calling a meeting of the various reform unions
at a distance from the metropolis.
Mr Savage moved, that the Council of the Union shall hold a Public
Meeting, to which shall be invited, members of districts—unions and
parishes.
Mr Leonard seconded the resolution, which produced a long discussion
when Mr John Taylor moved, that the further consideration of the instructions from the general meeting, be deferred to monday evening next at
8 o'clock. This motion was seconded by Mr Millard—and carried.
This was a most important subject and considering the highly excited
state of the people was discreetly managed, the generality wanted a public
meeting to demonstrate the feeling of the people—many wanted a public
meeting to out do in respect to numbers the Birmingham meetings while some
wished for a meeting for the chance of plundering. The council hardly
dared to set aside the resolution of the General Meeting, and they dared not
carry it into effect, they feared too that if the matter were referred back to a
general meeting that the resolution would be confirmed and a special
committee appointed to carry it into effect. It was plain to the most discreet
and best informed members of the council that such a meeting could not be
held without great danger of a premature riot. Hampstead Heath was the
place designated, and thither had the meeting been called more than half a
million of persons would have attended. People would have come from
considerable distances, trade in London and its environs would have been
suspended, and as no arrangement could be made to engage the attention
of all present to the same subject at the same time, ample scope would be
given to the mischievously disposed to hold separate meetings on the ground
and propose and carry their own resolutions; this was known to many of us
as a matter determined upon by several leaders of working men who did not
concur in the plan and proceedings of the National Political Union, and to
these all the miscreants and vagabonds in the metropolis would have clung.
This too was not a thing to be said if it could be avoided, but still it had been
determined that it should be said not only in the council of the Union but at
any general meeting of its members, and arguments be offered why the
members of the council who took this view of the case could not consent to
carry the order of the General Meeting of members into effect. Nothing at
the moment could have been more favourable to the Tories nothing so
injurious to the cause in which the people were engaged than the riotous
proceedings of a mob, and a firm resolution of many members of the
council was taken to use every possible means to prevent the holding of
such a meeting.
46. [Add. Ms. 27793, ff. 146-8. 12 May 1832.]
In the afternoon, the deputies from Birmingham, other deputies and
several persons who were not deputies came to my house. They had been in
various parts of the metropolis had conversed with many people merchants,
bankers, traders, and members of parliament, all whom they had seen as
well as themselves were greatly excited at the no longer doubted intelligence that the King had ordered the duke of Wellington to form an administration, they observed that such was the dread of his probable conduct and
so strong the desire to prevent him doing mischief that already, his protest
on the second reading of the bill on the 7 May was reprinted, placarded and
distributed with a caution to the people against permitting him to govern
them. It was generally understood that the duke would endeavour and
would probably succeed in forming an administration of desperate men and
proceed at once to put down the people by force, cost whatever it might. No
one present, however doubted that the people would put down the Duke,
and each was ready to do his best for that purpose. It was quite certain that
the bulk of the people would rise en masse at the call of the Unions, and the
deputies now in London and other Cities. It was now considered necessary
that as soon as it was ascertained that the Duke had formed an administration, all the deputies, excepting three, sent by the three principal places
should return home and put the people in open opposition to the government
of the Duke. While the leading reformers in London should themselves
remain as quiet as circumstances would permit, and promote two material
purposes. 1. Keeping the people from openly meeting the troops in battle,
supposing the soldiers were willing to fight them. 2. to take care, to have
such demonstrations made as would prevent the soldiers being sent from
London, if it should turn out as seemed next to impossible that the mass of
the people did not make these demonstrations themselves.
