Thursday, October 21, 1680.
When his Majesty, in his Speech, endeavoured once more to
wipe out the memory of past offences, by giving a very art
ful turn to the several Prorogations which had postponed the
Session, so much to the displeasure of the malecontents, saying,
"He had made a good use of them by the measures he had taken
with Spain and Holland, for mutual defence and succour, and
that they could not fail to attain that end, and to spread and improve themselves still farther, if our divisions at home did not render our friendship less considerable abroad. To prevent these as
much as may be (continued his Majesty) I think fit to renew to
you all the assurances which can be desired, that nothing shall be
wanting on my part to give you the fullest satisfaction your hearts
can wish, for the security of the Protestant Religion, which I am
fully resolved to maintain against all the conspiracies of our enemies, and to concur with you in any new remedies which shall be
proposed that may consist with the preserving the Succession of
the Crown in its due and legal course of descent. And in order
to this, I do recommend it to you to pursue the farther examination of the Plot, with a strict and impartial enquiry. I do not
think myself safe, nor you neither, till that matter be gone
through with, and therefore it will be necessary that the Lords in
the Tower be brought to their speedy Tryal, that Justice may be
done." His Majesty then made a transition to the state of Tangier
(then, and for a long time before, closely besieged by the Moors)
and said, "the expence of it amounted to so vast a sum, that without their support, it would be impossible for him to undergo it,"
adding, however, "That he valued a perfect union among ourselves above all the treasure in the world; and that nothing
but such an union could restore the Kingdom to that strength
and vigour which it seemed to have lost, and raise it to that consideration which England used to have." His Majesty then proceeded thus: "All Europe have their eyes upon this Assembly, and
think their own happiness or misery, as well as ours, depends upon
it. If we should be so unhappy as to fall into such a misunderstanding among ourselves, as should render our friendship unsafe
to trust to, it will not be to be wondered at, if our neighbours
should begin to take new resolutions, and perhaps such as may be
fatal to us. Let us therefore take care that we do not gratify our
enemies, and discourage our friends, by any unreasonable disputes: If any such do happen, the World will see it was no fault
of mine, for I have done all that was possible for me to do to keep
you in peace while I live, and to leave you so when I die." His
Majesty added, by way of compliment to both Houses, "That
from so great prudence and good affection as theirs, he had nothing to fear."
And then the Lord Chancellor, by his Majesty's command,
directed the Commons to return to their House, and proceed to
the choice of a Speaker. They did so, and William Williams,
Esquire, was unanimously chosen (fn. 1) , and was, the next day, approved of by his Majesty.
Friday, October 22.
Mr Harbord.] Standing Rules are to be observed, before you enter into any Debate. I would have the Clause
of the Statute read relating to our taking the Oaths and
the Test, to know what you have to do.
Two days being spent in taking the Oaths, &c.
Monday, October 25.
The House proceeded to appoint Committees, according to the
usual custom at the opening a Parliament, and the Committee
of Elections being moved to be appointed,
Colonel Birch thus spoke.] The Kingdom has sufficiently felt the Grievance of the Committee of Elections
and Privileges in former Parliaments. In short, this Committee has been very burdensome to the people, and has
been near half the business of former Parliaments, and
the Parliament has risen, and the business not been half
done. The time has been (but I hope will never be again
so) that a Vote of two or three has turned a great business, and the Nation has paid for it, and the work of
Elections has been commonly to do things twice over,
and after dinner has been an ill time for that Committee
to sit. I hope it will be so no more. I assure you, that
Committee has been more like a Pipeholder's Court, than a
Committee of Parliament. Besides the great charge
persons were put to, to stay in Town with their Witnesses, it may be ten or twelve weeks sometimes, and the
business not done at last. But if you will hear those
Elections in the House, and spare two or three hours,
you will dispatch business in a quarter of the time. I submit it to you, whether yourselves will not have more
Ease, and the people more Right, to hear Elections in
the House; you, Mr Speaker, being a person quick, and
can sum up Evidence, I wish all might be done before
you. This may be somewhat new, but it alters nothing
fundamental. There is no objection against it, but the
newness of the thing, and we must now do new things,
or else we shall never be upon a new bottom.
