HOUSES OF CISTERCIAN MONKS
4. THE ABBEY OF WARDEN
The abbey of Warden or Saint Mary de
Sartis (so called from the 'assarts' or forest
clearings which formed its first endowment)
was the earliest house of the Cistercian order
founded in Bedfordshire. Walter Espec,
the founder of Rievaulx, one of the most
famous houses of the order in England, had
lands in Bedfordshire at Old Warden; (fn. 1) and it
was he who invited the monks to settle there.
Warden was not however a cell to Rievaulx:
the primitive Cistercian custom was to send
out monks with an abbot at their head to
form a new and independent house, as St.
Bernard did when he left Cîteaux for Clairvaux, and twelve were considered sufficient
for this purpose. The foundation charter of
Warden was confirmed by Stephen in the
first year of his reign, and witnessed by
Thurstan of York and Alexander of Lincoln. (fn. 2)
There are several interesting names found
amongst the benefactors of this abbey:
Henry Braybrook (a very well known name
in Bedfordshire) and his wife Christine, (fn. 3) the
lady of West Warden in Northamptonshire,
with their son Wischard Leydet; (fn. 4) Simon,
Hugh and William de Beauchamp, (fn. 5) lords
of Eaton, and benefactors also of Bushmead, and Sir John Engayne, (fn. 6) to whom
their property passed in the fourteenth
century; Malcolm IV. of Scotland (fn. 7) and
Roger de Quincy, constable of Scotland. (fn. 8)
Like the majority of Cistercian houses,
Warden depended mainly for its prosperity
upon its pasture lands: among the earliest
grants are 'twenty acres in Warden, with
pasturage for two hundred sheep, and for
eight days in shearing time, eight hundred.' (fn. 9)
It had no churches except the parish church
of Old Warden, and even to secure that the
abbot had to go through one of the usual
Curia Regis suits with the grandchildren of
Walter Espec. (fn. 10) His claim in 1225 to the
church of Eyworth was unsuccessful. (fn. 11) The
temporalities of the abbey in 1291 (fn. 12) (as well
as in the sixteenth century) lay chiefly in
the counties of Huntingdon, Hertford, Northampton, Norfolk and Suffolk, and were valued
then at about the same amount as those of
Woburn; these two, with Elstow, Dunstable
and Newnham, were the richest houses in
Bedfordshire.
Abbots of Warden were made commissioners by the pope to inquire into some
matters of importance—the election of an
abbess at Shaftesbury in 1217, (fn. 13) and the case
of the abbot of Tewkesbury who was under
suspicion of having forged papal letters in
1224. (fn. 14) King John also authorised the abbot
of Warden, with the prior of Dunstable and
others, to inquire into an election at St.
Edmunds in 1215. (fn. 15) A little later, in 1242, (fn. 16)
Adam, abbot of Warden, was made Bishop of
Connor in Ireland; but he returned to his
old monastery to die in 1244. (fn. 17)
None of the religious of Bedfordshire
suffered more severely from the outrages and
brutal violence of Fawkes de Bréauté than
did the monks of Warden. They dared to
dispute with him the ownership of a certain
grove, and he set upon them with his retainers, killing one and wounding others;
and finally dragged about thirty of them
'through the mud' to his castle at Bedford.
But even Fawkes de Bréauté was sometimes aware that he had gone too far; not
long afterwards he submitted to penance in the
assembled chapter of the monastery, and
gave up the disputed grove. (fn. 18) At the siege of
the castle the monks of Warden sustained
further losses from injuries done to their woods
by the royal forces; but these were carefully
made up to them by the king. (fn. 19) In 1254 the
abbot (perhaps Alexander de Reynes, whose
name occurs in 1259, (fn. 20) or William de Sheldwick, his predecessor) had the courage to
attack another enemy of the public peace—
William de Beauchamp, son of the founder
of Newnham Priory. As many as seventeen
writs were issued by the abbot against him
before the justices itinerant at Bedford: and
when he contemptuously refused to answer
any of these, the case was carried before
Richard, Earl of Cornwall, then guardian of
the kingdom, and William's barony was
seized in consequence. (fn. 21)
In 1323 the monks began to rebuild their
church, as many other religious of the neighbourhood were doing at the same time, but
with more zeal than discretion; for before
they had completed their buildings they found
themselves at the end of their funds, and had
to apply to the bishop for a licence to collect
alms. (fn. 22) Although such licences were numerous at this time, (fn. 23) they seem to have been
successful, for the church was apparently
completed in 1366, when indulgences were
granted by Bishop Gynwell to pilgrims who
should visit its various chapels and altars. (fn. 24)
Of the history of the house during the
fifteenth century it is difficult to find any
trace. The internal history is even more
obscure. As the Cistercians were exempt
from ordinary visitations, there is little allusion to them in the episcopal registers, beyond
the occasional notice of the benediction of an
abbot. There are just a few indications of
the state of this house from time to time.