It was very clearly seen that if a much more open and general run for gold
upon the banks, the bankers and the Bank of England could be produced,
that the embarrassment of the Court and the Duke would be increased,
and that if a general panic could be produced the Duke would be at once
defeated. To this purpose the attention of us all was turned, and many
propositions were made to increase the demand for gold. Several suggestions were made, several hints were adopted and agreed to be put in
train, but some measure which would operate extensively and at once was
still desired and this put us into a perplexity, respecting the means of
accomplishing this purpose. Among the persons present were two Bankers,
and although they were likely to be inconvenienced greatly and perhaps to
be considerable losers they entered very heartily into the business. There
was a general conviction that if the Duke succeeded in forming an administration, that circumstance alone would produce a general panic, and almost
instantaneously close all the banks, put a stop to the circulation of Bank of
England notes and compel that Bank to close its doors, and then at once
produce a revolution. The question therefore, among us, was. Can we
adopt means to cause such a run upon the Banks, as may either intimidate
the Duke and induce him to give up the attempt to form an administration
and coerce the people, or prevent him having the means of aggression if he
persists in his attempt. It was thought we might succeed in one, and if in the
first, prevent the second, and consequently the revolution which though
much deplored was no longer feared. While the discussion was going on
some one said, we ought to have a placard, announcing the consequences
of permitting the Duke to form an administration and attempting to
govern the country, to call upon the people to take care of themselves by
collecting all the hard money they could and keeping it, by drawing it from
Savings Banks, from Bankers, and from the Bank of England. This was
caught at, and Mr Parkes set himself to work to draw up a Placard, among
the words he wrote were these,—we must stop the Duke—These words
struck me as containing nearly the whole that was necessary to be said, I
therefore took a large sheet of paper and wrote thus.
To Stop The
Duke
Go For
Gold.
I held up the paper and all at once said, that will do—no more words are
necessary. Money was put upon the table and in less than four hours, the
bill stickers were at work posting the bills. The Printer understood to work
all night, and to dispatch at four o clock on the next—sunday morning—
six bill stickers each attended by a trust worthy man to help him and see
that all the bills were stuck in every part of London. Other persons were
engaged to distribute them in Public houses and in shops wherever the
people would engage to put them up, to send them to the environs of
London by the carriers carts, and thus cause as general as possible a display
at once. Parcels were sent off by the evening coaches and by the morning
coaches of the next day to a great many places in England and Scotland
and with some of these parcels a note was also sent requesting people to
reprint them as posting bills and as hand bills.
47. [Add. Ms. 27794, ff. 84-6. 15 May 1832.]
Between 2 and 3 o clock in the afternoon a report was spread that the
King had sent for Lord Grey, and this report being confirmed it passed from
mouth to mouth with amazing rapidity. Men ran about spreading the
news in every direction, each putting his own surmises and wishes as facts
and every one believing whatever he heard. The general conclusion which
each drew for himself was that Earl Grey and his colleagues would be at
once restored to office with full power to carry the Bills for England
Scotland and Ireland. Every body concluded that if Lord Grey were restored
to power it must be conditioned that he should have the power mentioned,
full confidence was placed in his integrity in respect to the bills and few
enquired by what means he was to accomplish his purpose, that was left to
him, as no one doubted he would take all the security the case demanded
and could be obtained to enable him to accomplish his purpose. The
demand for Gold which had been rapidly increased stopped at once; no
purpose was now to be accomplished by any such means, all danger of loss
by holding of Bank Notes was at an end and balances were safe in Bankers
hands. The gratulations and congratulations of the people were extravagant
beyond description.
The restoration of Lord Grey was rationally considered a matter of
immense moment, a change from impending—nay almost commenced
civil commotion, to peace and prosperity, every mans life and property was
safe, and every one feeling this to be the case the extravagance they enacted
may well be excused, as might also be the general persuasion that Lord
Grey being sent for was the same as being restored to power on his own
terms.
In the evening I wrote to Mr Grote as follows
We may now sing 'Glory to God in the highest' the bill is won, won too
without the help of the City Life and fortune men. It will now be the
peoples bill and Lord Grey the peoples minister.
You and I can afford to differ, and may perhaps at times improve each
other by differing. I expected to have seen in the Standard a simple denial
from you, no more was necessary. It is taking the chance of too much
personal abuse, and mischief to write any explanation to newspaper people.
Here is the conclusive answer to your note of yesterday, containing your,
what?—Oh! arguments against Go For Gold—shewing that it was no go at
all, just as an early copy of the Standard was brought to me containing your
letter to the Editor, came a great man, (fn. 1) who seeing the placard Go For
Gold on my table, pointed to it and said, in a tone of admiration, 'that's the
settler, that has finished it,' this he said without any hesitation or reservation before a gentleman, whom he had never before seen. When the gentleman was gone, he told me that 'the placard and some other matters of less
importance had worked out the reformation'. Earl Grey was with the King.