Colonel Titus.] You have been told very true of the
inconvenience of the Committee of Elections, and they
have their name very truly given them, "the Committee of Affections." But to alter fundamentals of Parliament, and to take away the thing for the abuse of it, I
am not for that. When you come to hear all Elections
in the House, I fear you will have slow performances.
Possibly Birch is in the right, and I am in the wrong,
but this Committee has been so ancient, to prepare things
for the Judgment of the House, and to leave them to
their determination, that it is a thing of great moment to
alter, and not suddenly to be resolved. Therefore I would
adjourn the Debate till to-morrow.
Sir John Knight.] In the last Parliament, many Elections were heard at the Bar. But, for what is said of altering fundamentals of Parliament, it is in your power to alter
inconveniences where you find them. A long time is taken up at the Committee, in hearing Causes of Elections,
before they are determined in the House, and persons
who have done Misdemeanors, the Parliament not sitting long, go away unpunished. By hearing the Causes
in the House, you will have a great many inconveniences obviated.
Mr Hampden.] The Motion is of consequence, and so
sudden, that I am very jealous of any innovation. I am
for mending things, but not for a sudden change; and
it may be, this may come to alter the way of passing
Bills. It is true, I remember in the last Long Parliament,
when, upon a Report from the Committee of Elections,
a Question has been only put, "Whether you agree, or
not, with the Committee?" without any Report made of
the Evidence on both sides; and so the House has chosen
the Members, and not the Country. But that is not the
old way of making the Report, which was put to the
Question point by point, as the matter was proved at the
Committee, and then the House has the matter before
them to pass a fair Judgment upon. This matter has
been moved in former Parliaments, and Sir Thomas Crew,
when Speaker, opposed it as irregular, and an innovation.
Pray keep your Committee of Elections within compass,
and that is the best remedy to prevent inconveniences,
and go on to naming the Committee.
Serjeant Maynard.] I was in the Chair of the Committee of Elections in the Long Parliament, in 1641, and
the course then was this: When the Committee was
named, Petitions were put in, and as the Petitions were
recorded, so they were dispatched. As they came in to
the Committee, so they were heard, as were likewise Returns by undue Officers. But when the Committee came
to Right of Elections, if any Question did arise, the point
was stated, and referred to the judgment of the House.
The mischief of the Committee of Elections comes from
additions of names to the Committee by Motions in the
House for persons. If the ancient course was observed,
your trouble would be much shorter; that if any matter of great consequence arise, then to have it heard in
the House. The course then in the House was this:
The Report of the Committee of Elections, from the
Chairman, was heard before any other Report, because
you must have your Member to represent the Place. But
I remember, I sat a year then before I could make a
Report.
Mr Bennet.] I hope that if you will give Instructions
to your Committee to bring in a Bill for regulating Elections, that will cure the business.
Mr Boscawen.] I desire that, before you name the Committee of Elections, you will take some Resolutions of
Rules for them to govern themselves by.
Mr Garroway.] Why should there be a preference to
any persons in nominating them of Committees? I do
not see there will be practices, but I would obviate the
late Long Parliament's Precedents, not to make a monopoly of men for a Committee. I would name a convenient number of this Committee, but would have no man
excluded.
Sir Thomas Clarges.] I have seen several Journals of
Queen Elizabeth's Parliaments, where the Committee was
limited to a number, and fixed, and I hope hereafter that
that Committee shall not sit in the House, as it has done
formerly, like a Grand Committee, for so it will be, if all
that come shall have voices.
Mr Sacheverell.] Now you have stated the Question—
I remember, that ten years ago I saw a Committee named,
and five or ten were added to it by Motion, and whilst
the Committee sat, in comes a small number who were
prepared and treated at Taverns, and carried what Question they pleased; and from thence came the addition,
"That all that came might have voices." But that we
may not innovate, I would have it as Maynard has told
you it was formerly, that when the fact was reported,
the Reasons might likewise be reported, which induced
your Committee to their Judgments. But that Long
Parliament were ashamed of their Reasons, and durst not
avow them to all the World. I am not ashamed of my
reason, nor of old ways, nor honest, and pray let it be so
reported now, and let all that come have voices.
