Wednesday, January 7, 1673–4.
When the Houses met, and the King, in his Speech, informed
them, "That when he parted with them last, it was but for a
little time, and with a resolution of meeting suddenly again:
That that alone was enough to satisfy his Friends, that they need
not fear, and his Enemies, that they could not hope for a breach
between them. That he then told them, that the time of this
short recess should be employed in doing such things as might add
to their satisfaction: That he hoped he had done his part towards
it; and if there were any thing else which they thought wanting, to secure Religion or Property, there was nothing which
they should reasonably propose, but he would be ready to receive
it. That he now expected they should do their parts too; for
their enemies made vigorous preparations for war; and yet their
chief hopes were to disunite them at home.
"That it was not possible for him to doubt their Affections at
any time, much less at such a time as this, when the evidences
of their Affections were become so necessary to them all. He
desired them to consider, that, as the War could not be well
made without a Supply, so neither could a good Peace be had
without being in a posture of war. That he was very far from
being in love with war, for war's sake; but if he saw any
likelihood of peace, without dishonour to himself, and damage to
them, he would soon embrace it: But that no proposals of
peace had yet been offered, which could be imagined with intent
to conclude, but only to amuse. That therefore the way to a
good peace was, to set out a good fleet, which they had time
enough to do very effectually, if the Supply was not delayed.
That if, after this, a peace should follow, yet the Supply would
be well given; for, whatever remained of it, he was willing
should be appropriated for building more ships.
"He reminded them again of "his debt to the Goldsmiths;"
and concluded with showing them the entire confidence he had
in them. That, as he believed his Alliance with France had been
strangely misrepresented to them, he would make no difficulty
of letting the Treaties, without reserve, be seen by a small
Committee of both Houses, who might report to them the true
scope of them. He assured them, there was no other Treaty
with France, either before or since, not already printed, which
should not be made known; and having thus freely trusted them,
he did not doubt but they would have a care of his Honour, and
the good of the Kingdom."
The rest he referred to the Lord Keeper (fn. 1) , who, in a long
and laboured harangue, endeavoured to blacken the Dutch, by
setting forth "the intractability of their Ministers at Cologne,"
and calling their letter to his Majesty, by their Trumpeter,
"a Paper Stratagem." And he scrupled not to advance, "That
if they should yet send any new Proposal, we might justly suspect
that their end would be, if they could not divide, at least to amuse us, and lessen our care in providing for the war."
Sir Thomas Meres.] Moves to have time to consider the
King's Speech till Monday, this Speech being of great
A Bill was read as usual at the opening a Session—It was for
repair of a Church (fn. 2) , &c.
It was moved "that none should have Voices in Elections, that
were either Papists, or not conformable to the Church of England,"
and a Bill [was proposed] for that purpose, by Mr Milward (fn. 3) .
Sir William Coventry answered.] That was the way
to make Elections of Parliament-men in the Houses of
Convocation, who declare what is the doctrine of the
Church of England, and what is conformable—Besides,
by that course, you give the Catholics a negative Voice
upon Elections; Catholics would be for a man they
would have rejected.
Monday, January 12.
Mr Sacheverell.] Complains of pressing for soldiers Men
of Quality, against Magna Charta, and persons put to death
against Law—Articles of war were complained of in the
last Session, to set up Martial Law—You have made particular Laws about burning of houses, and yet by those Articles they may burn houses and stacks of corn, and death to
any soldier that shall disobey—Soldiers sent beyond sea,
which should stay here, for our safety—Therefore it is to
no end to proceed to particular business till these things
are remedied—He has told you his thoughts, and hopes
that other Gentlemen will do the like.
Mr Secretary Coventry.] It will not be found out that
men have been sent out of England against their wills—In Queen Elizabeth's time, she succoured France, and sent
men into Ireland, and no Act of Parliament for doing it
then—Never heard of any complaint of injuries done by
the soldiers, but it was remedied; but the complaint
should be, that such things have been done "by Authority"—Avers that no such things have been done by the King's
Authority—The Articles were the same as in Lord
Essex's army, and Lord Strafford's, the best of them extracted, and only to be executed when the army is beyond sea—When you find a fault, then lay it there—Let
not the disorders of particular men be thought general—The King has told you what he is willing to do, and
pray proceed to the King's Speech.