That 'there had been fears of a hitch of a very extráordinary nature', that
others might occur and if any did occur he would come and relate them to
me; in the evening. It is now 11 p.m. and as he has not called I conclude that
all is going on well. I shall I expect see him again tomorrow morning.
The great man came to me from other great men, greater than himself to
ascertain my opinion of the chance there was that the excited people would
become quiescent on Lord Grey and his colleagues being restored to office.
I pledged my existence that they would be perfectly quiescent on the restoration of Earl Grey etc. provided that he in the Lords and Lord Althorpe in
the commons made sufficiently clear and plain declarations that the bills
unmutilated should, so far as depended upon ministers be carried.
I went to the National Political Union in the evening every one of the
large rooms was crowded to excess all the people in high glee, all well disposed as could be wished, Now do pray recollect that Go For Gold was
only an enlivener. I told you it would send the country to the Bank of
England and send the Bank of England to the Palace of St James and thus
stop the Duke, It has done its duty well.
Yours truly,
Francis Place
16 May 9 a.m. When I look at the City news in the Chronicle this
morning—see what the Bank Directors did, and hear as I did yesterday the
great man applaud the placard I am mightily pleased with the result. As for
risks any thing everything was to be risked 'To Stop the Duke'.
'Go for Gold & Stop the Duke' is my motto.
48. [Add. Ms. 27794, ff. 278-80]
Several persons came to me before eight o clock in the morning, each
filled with apprehension, each having his own version of what had happened,
all however had come to the same conclusion,—resistance to the Duke at
any cost and in every possible way. Others came in and at about half past
eight, a gentleman came with a message from Sir John Hobhouse. He said
there was to be a meeting in Downing Street at noon, and Sir John wished
me to write a letter to him, telling him all the facts I could and giving him
my opinion of the state of feeling among the people as far as I could and my
view of prospective results. I therefore as soon as I could dismiss the persons
who were with me, and shut others out, for a time, wrote as rapidly as I
could the following letter. In quiet times, or in troubled times, when matters
were not so far gone as they were now, the letter might have been thought
treasonable, but on the day it was writen the memorable 18 May 1832
when all were ready and willing not only to write treasonably but to act
treasonably, there was nothing very remarkable, much less extraordinary in
my sending such a letter to his Majesty's Secretary at War. (fn. 2)
18 May 1832
Dear Sir John
I am again becoming anxious, you promised to come and tell
me what was going on, in case of any peculiar difficulty, or any hitch—or
any thing conclusive. I have not however seen you, and spite of my desire to
believe that all may go right I cannot satisfy myself that any thing is going
right.
Last night at the National Political Union I had much of difficulty in
appeasing many members of the council. The persons who assembled in the
Great Room and in the passages were gloomy and sulky. This mornings
newspapers will make things worse. The moment it was known Earl Grey
had been sent for, the Demand for Gold ceased. No more placards were
posted, and all seemed to be going on well at once. Proof positive this of the
cool courage and admirable discipline of the people. We cannot however go
on thus beyond to day. If doubt remain until tomorrow, alarm will commence again and panic will follow. No effort to Stop The Duke—by
Going For Gold was made beyond a mere demonstration and you saw the
consequence. What can be done in this way has now been clearly ascertained
and if new efforts must be made they will not be made in vain. Lists containing the names addresses etc. of persons in every part of the country
likely to be useful have been made. The name of every man who has at any
public meeting shewed himself friendly to reform has been registered.
Addresses and proclamations to the people have been sketched, and printed
copies will, if need be, be sent to every such person all over the kingdom—
means have been devised to placard towns and villages, to circulate hand
bills and assemble the people. So many men of known character, civil and
military have entered heartily into the scheme, that their names when
published will produce great effect in every desirable way. If the Duke
came into power now, we shall be unable, longer to 'hold to the laws'—
break them we must, be the consequences whatever they may, we know
that all must join with us, to save their property, no matter what may be their
private opinions. Towns will be barricaded—new municipal arrangements
will be formed by the inhabitants and the first town which is barricaded,
shuts up all the banks. Go For Gold it is said will produce dreadful evils,—
we know it will, but it will prevent other evils being added to them. It will
Stop The Duke. Let the Duke take office as premier and we shall have a
commotion in the nature of a civil war, with money at our command. If
we obtain the money he cannot get it. If it be but once dispersed, he cannot
collect it. If we have money we shall have the power to feed and lead the
people, and in less than five days we shall have the soldiers with us. Here
then is a picture not by any means over drawn—not too highly coloured,
no, not even filled up. Look at it, it is worthy the serious contemplation of
every man. Think too upon the results. Think of the consequences to the
public creditor—to the Church—the King—the Aristocracy—think of the
coming Republic.—Think of the certain destruction of those from whom
opposition may be apprehended, and you will at once discover how all
depends on Earl Grey being restored or not being restored to office. You
will see the fearful necessity there is for prompt proceedings to compel the
King to request his services, and to enable him to possess sufficient means
to accomplish his purposes. Keep him up for Gods sake. Let us have one
man worthy of a statue in every town and village, and let us have through
him and his colleagues (we can have it in no other way) peace among ourselves, safety comfort and prosperity.