[It was agreed to.]
N. B. The Committee of Privileges is a standing Committee,
and is never adjourned.
A Message from the Lords, by Lord Chief Justice Scrcggs, and
Lord Chief Justice North:
[Mr Speaker,
The Lords have commanded us to acquaint you, that they
have made an Address to his Majesty, and have received his Majesty's Answer thereto; which they have thought fit to communicate to this House as follows:
"Die Sabbati, 23 Octobris, 1680.
"Ordered, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, &c. That
the Lords with White Staves do attend his Majesty, humbly
to desire him, from this House, That whereas there hath been a
discovery of a horrid Plot and Conspiracy by the Papists against
his Majesty's Person and Government, which still continues, his
Majesty will be graciously pleased to issue out his Royal Proclamation, thereby declaring, That if any person or persons shall,
within the space of two months after the date of such Proclamation, come in, and give Evidence of any Treason or Conspiracy
against his Majesty's Royal Person and Government, that then
his Majesty will graciously pardon such person or persons all
Treasons and Misprision of Treasons, and all offences in concealment of the same, to the time limited by the said Proclamation."
Answer. "His Majesty hath considered of the Address made by
the House, and is so willing to encourage all persons who know
any thing of any Treasons and Conspiracies against his Person
and Government, that he will cause his Royal Proclamation to
issuc, declaring that he will fully pardon and secure all persons
who shall make such discovery, not only during the space of
two months, as is desired, but at any time hereafter, whensoever
such discovery shall be made."
[Ordered, That the consideration of the above Message be adjourned till to-morrow.]
Tuesday, October 26.
Debate on the above Message.
Colonel Titus.] Yesterday, when we had an account of
this Address from the Lords, and the King's Answer to
it, sent by the two Chief Justices, I thought there was no
great matter in it. But the Lords, it seems, send a Message to the King, and receive an Answer to it, and then
communicate it to us. This seems something odd,
but I did believe that the Lords had a good intention
in it; but now methinks it is not as harmless as I
apprehended it at first; for by the Answer, the King
will not only "pardon Treasons relating to the Plot,"
but "all Treasons," in an indefinite time. But how
has this Plot been decried by the insinuation of some
others, "That it was a Presbyterian Plot, and a Protestant Plot, and the Conspirators in a Meal-Tub (fn. 2) ?"
But an indefinite time for all discoverers to be pardoned looks like encouragement for them that resolve to
conspire. For instance; if at any time I can have my
Pardon, I will go on with my Plot: and when it takes
air, then I will come in and discover, escape myself, and
hang my friends. It is good for one thing; clipping
and coining may go on seven years, get money and discover some workmen, and so be a man. It is so like
Popery that it makes me not like it; encouragement to
go on in villainy, and have a Pardon at last. I would
address the King to limit the time to two months, and
then you may be as civil to the Lords as they have been
to us.
Mr Boscawen.] What need discoverers come in two
or three months hence, when they may come any time
afterwards? I would not have you address the King
alone, but would mend this Address of the Lords, and
send it to them at a Conference.
Sir Thomas Clarges.] It seems, the Lords waved a Conference with us before they delivered this Address to the
King. They do it, and make us the cat's foot. I would
mend the Address, and send it to the Lords at a Conference.
Mr Sacheverell.] I do not approve of that, for several Reasons. Never since I sat here have I seen such
a Precedent, that when either the Lords or Commons
addressed the King separately, a Conference should arise
upon it. Can the Lords alter their Address a second
time? The Lords Precedents that come out of the ordinary course of Parliament, I shall never give countenance
to make them good. Many things will arise upon this,
if you go to Conference. I would rather lay this matter
gently aside without doing any thing, and then try what
power this House has by an humble Representation to
his Majesty. If you address, it may be you will get no
better Answer than the Lords have had. The way you
took in Mr Coleman's case (when you had great dread of
Coleman) was, you moved by Address to the King,
"That if Coleman would make a discovery of what he
knew, his Majesty would please to pardon him; and in
case he would not discover, that his Majesty would please
not to pardon him;" and the effects of that you saw.