Mr Sacheverell.] The Articles were published by the
Mr Secretary Coventry.] The King's name may be
used, but you will find them by Prince Rupert's Authority—They determine with his Commission.
Sir John Monson.] As to the pressing of men in Queen
Elizabeth's, and Edward VIth's time, the 16th of Charles
I. declared it illegal, and an Act was then particular for
the pressing of men for Ireland—It is said, we have had
redress, when complained of, but he cannot but reflect,
with what applause the Triple League was entertained,
(that was too great a happiness to enjoy) but what we
have had since, let every man judge—Dates the design
from the great persons going into France, and the consequence, shutting up the Exchequer, and the Declaration, which struck at all our Laws, temporal and ecclesiastical, and all to countenance Popery—The Parliament
then was by the same hand prorogued, that we might not
consider other things—The forces sent out of Ireland,
little to be spared there; the joy of the Papists; but an
army was the foundation of their joy, which they flocked
to, and had commands in—We have had invasion of
Property; and till Grievances are redressed, we cannot
proceed any farther—Hopes we shall have time to give
those persons thanks who had a hand in the Prorogation,
Declaration, &c. and hopes we shall be rid of Popery,
and Popish Counsellors.
Mr Secretary Coventry.] Does say he did not exempt
Grievances, when he moved for the consideration of the
Mr Russel.] You have had so exact an account, that
he has little farther to say of our deplorable condition—With an ill Prince we must pray and suffer, but when
God has blessed us with so good a King, and yet Property, Religion, and all invaded, we ought to find out
the authors of our misfortunes, the ill Ministers about
the King, that prorogued the Parliament; stopped the
proceedings of the Courts of Justice; broke Articles,
in that attack of the Smyrna fleet; shut up the Exchequer; have Pensions from France, and accuse us of being
Pensioners to Holland—Desires not their ruin, but the
security of our lives and fortunes for the future.
Mr Mallet read a long Speech.
Sir Charles Harbord takes him down to Order.] The
precedent of reading a Speech is dangerous—The Attorney, now Lord Keeper, reprehended him once only
for making use of heads in a paper—Pray never let
Speeches be read in Parliament.
Sir Thomas Lee.] Mallet was irregularly interrupted—If his memory be not so good as others, he may be indulged to make use of his paper, and would have people
write what they intend to speak.
Mr Garroway.] It may be Mr Mallet cannot contract his
notions as other men can do, and he would have him read
his Speech—You may but wink and it is the same thing.
Sir Robert Howard.] Reading all and reading some is
the same thing, and he believes he has almost done, as
he observes, by the paper in his hand.
Sir William Lewis.] The best reason he has yet heard
for his going on, is, "that he has almost done"—It may
be without doors ill reported, not to let him make an
end; though he is not for reading of entire Speeches,
yet short notes are always commendable—He may go
on for this time, but hopes you will not admit it for the
Colonel Birch.] Is glad to see how merrily we begin,
and hopes we shall continue so—It is the great part of an
Orator to persuade, but hopes, as Paper Speeches may be
laid aside here, they may also be in other places (the
pulpits)—Whoever divides Religion into any other rivulets than Papist and Protestant, ruins all—He has manifested his loyalty at Worcester—He has constantly attended the Confession and Absolution, and the Communion, and hopes to be heard without prejudice—We
have leave to debate our own security by the King's and
the Lord Keeper's Speech, and therefore will open our
present condition—Doubts not but the King will at last
find, that they who advise him to follow the Parliament's Counsel are his best subjects—The Grievances,
as to law [have been] opened very well, and the remedy; in
some part; but thinks all in vain, if, by any means, we are
incited to carry on this league with France, and war
with Holland; and because of the second article of the
treaty with France, "the setting up the Catholic Religion in every conquered town in Holland," if we
must go on in that union, leaves it to every man's conscience in the consequence—Would not do by day, what
he shall be ashamed of at night, that his conscience shall
give him the lie—How we entered into this war
he remembers—The Triple Alliance we thanked the
King heartily for; how we came out of it, the Instructions will give you an account—The greatest Princes have
called Parliaments to advise in peace and war; but he is
still doubting that this Parliament was prorogued by
strong persuasion—What is under the Great Seal is a
man's freehold (he speaks not of his own concern,
says nothing of himself) but [it has been] taken away from
several persons—We have not had a smile, since the French