If I am to meet the people at the great meeting tomorrow night, in
Leicester Square, with doubts, all but infinite mischief may follow.
If the meeting at the London Tavern on Monday is to take place whilst
doubt remains—all may be ended. Go For Gold may then settle the
matter at once.
Yours truly
Francis Place
49. [Add. Ms. 27794, f. 336]
Livery of London Reform Committee
Guildhall, 18 May 1832
At a numerous meeting of the committee it was resolved unanimously.
That the committee hails with heartfelt satisfaction the declarations which
were last night made in both houses of parliament by his majesty's ministers, which they regard as the first determination not to enter into any
compromise with their opponents, or with any unconstitutional advisers
of the crown and that they will not retain office unless they are enabled to
carry the great measure of reform without mutilation or curtailment.
That deeply impressed with the conviction that the stability of the throne
and the peace of the country depend upon the speedy accomplishment of
this important measure, this committee cannot but deprecate these perilous
delays which are interspersed as the expiring efforts of a desperate faction,
the effects of which on the present state of the country, must be to paralise
[sic] the arm of industry destroy public confidence in the commercial world
and put to fearful hazard the best interest of society.
Robert Franks,
Hon. Sec.
The committee meet daily at Guildhall at 10 o'clock precisely.
50. [Add. Ms. 27795, ff. 26-9]
Sunday May 20th 1832
Thus ended the week, and thus ended the eleven days of Englands
apprehension and turmoil, the memorable eleven days, of probably as much
importance to the country as any which ever occurred.
Left quietly alone on the sunday morning I wrote the following observation.
'The impending mischief has passed over us, thanks to the inlightened
state to which large masses of the people have attained; thanks indeed to
their foresight, the steady conduct of their leaders and the unlimited confidence the people felt in themselves, and that which they placed in the men
who came forward in the common cause. But for these demonstrations a
revolution would have commenced, which would have been the act of the
whole people to a greater extent than any which had ever before been
accomplished. Now, relieved from all present apprehension, the sunday
was indeed a day of repose, of solid gratulation, and satisfaction to the
people generally, in every rank and station. Of disappointment, bitter
disappointment, however, to some who were opposed to any change
whatever, persons by whom the inevitable consequences of increased intelligence of the people was not recognised, and who therefore supposed that
the power still remained in the hands of the aristocracy to compel submission to their will, these people felt the disappointment deeply. They
would have pushed matters to extremities in the full persuasion that success
was certain. Disappointment to others who were unwillingly convinced,
that with a house of commons which had twice passed the Reform Bill,
with nearly all thinking people in the kingdom to support them, were not
at all likely to deviate from the line of conduct they had so steadily followed,
and that even were it possible for them to do so, had they been so disposed,
it was made impossible by the conduct of the people who felt that they
were pushed to the last extremity, and determined to go through with the
business to which they had devoted themselves. These persons were too
circumspect to attempt, to subdue the house of commons and the people
by any power that the King and themselves possessed. They therefore
submitted to inevitable necessity, after having made as courageous an
opposition, as any set of men could make, and carried that opposition
to the utmost possible extent. Of the disappointment of those to whom
a state of confusion however short would have been advantages [sic] it
is scarcely worth the trouble of alluding. Sunday was then a day of real
repose.