Unless you take that general way, the exceptions will
be so numerous, that it may be you will have an Answer
as displeasing to you as this to the Lords. See the former Precedents you have made use of, and limit your
Address for Pardons, &c. to a time, which I take to be
much the safer way.
Sir Richard Temple.] It is well observed, "That the
Lords Address to the King, and his Majesty's Answer, are
out of all method of Parliament." Both the Message
and Answer are subject to exceptions. If you like it so,
you may concur with the Lords; if not, you may mend it
by an Address of your own.
Mr Hampden.] No doubt but the thing is irregular,
but I see no doubt but that if you pass it by without Conference, it is a neglect from you: But I alter my opinion
as to Conference. I know not how the Lords can make
another Address. I would not have you make an Address barely for two months, &c. But if a man will
come and give evidence satisfactory, he shall have the
benefit of it.
Sir Thomas Lee.] The Lords moving the King, &c.
by Address, will be the subject of the Debate at the Conference, and Gentlemen may have full instructions for
that. I confess, the like was never known, that the Lords
should address the King, &c. and receive an Answer, and
then the Commons should be acquainted with it. But
it is not now a time to pick quarrels with the Lords,
therefore I move you to make an Address to the King, &c.
Sir Francis Winnington.] I find, a Conference with the
Lords is not practicable. But for an Address to the
King, if you fear that a Proclamation will come out upon the Lords Address, and that yours may come too
late, I would therefore move you, to avoid difference with
the Lords, and amongst ourselves, that some of the Privy
Council would address the King from the House, that
the Proclamation may be suspended till we may make
such an Address as in good manners we can.
Mr Garroway.] I am not for making any difference or
disturbance with the Lords, and yet not for doing less
than to satisfy ourselves with the depth of the Plot. Order it so, that such discovery as shall be made to this
House, shall have such Pardon as you shall address the
King for. Put the power into your own hands so as you
may address the King for Pardon, as such a discoverer
shall deserve his Majesty's grace and favour.
Sir John Knight.] I move, that you would address
the King to put such Papers of the discovery of the
Plot into your hands as have been found since the last
Parliament, and likewise those relating to the Plot in
Ireland.
Sir Henry Capel.] Consider the King's Speech, to take
care of the prosecution of the Plot. The King has joined
the Lords and Commons together, therefore let us
not divide ourselves from the Lords. The Lords can
administer an Oath; we cannot; and consider that the
Commons are the Prosecutors of the Plot, and the Lords
are the Judges, and how the Lords come to be so forward in this Address, I know not.
Mr Bennet.] In Parliament it is a Plot, and out of
Parliament it is none. We are now come into the Plot
again, and I would have this Address for us, and as long
as we shall sit. We do not at all injure the Lords, if we
address the King, as we are the Prosecutors.
Ordered, That an humble Address be prepared, to be presented to his Majesty, for the Pardon of such persons who shall,
within a limited time, make satisfactory discovery to this House
of the horrid Popish Plot. [And a Committee was appointed accordingly.]
Lord Russel.] I have seriously considered the danger
we are in from Popery. To make a long discourse of it
would be unnecessary, and we are in great danger too
from conniving Protestants dismissing of Juries, when the
matters relating to Popery are depending, and countenancing of abhorring Petitions. If there be so much favour and countenance showed to Popery by Men of Quality and Business, who make their court to the Heir presumptive, being a Papist, this Parliament must either destroy Popery, or they will destroy us; there is no middle
way to be taken, no mincing the matter. New contrivances of Plots, and suborning Witnesses!—My humble
Motion is, "That you will consider the danger we are
in, and provide such effectual means to secure the Government and Religion, and quiet the just fears and apprehensions of the people, and provide against a Popish
Succession."
On Sir Samuel Barnardiston's Motion, Mr Dangerfield was
brought to the Bar, where he gave an account of the new sham
Plot, as it is printed.