alliance began, and the second article of that alliance
is to set up the Pope; and now we are invited to carry
on that war, he cannot consent to it—The consequence
would have been, if the French King had continued in
his greatness by conquests, we had not been doing here
what we do now—Either France or Holland must be
bigger: If France, we may purchase what we fear; if
Holland, they may be too big to grant—Would be far
from doing any thing derogatory to the King; but
when the League is not honourable nor safe for the King,
he cannot find arguments to part with our Money for
the support of it—The discourse is now almost at every
plough-tail—Says this only in bar, that when we have
searched out who brought this League about, he is ready
to secure our fears as to Religion, before we speak of any
Mr Secretary Coventry.] Would know what it is he
should speak to; several things relating to the War—Then he paused—was bid go on. As to the business of the
War, he was ordered to tell Sweden, where he was
Ambassador, "that if the King of France invaded any of
the Spanish dominions, our King would defend the Triple
League:" The proposition was, "in every town the
French should have rendered to them, they should have
a Papist Church as we would have a Protestant." Every
man must answer in his turn for his actions, as he must
do for his; but would not give an opinion to continue a
war against the genius of the nation—But you have no
peace, nor likelihood of any, but what must come from
the conduct of this House, which a good Vote will certainly do, he believes—But Spain not only assists, but
makes a League with Holland, without your knowledge;
it was strange—Holland's new proffers are to give us some
money, and to return prizes on both sides, which is impracticable—The King demands reparation for his subjects losses in Surinam, and that the Hollanders should
not fish without leave, and regulating commerce; the
King gives these back to the Spanish Ambassador—Instead of this, they send him a letter in answer to the King's
last Reply, wherein they curtail the thing—Spain says,
words not ambiguous; Holland, words to give content,
but no money—Knows not what they will make of the
flag. The Spanish Ambassador, three weeks after, contradicted all, and said he had a letter to recall the Articles, but did not deliver the letter; soon after he sent it,
which was indorsed triplicate, three being written, it
seems, for fear of miscarriage; but imagining some
great advantages over the Duke of Luxembourg, or hopes
of a breach betwixt the King and his Parliament, they
insist thus—Would have you secure the kingdom, and
if they know the time elapsed and no spring fleet (which
they will know) and take their advantage, it is not England they covet, but the Plantations, to ruin your traffic
and trade; by what they have done, we may conclude,
that if we were down, all the world cannot set us up
again—In the Streights they have twenty sail of men of
war; should they send twenty more, what a condition
are we in! They that are upon the Plantations are poor;
we have the profit of them; if they were in the Hollanders hands, and they may have free trade, by the Hollanders temptations, and we low, we are in danger—Tell the King your Grievances, but so supply him that
the navy may go on, which, you know, needs it; and if
you put the King into these straits and desperation, what
will be the consequence? Now for the Declaration against the French Treaty; being so deserted, Holland will
have no need of you. Can any man have the impudence
to say, that because you have a treaty with France, you
are obliged to fight to the last man? Secure things in
the treaty how you please, that the money may not be attached, and that it may be for shipping (which, under favour, the navy must have)—Moves that you will propose
Grievances, and in the mean time that the kingdom may
Mr Garroway.] Secretary Coventry desires "that you
would not press the King"—Wonders at it—When we
were prorogued two months, those that advised it "pressed
the King," and we must postpone all considerations,
without consideration of Religion, Property, or Trade—Nothing, but we must carry on a war we know not
how long; let those good Counsellors that advised it
look after it—Did our Ambassadors give Holland no security by the Triple League and Breda, that we would not
fall on them? We are told, "that our war will ruin our
Plantations;" since March last we have laid out three
hundred thousand pounds in freight to strangers; our
corn vessels, passing from port to port, taken; some of
our great ships swept away by the Dutch; our men
pressed for sea and land—The Gentleman said, the last Session "he would warrant a peace with a Vote for money,"
but now he says otherwise—Londoners are at a tax upon
the collier, and in the country we pay five and six pounds
per chaldron—The Ploughman finds his wants; it is three
hundred thousand pounds tax to London by proportion,