'Here let us hope the turmoil will end. We were within a moment of
general rebellion, and had it been possible for the Duke of Wellington to
have formed an administration, the King and the people would have been
at issue, it would have been soon decided, but the mischief to property,
especially to the great Landowners and the Fundholders—and personally to
immense numbers would have been terrible indeed. Yet upon the coolest
calculation, it would have been by far less terrible, than that which must
have resulted from, a submission to the Duke of Wellington and the Army.
His acceptance of office, and his attempt to exercise the power conferred
upon him would at once have put a stop to business of every kind, and
thrown hundreds of thousands of persons out of employment without the
means of subsistence. Barricadoes of the principal towns—stopping the
circulation of paper money—and consequently the supply of the markets;
and the falling to pieces of the government. The mischief to the country
would at the moment have been nearly as great as an actual civil war,
though the continued mischief would have been much less. Happily the
general demonstration of resistance compelled the Duke to withdraw and
made it necessary for the king to recal [sic] Early Grey to office, with the
assurance of means to carry the Reform Bills unimpaired and unmutilated
in their principal clauses. The bold honest discreet men who took the lead
during the eleven days from the 7th to the 18th of the month have saved the
country.
'I always doubted the courage of the people, as well as their judgment
to do, at the right time, the thing which might be most requisite to produce
the greatest amount of good, on any great emergency. There had however
been no means at any time of judging correctly on this subject, the people
never in any case having acted for themselves, but always as the tools of
some party for party purposes, even when national good was the result this
was the use which was made of them. This was indeed the first time they
ever combined of their own free will for a really national purpose and this it
is which marks the era as of more importance than any former proceeding,
which makes it prospective of still greater importance as the first of an
inevitable series, which from time to time will increase the power of the
people and lessen that of the government until it has either totally destroyed
it by a violent ebullition, or quietly absorbed it.
'Thanks to the King and his stultified advisers. Thanks to the Duke of
Wellington for his blind courage. Thanks to the tory Lords for their ignorance of the people, since it is to these things we owe the demonstrations
and communication all over the country of the knowledge and power of the
people, and the assurance it has given to all that these important particulars
were about equally shared by them in every part of Great Britain.
'The thorough conviction they have now obtained of the moral power to
control the government, and the confidence that conviction will give to
them when the reformed house of commons at no great distance of time
shall, as it must, prove how inadequate will be the reform bill to satisfy the
expectations of the people. Even a year ago the people as a body may be
said to have been essentially loyal, desirous to support the government of
the King—the Bishops—the other Lords and the Commons, but the weakness and meanness of the King—the unholy arrogance of the Bishops—
and the determination of the Peers to rule as of old, when the people were
ignorant, besotted easily led and easily intimidated. Much of this absurd
loyalty has now been destroyed and can never again exist. The demonstrations made by the King—and the Lords have shaken these absurd notions,
and compelled the people to progress towards entertaining republican
opinions to an extent which no one had anticipated.
'So great a change in so short a period, which from its very nature must
be permanent never was so generally and so effectually manifested by any
people. Kings and Lords will of themselves, if permitted, in time go quietly
out of existence, and as it may be hoped, at least in this country, representative government will be established without tumults or any extensive
convulsion. The only apprehension which can reasonably be entertained of
any considerable disturbance is want of patience of the people. If they be
not too much in a hurry representative government will be produced exactly
at the time when it can best be maintained, and that will be when the people
have been prepared to carry it on with the least possible difficulty and the
consequent certainty of reaping all its advantages.'
51. [Add. Ms. 27795, ff. 164-5. 23 May 1832.]
The Council of the National Political Union
Mr Wm. Carpenter proposed, 'that the members of the National Union
of the Working Classes, be admitted to the meetings of the Union on producing their tickets.'
Mr Carpenter was a member of both Unions and more disposed to
promote the views of the Working mens, than those of the National Union.