Sir Robert Peyton.] In this relation of Mr Dangerfield I
find myself named, and I am glad of it, that I have an
occasion to give you a true relation. I was with the Duke
of York upon this occasion. There was a Report, that I
was one of the severest enemies against the Papists, and
violent upon the Duke. Some time before my Election, I was at Mr Gadberry's, who told me, "That I should
receive great opposition from the Duke at my Election."
I said, "I mattered not that, as not in the Duke's power." "But," said Gadberry, "why are you so violent
against the Duke?" Said I, "It was nothing but my
Judgment, as it was the rest of the House." This was a
transient discourse only. About ten days after, Gadberry
made me a visit, and since I saw him, I had been with
some Persons of Quality, who told me, "That the Duke
would not believe but that I had some personal enmity against him, unless I would tell the Duke the contrary myself." I went out of town for some time, and at my
return, Gadberry told me, that Lord Peterborcugh desired
me to meet him at his house; where I did meet him, and
nothing passed more than discourses, "That I had no personal animosity to the Duke, but what fell from me in the
last Parliament was my Judgment." Lord Peterborough
said, "He would have me personally tell the Duke so,
to undeceive the Duke." He brought me to the Duke,
where nothing passed but compliments from the Duke,
who said, "He would be my friend." Lord Peterborough
said, "He was glad of the reconciliation, and that I
should come again into the Commission of the Peace if I
pleased." But I desired not to be troubled with it, and the
Justices names that I gave in were not liked. Then Lord
Peterborough asked me "What I thought the Parliament
would do?" I replied, "They are a great body of wise
men, and I know not what they will do." But says my
Lord, "I hope you will be the Duke's friend." To
which I said, "That according to the Justice of the
matter propounded, I would give my Judgment." He
said, "The Parliament would do well to accept the
King's Proposition." Upon my honour, though I am
charged with this Presbyterian Plot, I take God to witness,
and let my limbs be torn from my body, before I would
have had a hand in so dishonourable a thing. I have heard
my name traduced, and therefore I thought fit to give you
this account.
Colonel Titus.] Peyton has been detected to have been
with the Duke of York at unseasonable hours; if he has
no excuse to make for himself, he has a very poor invention. He came to Gadberry, with a cloak about his face,
to enquire what would befall him in the forty-seventh year
of his age. Peyton, by seeming to be at a wonderful distance from the King and Duke, has laid a trap, and gone
about to blast Gentlemens reputations at Elections for
Parliament-men, and I wonder how he can answer to himself, much less to the World, what he has done. I would
have the Gentleman withdraw, and appoint a Committee to examine the matter against him. Sir Robert
Peyton withdrew.
Debate on Dangerfield's Accusation of the Earl of Anglesea,
&c. See the printed Narrative.
Lord Annesley.] Great discovery has been made by
Dangerfield relating to great men. If my Lord Privy
Seal (Anglesea) be guilty of what Dangerfield charges him
with, I am sorry I am related to so ill a man. I hope I
shall not suffer in the opinion of the House for my relation to him. I desire you may immediately go upon the
accusation of these great men.
Sir Henry Capel.] I have sat here many years, and I
find that every Session of Parliament we are still troubled
with Popery. In the descent of four Kings, still the Parliaments have been troubled with Popery. Laws have
been made against it, and all fail. Sometimes Popery is in
the Ministers of State, and in another state too, the Clergy; and now, to our misfortune, we find it in the Heir
presumptive of the Crown, and the son of that father who
died a Martyr for the Protestant Religion. This Parliament is to consider, not only the preservation of the
lives of the King and us, but the safety of all Christendom,
and the safety of that part especially that is not willing to
be under the French Government. Therefore let us turn
over every stone—If no remedy will cure the sore to the
bottom, it is strange. Complaints have been made of Invasion of our Properties, that they are not secure—Does
that perfectly cure us?—Or Popery?—In the last Parliament we had a long Bill against it, but it had no success.
Addresses to remove persons have troubled the House;
but that will divide us, unless relative to the Plot; but
if none of these will perfectly cure us, we must proceed to Popery. I have observed, that still, in War, or
Peace, the intention of the Parliament has been subverted
—You must root out Popery. We have seen War betwixt England and a Protestant Nation, which has cost
blood on both sides. And we have seen the mighty King
of France come full sail to be Arbitrator betwixt us.