and this is one of the benefits you have by the war, and
the effects are upon the counties about London, decay of
manufacture! War is a subtle thing; lose a correspondence in trade, and you know not how to get it again—The making bays, a great trade, you have lost by this
war—If France can supply Spain with commodities, as
they left you in the war so they will do in trade—We
employ all foreigners for shipping, and if the war continues, your Act of Navigation will be of no use—Pressing
of seamen! By the last fatal war you saw that the courage
of your nation, when deserted by the French, brought
you off; the French may serve you so by land—A war
at sea will never make an end of the war—Grass grew
in Middleburgh streets, now grown rich by depredations
this war—Is one of those that are for peace, and hopes it
is no crime to offer things with modesty—Would not depend upon the Spanish Ambassador, but upon a war
upon the English interest, and never saw want of money
or help—Cleanse the house at home; know those that
have intrigued you; he would not sweep away Gentlemen
by general Votes; would reach them according to Law,
and go upon things—The Keeper says in his speech,
"the fleet is in good readiness;" money remains not
paid in of the last tax, prizes, and the advance upon
the excise farm; therefore would have full enquiry into the state of the kingdom, but not like empirics, to give a catholicon for all diseases; but let Gentlemen propose the State of Affairs, and go upon that.
Sir Thomas Clarges.] If we had gone on, the last Prorogation, things might not have been at this pass; but as
those evil Counsellors about the King persuaded him
then, they do still exasperate him, that our best Counsels
will be perverted; this is the great Grievance—If it be
apparent that any sort of men do design the ruin of the
kingdom, so as to prostitute the King's word; and if any
new treason be enacted, would have that made one—It
is of consequence never to be recovered—No example that
ever any war of this nature began without Parliament.
Instances Edward I, Edward III, and Henry V, the miracle
of men, that (unless our King) never any of more honour
and gallantry since Julius Cæsar's time. Henry VIII. as
ambitious, perhaps, as any, young, and though his coffers
were full, advised, in the third year of his reign, with his
Parliament, about making of war—The best thing to rivet
the King and his people, is mutual confidence. 43 Edward
III, when he was to make peace with Scotland with David Bruce, he advised with his Parliament—Richard II.
would not make peace without subjecting his articles to
the Parliament—Hopes, if so now, we shall do it for
the King's honour—We may date a great deal of our
misfortunes from the Million Act—Submits to all Gentlemens opinions here, the universal hatred against this
French alliance—We were so jealous formerly of our
ports, that no foreigners scarce with a packet-boat were
suffered to enter them without leave, but now whole
shoals of them—But it occurs to him, that the alliance with
France is broken; all alliances are understood as to circumstances of things when made; it is strange that we
should consent to the "Popish Article"—The Declaration of war by the French against the Duke of Brandenbourg, was for extirpation of Heresy; fears it interpreted
a war upon ourselves—When we were ready with our
fleet, the King of France goes to conquer Maestricht, pretends it would be presently taken, and then would fall
down in order to our landing; instead of that, he flies into Germany, and never favours our landing; and does
he think we are in league with him against all the world?
Moves to adjourn the House till to-morrow, that we
may enumerate our Grievances before we enter upon the
Debate of Supply—Would have the Test Law against
Popery revived, and some things added to it, and all to
take it that are in the King's Counsels, and something
for security of the King's person; and [would have] Religion, after the King's death, secured, and the Statute of
Suggestions, for men to undergo a penalty if they make
not accusations out; but the first thing to enter upon,
would have "the Counsellors;" we have always gracious Answers from the King, but they are still intercepted: Proclamation against Papists, and yet Priests
are walking in Whitehall in defiance of it; Popish commanders at the head of companies; no Minister sent with
our companies into France to comfort the sick, and to do
other spiritual offices, but exposed to Popery—One man
has had seven pardons for treason and murder; shall we
not put such out of the reach of pardon? The general
pardon would not suffice, but special ones must be obtained since that pardon—Would go first upon "evil
Lord Cavendish.] When we consider the Prorogation,
and the other misfortunes of the nation, fears we shall
have the same advice as long as such "Counsellors" are
about the King—Moves in the first place that we proceed
to secure the nation by removing them.