Early in the fourteenth century one of the
Templars was placed by Bishop Dalderby at
Warden (fn. 25) to do his penance; the choice
would scarcely have been made if the house
had been in an unsatisfactory state of discipline. Again, towards the end of the same
century, when there seems to be no doubt
that the abbey of St. Alban's was in excellent
order under Thomas Delamere, and the general
faithfulness to rule bore indeed its natural and
proper fruit in the desire of a few to 'live
more perfectly,' one of those who left the
house with the abbot's permission to follow a
more ascetic ideal went 'to the white monks
at Warden.' (fn. 26) This is not proof, but it
furnishes at any rate a strong probability that
the Cistercian rule was really well kept at
Warden at this time, and that the restoration
of the monastic buildings had been followed,
as it should be, by an increase of fervour within the monastery.
Such notices as we possess of the life of
the house just before the dissolution are
far from happy ones; at the same time
they form an interesting illustration of the
effect produced by the royal visitors and their
injunctions upon a monastery where 'true
religion and sound learning' no longer
flourished. The royal visitors, Legh and
Ap Rice, (fn. 27) delivered the injunctions at Warden, where the abbot, Henry Emery, was
well inclined to the new learning, and had
only lately (fn. 28) been elected by the influence of
the Duke of Norfolk. (fn. 29) It was probably not
long after the departure of the visitors that he
wrote a letter (fn. 30) to Cromwell, complaining
bitterly of the conduct of the brethren, and
desiring to resign his office. The injunctions (fn. 31)
which seem to have caused most discontent
were those which enjoined 'that no monk or
brother of this monastery by any means go
forth of the precincts of the same'—a restriction which had never been customary
amongst English monks; and that which
ordered a lesson of Holy Scripture to be read
and expounded daily to the assembled convent.
His brethren, said the abbot, told him that he
was the cause of their being shut up in this
way: as for the lecture, he seldom now attempted it, for they would not come and
hear it. Dan Thomas London, whom he
had appointed to read it, had substituted the
book of Ecius Omelies which were 'all carnal
and of a brutal understanding, and entreat of
many things clean anenst the determination
of the Church of England.' The abbot,
discovering this, sent Dan Thomas up to
London to Dr. Legh, and made his own
brother lecturer instead; but then few or
none would attend. Thinking this might be
ignorance, he bought every one a grammar
book, but only two were willing to be instructed. He could not even enforce obedience. One monk who had been sent out on
business and had stopped away a whole night
(in an alehouse, the abbot said) refused to
be corrected on his return, and said the abbot
had no authority to rebuke him; further than
this, he stirred up all the rest to such violent
opposition that the abbot was afraid for his
life and had his door guarded by servants for
three nights. Besides these offences against
order all but four out of the fifteen monks
were in 'total ignorance of their rule' and
the statutes of their order; five were 'common drunkards'; one, the sub-prior, was
guilty of immorality with the connivance of
others. It was a case where an abbot might
well be willing to resign: whether his accusations were true or false, he had fairly proved
himself incapable of governing the house.
But his evidence loses something of its value
in the light of subsequent events. The
surrender of the house did not immediately
follow; if the letter was written some time
during the summer of 1536, there was a year
and a half still before it was decided whether
Henry Emery, supported by the Duke of
Norfolk, or Thomas London, supported by
Sir John Gostwick, was to be the last abbot
of Warden. Letters from all of these parties
are preserved amongst the State Papers, and
give some idea of the order of events, though
the story is at best a confusing one.
The first letter, (fn. 32) dated 16 July [1537], is
from Henry Emery to the Duke of Norfolk's
treasurer. He alludes in it to a plan they
had devised, whereby a secular steward should
manage the pecuniary affairs of the monastery,
and the abbot should have a regular allowance for his living, and also an opportunity of
dealing with troublesome monks without incurring suspicion. He adds that Sir John
Gostwick had been at the monastery, and at
first appeared to be his friend; but now he
had joined with his enemies and had a
commission to sequester the goods of the
house.
The next letter, (fn. 33) dated 5 August, from
Norfolk to Cromwell, states that the bearer,
Henry Emery, has resigned in favour of Dan
Thomas London of the same house; but
London, in breach of the agreement between
them, had 'procured the repair of Dr. Petre
for the taking of his resignation.' Cromwell's
favour was requested for Emery.
On 23 August Dan Thomas London (fn. 34)
wrote to Cromwell to ask if it was really
by his authority that the 'late deposed
abbot, Father Emery,' had returned and
demanded the keys back again. Norfolk on
3 October (fn. 35) again wrote to Cromwell to
thank him for his kindness to his protégé, who
was evidently reinstated, and Sir John Gostwick also wrote, (fn. 36) in a letter undated, to thank
him for his kindness to 'the poor monk of
Warden,' who was probably London. The
house was finally surrendered (fn. 37) on 4 December
by Henry Emery as abbot, and his convent.