Whereas, in Queen Elizabeth's time, she would not suffer
him to set out a cock-boat; and now he sends a Declaration out, "That we were the aggressors, and he would
side with Holland." We have seen the Triple Alliance,
which, had it been kept, might have brought that King
to the Pyrenean Treaty. And from what spring has all
this come, but from Popery and France, and France and
Popery? As formerly it did from Spain, when as formidable as now France is. Lately, the last Long Parliament
would enter into a War with France; and when the Confederacy was made, then we were to draw the sword; and
instead of that, we had a General Peace. Now after all
this, would you have War as it has been already made, or
Alliances, till you are upon a Protestant bottom? And the
suppression of Popery will never be till then upon a
strong bottom, and till you bring the King to be head
of the Protestant Party; and even Catholic Princes would
be glad of it. They else, unless they see that, will not
join with us. I believe the King of Spain would be glad
of it. When the Plot first broke out, I saw a little Book,
wherein it was wished the King of England would send a
good Protestant Ambassador into Spain, and not a man
of divided principles. This being so, you must fall
upon Popery. I remember, some time ago, when we
were very zealous for the Church, and made Laws against the Quakers, and that the Non-conformist Ministers
should not be suffered in Corporations: And what did
all this? At the end of twelve years comes out the Declaration for Liberty, and did undo all that had been done;
and at the tail of it was liberty for Popery, and two or
three little men came into the Ministry, and put tricks
upon us. But I must speak it to the honour of the Dissenters in that Parliament, (if there were any) that they all
voted against the Declaration. What have not the Commons done to suppress Popery, and preserve Property?
And yet they have the greatest breach of their liberties,
their goods taken from them, and yet nothing like to the
break of the Bank (fn. 3) . The spring of all these is from
France and Popery, and nothing else. I should be glad
to be rid of this thing, Popery, for another Reason: It
has been buzzed about by ill men, "Let the King have
a care of the Parliament; they will pull down the Crown."
If Popery be but suppressed, none of these discourses dare
be uttered. The Parliament brought in the King without
blood—But of late, still we are told that the Church is in
danger, and the actions of 1641 thrown amongst us.
Another Reason: We should have no need of turning
out Justices of the Peace and Deputy Lieutenants. We
should have no need of suppressing Petitions for the sitting of the Parliament, for it is our liberty, (I bless myself
that any man dares say the contrary) if it was not for
Popery. The old English Government has been, to keep
a good Correspondence betwixt the King and his people;
the King living upon his Rents, and frequent Parliaments
petitioning and offering the King presents; and the King
had his subjects purses freely; and all this must naturally fall upon us, if we suppress Popery. Therefore I hope
you will pass a Vote "To consider of the prevention of
Popery, and a Popish Successor."
Sir Francis Winnington.] I believe that all here are
willing to lay the foundation of the Protestant Religion,
and come here, not out of prejudice to any persons, but
to mend things. No man that knows any thing, but
might be large upon the growth of Popery; and I shall
show you the progress the Papists have made, since the
dissolution of the last Parliament, by the Conspirators.
When the good Patriots in the Long Parliament were
out-voted in many things, yet they kept up the Protestant
Religion. No man before the unhappy Dissolution of
the last Parliament but was afraid that the Plot would
have undone us. The Plot was discovered before the
Long Parliament was dissolved; but there was a fate in it.
The zeal of the last Parliament was to prepare things for
Tryal of the Conspirators, which had so many interruptions of formalities, and we know what broke off
that Parliament—Those minute and little things, not
worth naming—But when things came quick upon them,
then it was imputed to us, that we were hot men—They
would have us moderate, and yet they know not what that
was. When we were dissolved, they proceeded to no
less than the turning the cannon upon us in the Protestant Plot; but it was a devilish ridiculous one of so many
Lords and Gentlemen in it; and as they that invented it
knew it was not true, so Protestants believed it not. As
soon as the Protestants saw this, they were thinking how
to secure themselves from this Book in the Meal-Tub (fn. 4) .