Sir John Monson.] When "Counsellors" have pardons
in their pockets, from murder to petty larceny, what
security can the kingdom have? Therefore agrees with
the Motions made before, &c.
Sir Charles Wheeler.] Should be glad that the King
might have some prospect, through this vote, that, when
our Grievances are redressed, we may take his Supply
into consideration—We carry on all things for the interest of the nation, and assist him upon the public interest of the nation, and no farther.
Sir Robert Howard.] Was sorry for the Prorogation
when it was, but as the King has now invited and
trusted you, make him not jealous of us—The eyes of
all the World are upon us now, and should we not do
things as amicably as possible, the censures of the people
will lie as heavy upon us, as in any other thing—Winds
up all in this Motion, "To order an Address to the
King to give him thanks for his trust and invitation,
and to tell him there remains something as to our "security"—No doubt we want many things, but shall we
slip by the King in his invitations? Knows it not in your
hearts, and if "evil Counsellors" be one thing, and all
other things [are considered] one by one, then you are in
Sir Thomas Lee.] The expression of Howard's, of
"passing by the King," is harsh; the war so long debated is not a "passing by the King."
Mr Jones.] Would always be tender in reflective expressions; he has neither preparation, nor intention, to
offer Grievances, but from the greatness of the Debate, and
the place he serves for, (London) something is expected he
should say about their Grievances—He has sufficiently
expressed his loyalty in the worst times, but being not a
man of trade, knows no more than those that walk the
streets speak of—The imposition upon Coals is hard upon
the rich, but destructive to the poor; thousands had
died for the want of them, but for the favourableness of
the weather—He has known London these forty-five
years, and never knew that impudence in Meetings that
the Papists have now; they are so in most parts about;
a great aggravation of their insolence and increase, that
they attempt meeting where it never was—Protections
from the Lords House, and this, ruin trade, together
with shutting up the Exchequer; how can we be secure,
that the Exchequer be not stopped to-morrow again?
If ruin were at the door, and the nation ready to sink,
who will send one hundred pounds thither? Still the
Goldsmiths are postponed; was it their personal concern,
would not regard it, but thousands are concerned in it—This is of more consequence than the rebuilding of the
City, proportioning the Rates of the City to the Country, in Taxes.
Sir Thomas Clarges, took him down to Order.] You
have a Question stated; to your part, Mr Speaker, and
keep us to debate.
Mr Garroway.] Would have the Question written
down, that it may be stated.
Mr Montague.] Moves that we may address the
King, "that we may sit till our Grievances shall be
redressed;" and doubts not but it will be to the terror
of the Dutch—It took not.
[The Question being propounded, that the Thanks of the
House be returned to his Majesty, for his gracious Speech; and
the Question being put, That the House do now proceed in the
Debate of that Question, it passed in the affirmative, 191
Sir Thomas Meres.] 'Tis not a real prejudice, so much
as a sudden mischief, the concourse of Papists about this
town, and he would have added to the Vote, "That the
Lieutenancy in London and Westminster, and in the country, may be ready to secure the nation from Popish and
other tumultuous designs against the King and Government."
Mr Secretary Coventry.] Is not averse to any Security
of the King's Person and the Nation, and agrees to it.
Sir Charles Harbord.] "That the Irish also, being a
needy and numerous people, may be sent away."
Mr Secretary Coventry.] To the word, "fully," in
the Vote; a thing is said to be "full" when you cannot
put in a drop more—Would know if that be your
Mr Garroway.] By the Law of England, Priests and
Jesuits cannot be about the Court—The thing is not
fully redressed by the Proclamation.
Resolved, That this House will proceed, in the first place, to
have Grievances effectually redressed, the Protestant Religion,
Liberties, and Properties, effectually secured, to suppress Popery, and to remove persons, and Counsellors, popishly affected,
or otherwise obnoxious, or dangerous, to the Government.