His purpose was so to amalgamate the two, that as the Bills for Reform
were now sure to be passed and the members of the National Union would
rapidly decrease, the leaders of the Working-mens Union should have the
predominance in both Unions. It has been shewn that the leaders of
the working mens union had endeavoured to prevent the formation of the
National Union, but having failed in their endeavours, some of them had
subsequently joined it for the purpose of embarrassing its proceedings and
had suffered no opportunity to escape which promised the smallest chance
of success, and these efforts had always received the countenance of Mr
Carpenter. The leaders of the working mens Union, were of opinion that
their own class could compel the parliament to consent to enact Universal
Suffrage and they believed that, then, they by their numbers could and
would elect men of their own class to parliament, to put in practice, their
peculiar notions of political economy and an equalization of the possession
of property. They thought they saw, the means of establishing a government
which would compel all to work, and that all by working a few hours each
day might produce in abundance every thing that mankind ought to desire
to have, the whole produce and commodities being made common stock
and served out equally to all. There would then they said no longer be the
competition among men which had hitherto been their ruin;—no profitmongers—no usurers—no shopocracy—no money-mongers—this doctrine
inculcated by Mr Robert Owen was not only considered the true one, the
only true one, but like the professors of every other, only true doctrine, they
hated and would had they the power, have either compelled conformity or
destroyed those whose opinions differed from theirs. The National Political
Union was therefore held by them to be their enemy, and therefore to be
opposed on every possible occasion.
Mr Carpenter who had previously to this time been a preacher was a
shrewd cunning, voluble fellow, precise, plausable [sic] and persuasive. He
made a long and very ingenious speech which was replied to by several of
the members.
The Morning Chronicle contained the following short account of the
proceedings [Printed].
National Political Union.—The Council of this Union held its weekly
meeting last evening: but its discussions were occupied principally in considering the propriety of a Motion introduced by Mr. William Carpenter, to permit
the Members of the Union of the Working Classes to become auditors at the
Meetings of this Union. Mr. Carpenter produced many arguments in favour
of his Motion, particularly the reciprocal benefit likely to result from Members
of either Union being permitted to attend the Meetings of the other, so as to
incorporate both in the bond of amity and similar prospects and objects, and
to annihilate all feelings of hostility that might exist between both bodies. He
was supported by Major Beauclerk, but was opposed by Messrs. Place,
Churchill, Revell, Leonard, and Wallis, because the Motion would be unjust
to the Members of this Union, who have at present not room to attend the
Meetings—because the subscription to the Union is so small as to exclude
none, even of straightened circumstances—and because it would be illegal,
as it rendered the Union amenable to the Act against Corresponding Political
Bodies. It was hence considered imprudent and unjust, as well as inexpedient
and illegal, and was, therefore, negatived: but not from any feeling of hostility
to the Members of any other Union, though, to give the preference to one
Union would be an invidious distinction, little gratifying that body and odious
to all the other Unions, which might be denied on demanding the same favour.
No other discussion occurred, and the Council adjourned at a late hour.'
52. [Add. Ms. 27796, f. 313]
On the 25 June [1832] the quarterly General Meeting [of the National
Union of the Working Classes] was held at Theobalds Road.
The Secretary made a statement of the affairs of the Union. He said that,
though they [sic] were not many fashionable reformers among them, their
numbers had doubled during the last four months. A short time ago they
were compelled to meet in any place they could meet with, but the Union,
had made a great step and secured a place to itself, and similar places would
be taken in different parts of the Metropolis. (Cheers)
The balance of money in hand on the 12th April was £10–8–7
The receipts since that time amounted to £42–16–4
The Profit Mongers might smile at this as a small amount, but it was as
much as they could spare out of what was left them.
The expenditure was £29–7–4, leaving a balance of £13–8/-
The income of the Union had increased £16 a month.
Mr Benbow moved the appointment of Auditors—he said, the fact that
the number of members had been doubled since the last quarterly meeting,
proved that it had its effect upon some of the working men.—He believed
that there were at least 10,000 efficient members of the Union. (Cheers) By
the word efficient he meant, not what their enemies would imply by it,
mere pecuniary efficiency, but men who did their duty and observed the
laws of the Union. Then he had to congratulate them on the possession of
the place to meet in, and the prospect of having others. This he might well
do when he recollected that a few months ago they were turned out of the
Rotunda. He eulogised a free press, and recommended the extention [sic] of
Unions—Sir William Jones, who was good authority, had said—'It is my
deliberate opinion that the people of England will never be happy, in the
majestic sense of the word, unless 200,000 of the Civil state can be ready in
twenty four hours notice to enter the field without rashness or disorder.'
(Cheers)
By the laws of Edward 1 every man ought to have a Halbert, an axe and
a large knife, and if that law had been still duly observed, Sir Robert Peel's
Military Police could not have been established, there could be no necessity
for it.