Things falling out thus, people knew not how to relieve themselves, so they go about to petition for the sitting of the Parliament—Papists were about town, and
Protestants discouraged. So some make their Requests
known in Grand Juries, and some in voluntary Petitions.
Then comes out a Proclamation, and I am astonished
who drew it. I believe that Mr Langhorn
(fn. 5) , had he
been Attorney General, would not have been so insolent
as to have drawn it. The Proclamation calls these "disorderly Petitions, tending to sedition:" Good God! what
a case are we in? Judges of great eminence and integrity,
that countenanced Petitions, were turned out, but I find
not one Justice of Peace, popishly affected, turned out.
Only such who in intervals of Parliament were active against Popery—When I consider this, there was another
turn; a sort of men called "Abhorrers of petitioning for
sitting of the Parliament." In several Charges of the
Judges this Petitioning was proved Rebellion. Some ill
or ill-considering men were drawn to abhor; and I hope
some black character will be put upon those men, for an
example to others. I have seen in a Gazette where the
Courts of Justice have declared their extrajudicial Proceedings against printing without Licence, upon the Statute
of Libels. But that truth should be suppressed is a badge
of slavery—That nothing should be printed—now you
must not tell truth. The King's Bench suppressed Care's (fn. 6)
"Weekly advice against Popery." It seems, Popery
was very uneasy to them, and they made a Rule of Court,
that that book against Popery must not be published
per aliquam personam quamcunque; that is, "No man
shall write against Popery." How come the Judges to
make a Law? When the Parliament is dissolved, Petitions
are condemned, Abhorrers countenanced, and no man
must write against Popery. When Grand Juries, who
represent their Country, come, and their principal end is
to suppress Popery, it fell out, that because there was
a noise of some great men that were to be indicted for
Popish Recusants, the Judges at the King's Bench dismiss them, and are resolved to let the Papists go (fn. 9) . If
Judges will thus act against their Oaths, and you shall
not enquire after it for the service of your Country,
here is a cessation of Justice in dismissing Juries whilst Indictments are depending, and this makes an end of all.
When we see such a coherence and conspiracy against us,
we must be ruined. The King, in his Proclamation, has
said, we shall meet and sit, and he apprehended himself
as well as us in danger from these men. Therefore
let us go on to enquire into these miscarriages. Have
not massacres been begun here (though the Papists say
they are lies) on Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, that knew something of the Plot which Coleman would not have him? For
the honour of our Religion, I desire Justice may be done
upon these men, though I hate cruelty, and though all the
Protestants in France were once assassinated. As for the
assault upon Mr Arnold
(fn. 7) , I look upon him as much
killed for the Public, as Godfrey was. If this be true, I
say that life is sweet and Religion dear: I would preserve
that Religion that must give me comfort when I am dying. But I fear, when the Parliament is gone home,
the same game will be played again. Therefore let us
keep up; and whereas the Papists say, this Parliament
will alter the Government, whenever we once lay a foundation against this monster, Popery, the King and Kingdom will be glorious, our Civil Rights established, and
we are slaves if they cease. If this be the case, pray put
the Question for a Vote, "That we will proceed to secure the Nation against Popery, and to prevent a Popish
Successor;" and if we do that, I hope the Protestant Religion will continue so long as the Sun and Moon shall
endure.
Mr Montagu.] It will be a hard thing to say any
thing after what has been so well debated. But out of
duty and zeal to my Country, when so highly concerned,
I shall presume to say, that if you please to look into the
Court, the Council, the Country, Westminster-Hall, the
Navy, the Forts, see who are preferred to Places, and by
consequence who put them in! This convinces me, that
Popery must come in, unless these things be prevented.
Therefore pray put the Question as it has been moved.
Resolved, Nemine contradicente, That it is the Opinion of this
House, to proceed effectually to suppress Popery, and to prevent
a Popish Successor.
[Ordered, That Mr Dangerfield do put his Evidence into writing, and deliver it to the House to-morrow morning (fn. 8) .]