Resolved, That the humble and hearty Thanks of this House
be returned to his Majesty for his gracious Promises and Assurances in his [last] Speech, and for those Acts which he has done
[since the last Prorogation] towards [the suppressing and] discountenancing of Popery; and that he would please to [give]
order [for] the Militia of London, Westminster, [and Middlesex]
to be ready at an hour's warning, [and the other Militia of the
Kingdom at a day's warning,] for the suppressing any tumultuous
meeting of Papists, or other malecontent persons whatsoever;
and that the House will go with this Address to his Majesty in a
Tuesday, January 13.
Mr Stockdale reads the Vote.] Many Grievances have been
represented; the way is now, how you will redress your
Grievances? The last Session [produced] many good Votes
as to that, but we were prorogued; and to the intent that that
may not happen again, consider that the same Counsellors
are interposing, and interpreting our intentions may procure the same Prorogation; therefore moves to begin
with the last part of the Vote first ["evil Counsellors."]
You cannot have "Grievances effectually redressed,"
without "removing" those that have advised these things,
and, when that is done, he perhaps will name one.
Sir Robert Thomas.] We have a great many Grievances; hazard of Religion, Counsellors advising the King
to take away Religion and Properties: Must name one;
(by the bye, the Black Rod [being] called in by you, Mr
Speaker, the last Session, before he knocked (fn. 4) , he could
not do it then) a person that has contributed as much to
our misfortunes as any man; the Duke of Lauderdale—You will have proofs of his advice by four of your
Members; viz. " (fn. 5) Your Majesty is bound in honour to
justify your Edicts—I wonder at the confidence of any
person to deny your Majesty's Edicts, and those persons
that do, I think, deserve to be most severely punished (fn. 6) ."
The Act of the Militia in Scotland—"which forces are
to be in a readiness to be called to march into England
or Ireland, upon any service where the honour, authority, or greatness of the King shall be concerned."
Other Gentlemen know more—He has great forces in
readiness and pay, and for no other end, he believes, than
to awe us.
Sir Nicholas Carew.] We should never have "Grievances," but by such "Counsellors"—The Duke is at the
head of a great army in Scotland; desires that we may move
the King, that he may keep there, and return no more into
Sir Thomas Littleton.] The words are ready, and desires you will order the Gentlemen that heard them, to
Sir Robert Thomas.] Names Sir Scroope Howe (fn. 7) , Mr
Man, and Mr Robert Pierpoint (fn. 8) , who heard the words,
and Lord St. John.
Lord St. John.] The last Session, February, he was
called to do it, but then refused, because there was a
dispute then betwixt the Duke of Lauderdale and himself;
Mr Howe, then sick, being concerned for Mr Whalley,
desired him to go hear the business at the Council, where
Mr Whalley (a Justice of Peace in Nottinghamshire) was
summoned, who had committed a Preacher, contrary to
the Declaration. Whalley was to answer the contempt,
the Parson had no licence to preach, but entry was made
of it in the Secretary's Book; a Law bound Whalley,
and a Declaration did not bind him. Lauderdale then
spoke the words mentioned by Sir Robert Thomas; that
he wondered at the words, and said, "Lauderdale may
be questioned in Parliament." Some Members being
present, Lauderdale spoke as before, none else of the
Council spoke, and all were bid to withdraw.
Sir Scroope Howe averred the words as before; Mr Pierpoint,
and Mr Man likewise.