It is impossible in reading these letters to
avoid the conclusion that all these different
persons had been working for their own ends,
though it is difficult to see exactly what they
were. The total impression left to us of the
house in its last days is discreditable and unsatisfactory.
The surrender (fn. 38) is in the conventional form,
the same as that of Elstow Abbey; and contains the signatures of Henry Emery and
thirteen monks, who probably all received
pensions. The abbot in his first letter already quoted speaks of fifteen monks and
refers to another who had lately left the monastery. (fn. 39) In the thirteenth century, as has
been seen, the numbers were much larger;
the thirty monks whom Fawkes de Bréauté
dragged to Bedford Castle were not the
whole convent; there may have been as
many as fifty or sixty altogether. The prior
and cellarer are often alluded to in early documents; and the last abbot mentions an
official called the 'custos ordinis.'
The original endowment of the abbey comprised all the assarts of Warden and Southill
with the wood between those two vills, with
permission to cut what wood was wanted for
the use of the monastery, and including
pannage and herbage, etc., granted by Walter
Espec; also the church of Old Warden; and
part of the wood of Middleho which the
abbot of Ramsey granted. These grants
were confirmed by Stephen, Henry II. and
Richard I., and Henry III. added the right
to assart or enclose the wood of Middleho,
Hunts. (fn. 40) Henry Braybrook and his wife
granted lands in Westwarden, their son Wischard Leydet and his wife altogether forty-two
acres of pasture. (fn. 41) The income of the house
in temporalities and spiritualities in 1291 was
about £200. (fn. 42) The manor of Steppingley
came into the possession of the abbey some
time in the fourteenth century, (fn. 43) and in 1387
the granges of Ravensholt and Burdon
(Cambs) were exchanged for the manor of
Beeston. (fn. 44)
In 1284 the abbey had only one knight's
fee, held of the barony of Bedford, and two
other small fractions. (fn. 45) In 1302 (fn. 46) the abbot
had one fee at Putnoe in Goldington, and one
fee at Renhold grange, both of which still
were reckoned as the property of Warden in
1346 and 1428. (fn. 47) There were some small
fractions besides at Northill, Southill and
Stanford, (fn. 48) and Swaffham Prior in Cambridgeshire; (fn. 49) in 1428 (fn. 50) the abbot had three whole
fees—Putnoe, Renhold grange and Warden
—one half in Beeston, one half in Northill,
threequarters in Southill and small portions in
Goldington and Stanford.
The clear value of the property of the abbey
in 1535 was reckoned at £389 16s. 6½d. (fn. 51)
The report of the Crown bailiff in 1539
showed the abbey to have been in possession of the manors of Putnoe, Ravensden,
Rowney, Odsey, Westwarden and Egton
(Northants), and Middleho (Hunts), besides
other granges, farms, parcels of land and rents
in Bedford, Norfolk, Suffolk, Herts, Hunts,
Northants and London, amounting altogether
to £428 6s. 11½d., after the deduction of two
manors conceded to John Gostwick. (fn. 52)
Abbots of Warden
Simon, (fn. 53) first abbot, occurs about 1150
Payn, (fn. 54) occurs 1186 and 1195
Warin, (fn. 55) occurs 1199
Roger, (fn. 56) occurs 1200-1
Warin, (fn. 57) occurs 1204-5
Laurence, (fn. 58) occurs 1209-10
Henry, (fn. 59) died 1216
Roger, (fn. 60) occurs 1223
Adam, (fn. 61) occurs 1234 and 1242, died 1244
William (fn. 62) de Sheldwick, occurs 1254
Alexander (fn. 63) de Reynes, occurs 1259 and
1262
John, (fn. 64) occurs 1290
Ralf of Harrold, (fn. 65) elected 1304, died 1313
Geoffrey of Stanford, (fn. 66) elected 1313
Robert of Odell, (fn. 67) occurs 1324
William, (fn. 68) occurs 1331 and 1346
John, (fn. 69) occurs 1428
John Fraunceys, (fn. 70) elected 1447, occurs
1454
Augustine London, (fn. 71) occurs 1509 and
1529
Henry Emery, (fn. 72) surrendered 1537
The common seal of the abbey is attached
to the deed of surrender, (fn. 73) and represents
our Lady crowned and seated in a canopied
niche, with a sceptre in her left hand, and the
holy Child standing on her knee. On the
left an abbot with crosier, and another figure
on the right, under smaller canopies. Legend:
S. COVUNE ABBATIS ET CŌVĒTUS DE WARDEN.
The counter-seal shows a shield bearing
a crosier between three Warden pears.
Legend: SPES MEA IN DEO EST.