Auditors were appointed.
53. [Add. Ms. 27796, ff. 45–8]
Preparations in anticipation of the passing of the Reform bills had been
making in many places for the purpose of selecting candidates for the forthcoming General Election. Many persons had announced themselves as
Candidates, and almost all of them in their addresses had put forward
pledges as to future conduct. Some of these were full, direct, and clear,
some were few, and many were doubtfully or vaguely expressed. (fn. 3)
It was evident that in places where the people would for the first time be
called upon to exercise the right of voting for representatives would be
benefitted by a clear exposition of the nature of Pledges, and the printing
out such as might reasonably be required of every candidate who professed
himself a reformer. The bill was considered a means to an end and not at
all as Lord Grey and some of his colleagues represented it a final measure.
It therefore became necessary that some recommendation on the subject
of Pledges which would apply to all persons and might be used in all places
should originate somewhere and in no place could it originate so well as in
the Council of the National Political Union and by no body could such a
paper when composed be so fully and so usefully distributed. This was one
of the principal reasons which induced me to write it, there was also another
reason scarcely less important which will be noticed presently.
The subject of Pledges occupied the attention of all the more active
reformers, meetings had been held resolutions had been passed and it was
evident that many more meetings would be held and many more sets of
resolutions would be passed. All that had been done in this way had been
ill done, all differed, many very widely and no pledges could be generally
adopted.
The propriety of exacting any pledge was questioned by some well disposed persons, others made no question of the matter, but insisted that no
pledge whatever should be demanded or even expected. Others and these
by far the most numerous body wished to exact pledges for even the most
minute particular, on very many indeed, respecting which the widest
difference of opinion existed.
By those who were the most rational and best qualified to judge, it was
thought advisable that the opinions of candidates, on all the great leading
questions should be accurately obtained, and pledges on these alone demanded.
Handbill 8
Handbill 9
The first meeting on the subject which reported its proceedings was a
meeting of the Liverymen of London who had formed what during the
passing of the bill, from the resignation of Earl Greys administration, had
sat continually at Guildhall. This committee assisted by a number of new
electors for the City held a meeting at the Guildhall on the 19th of June—
for the purpose of considering, if any—and what Pledges should be demanded from candidates for the City of London, when it was resolved that
a sub-committee of 7 Livery-men and 7 of the new electors should be
appointed to draw up such resolutions as might seem to them proper and to
report to the General Committee as soon as possible.
On the 22. They made their report, and the General Committee adopted
the resolutions reported to them, and ordered that they should be laid
before a general meeting of Electors. A deputation was then appointed to
wait upon the Lord Mayor to request he would allow the use of the Guildhall for the meeting.
The resolutions were
1. That for one man to represent another means that he is to act for that
other and in a manner agreeably to his wishes and instructions.
2. That members chosen to be Representatives in Parliament, ought to
do such things as their constituents wish and direct them to do.
3. That therefore it appears to this meeting that those to whom the law
now commits the sacred trust, of the power of chusing members who are to
represent their non-voting neighbours as well as themselves, ought to be
scrupulously careful to chuse no man on whom firm reliance cannot be
placed, that he will obey the wishes and directions of his constituents.
4. That in order to obtain the best possible ground for such reliance every
candidate ought in the first place, to give the Pledges following—to wit—
That I will omit nothing within my power, to cause, in the very first session,
A total abolition of Tithes.
A repeal of the assessed taxes.
The Taxes on malt.
The Taxes on Soap.
These having been repealed, I pledge myself to the immediate consideration of the—Revision of the Corn Laws
To do everything in my power to cause
The abolition of all sinecures—and all unmerited pensions
A repeal of the Act of daring usurpation called the Septennial Act.
I will at all times, and in all things, act conformably to the wishes of a
majority of my constituents deliberately expressed, or I will resign to them
the trust with which they have honoured me.
5. That we the electors of the City of London pledge ourselves to each
other, and our country, that we will give our votes to no man who will not
give the above pledges, and we earnestly recommend to our fellow electors
in every part of the Kingdom to make and strictly to adhere to the same
determination.
Neither the sense nor the stile [sic] of these resolutions were likely to
recommend them to the adoption of any body of electors but their having laid them before the public somewhat increased the necessity for something better to be done.