Sir Thomas Littleton.] Now you are possessed of this,
he shall offer his sense—The last Session, we were cut off
in the beginning—In Scotland, an army is raised by this
great Duke; though by Act of Parliament, yet his
power is great, and the army under his power—It is in
vain to act here, without converting our thoughts to
Scotland. Pray God! this be not elsewhere—A man, so
principled and arbitrary!—You had need look about you;
needs say nothing to aggravate, the bare thing aggravates itself—A cloud hangs over us, and 'tis high time it
was scattered; it has made Counsellors in England so
much the bolder—Moves "To address the King to exclude the Duke of Lauderdale from his Counsels in
England"—Keep him from Counsels here, and you may
shake his authority in Scotland; he is in all respects a
Commoner (fn. 9) , and so we cannot clash with the Lords in
point of tryal—There are twenty thousand foot, and
two thousand horse, ready in Scotland, and no colour
for it—A man of such principles is not fit to be trusted
with such an army, nor [with] our Counsels, and, without any more ceremony, would address the King, as he is
Sir Charles Harbord.] He has a double charge against
him, that of the army in Scotland, and his words at the
Council here. You may miss of tryal, but an Act may
Mr Dalmahoy.] Has heard the Duke of Lauderdale
deny the words—He was not in Scotland when the Act
about the Militia was made—He knows not who was
Mr Powle.] Supposes that every man is sensible of a pernicious design to alter the Government, and these Counsellors have brought us to the brink of destruction—We
have a gracious Prince, but the great design was, first
to abuse the King, and then to oppress the people, fearing his good disposition to us—The Triple League was
made to check a great Prince—To ruin the Protestant
religion was the design, and, without Money, that was
not to be carried on, which Money was given for the
maintaining the Triple Alliance; and then more Money
was got, by stopping the Exchequer, to the undoing of
many hundreds of persons—Then a Declaration for the
ease of tender consciences, and, under pretence of Toleration, suspending by it all Ecclesiastical Laws, and, in
consequence, laying all Laws aside—Upon the declaration of war against Holland, armies were raised, and Popish officers at the head of them, and in places of civil
authorities, honours, and dignities; then Popish officers
are sent over into Ireland, Papists put into trust and office there; then in Scotland, an army is raised to march
into England, &c. or for any other cause wherein "the
King's honour or greatness may be concerned;" but the
greatness of the King consists in governing a free people—The Parliament supplied and brought him from banishment, and, because the King would hearken to their advice, they must be prorogued, the juncture of their time
not being fit for the fleet against Holland; they suppose
we would give, and, if not, the necessity must justify
raising of money—What benefit had we but fruitless
battles at sea, and engaging us, by the French, with his
Allies? The King was persuaded that the Parliament
would not assist his interest, but doubts not but time will
demonstrate the contrary—When we would have reached
these men, we were prorogued, and now [there is] a necessity of giving money—The King's credit lost, the
people poor, jealousies great, and all might have been
remedied by our meeting—Lauderdale asserted "Edicts
superior to Law," and [it was] spoken in the presence of
the King and Council; no greater argument, though
some, he doubts not, have done it privately, but he publickly—Hamilton's book asserts the King's authority of raising Money without Parliament, and it was countenanced by
Lauderdale in 1667—When Lord Rothes was Commissioner, then was the foundation of this army, but it
came not to maturity till 1669, when Lauderdale was
Commissioner; [it was] then kept on foot, and boasted
of—It is not unknown at what vast greatness this person
has lived, thereby bringing the King into necessity, and
disobliging the House, that we should not supply—Lauderdale sued out the King's pardon; a new trick our
great men have gotten, fearing our enquiry, and would
arm themselves against us with the King's pardon; let
this be considered and weighed well—Less crimes than
these have brought men to the scaffold, but the temper of
this House is not desirous of blood. The 5th of Richard II. [Counsellors] were removed without cause; the
people only spoke ill of them. 11 Richard II. the Duke of
Ireland, and Sir John Crosby [were] impeached; the people
spoke ill of them. 20 Henry VI. the Lord Dudley, for
the same cause—It may be the case of Peers of England,
and this upon no other article but merely the people
speaking ill of them. 3 Charles I. remonstrance against
the Duke of Bucks, Bishop Neale, and Archbishop Laud,
to be removed, as evil Counsellors—Moves, "That
this great person, the Duke of Lauderdale, may for ever
be removed from the King's presence."
Mr Secretary Coventry.] To condemn a man, without
hearing, he never knew the precedent before in this House.
Mr Stockdale.] If for taking away blood, witnesses
must be sworn; but to remove this man you have testimony sufficient to ground an Address to the King; so
notorious a man!
Sir Robert Carr.] A person was accused, and you gave
a day—Moves to consider of it.
Colonel Birch.] It is true, there was a person had a
day, but he had no pardon, and he would have Lauderdale
sent where "Edicts" are in fashion.
Sir John Duncombe.] 'Tis hard to condemn a man without
being heard; "removed from the King's presence" is as
hard a judgment as a man can have—Thinks it worthy
consideration to give him a day.
Sir John Trevor.] If you proceed merely to suspend
him from the King's "Counsels," you may do it, but
if from the King's "presence," where no manner of
proof is taken, you ought to give him a day—By way
of confiscation, or attainder, you give time, but as to
"removal from Counsels," you need give none.
Mr Howe.] He was the most active person to bring
the late King to his murder—He was Sollicitor from
Scotland to bring the late King to the block, and to destroy this King by giving ill advice to him.
Mr Garroway.] Has often heard that this man
brought the Declaration from Scotland to bring the late
King to the block, and those people had a horror for the
fact—Would have him come and answer it here, and
all that are concerned with him—He has heard of one
Murray, kept in the Tower, by the instigation of Lauderdale,
for complaining against him; these are violences, when no
Writs of Habeas Corpus can be had; and would send to
the Gatehouse, where he now stands committed, for the
Mittimus—You will find it of his own making, and illegal—Agrees to the Address "for removing him;" and
would have a Bill to make it Treason if ever he return
Mr Secretary Coventry.] If he be guilty of this horrid
crime alleged, will not defend him; neither will he
condemn him without proof.
Sir John Birkenhead.] The Duke of Ireland, Oxford, and
Somerset, had a day assigned them—No man has been banished the King's Presence on this formality, though you
cannot have greater evidence; it may be he may confess
it—Many things are Law in Scotland, and not so here;
would not have a precedent to reach every body—Assign
him a day, and you will tread more safely, and do him
right, and no man wrong.
Mr Wilde.] Would have a Bill to follow the Address.
Sir Thomas Littleton.] Has heard a great man in the
Rump, and a Counsellor then, say, "That Lauderdale
did sollicit that bloody Kirk-Declaration against the
King;" does not name the person, because desired not
do it—Would have him "removed from the King's Person and Counsels for ever." This thing is not so hard;
he at a great distance, and great affairs in Scotland to attend, and so he [may] excuse himself from coming, and
perhaps when come we [may] not [be] sitting, and if
he will come, at any time, he may be tried by Parliament.
Colonel Sandys.] Since he has heard that he [Lauderdale] had some part in the King's murder, that has raised
him; and would have him as [much] sequestered from
the world, as from the King, and would have "a Bill
of Attainder against him."
Mr Sacheverell.] Fears that this Lord has not lost his old
evil principles, but improved them; the Scotch Act of Militia plainly shows it—It puts the King in power plainly
to alter any thing in Church or State, and so, by this
army, Popery may be set up—Not content to keep
their law in Scotland, but printed here by Authority—It
was done this time twelvemonth, when the Question was,
whether all your laws must be set aside; and therefore
is for "secluding him forever from the King's presence,"
and "an Act of banishment."
Colonel Strangways.] Would have the words "obnoxious and dangerous" retained in the Vote—Our Saviour pardoned them that persecuted him, but where a
man, by after-actions, has done ill, his righteousness
shall be forgotten, when transgressing de novo—He abhors the crime; but consider your case; "sequestering
him from the King's presence and the kingdom"—Common same from this House is a greater ground for accusation than thought to be.
Sir Richard Temple.] Does not remember that, by
any of the precedents, men were sent for, and time given
them to answer; this vote is with that moderation, "to
remove" only—Would add something, that it may have
more strength, viz. "as a man found by this House to
be dangerous." Has heard of his being no less arbitrary in Scotland than here; to have made himself a perpetual Commissioner there.
Sir John Monson.] Hears it said, "that every subject
has right to come into the King's presence;" therefore
to prevent that, when we are up, would have "a Bill," as
well as "an Address" now.
Sir Eliab Harvey.] Would have a Bill ordered "to
make it treason for him to return to England."
Mr Waller.] Thinks as bad of this case as any man
here—If so much had been against Lord Strafford,
would not have then been against his Impeachment.
Mr Garroway.] He may return, and plead what he
will here, and doubts not but there is matter sufficient against him.
Sir Charles Harbord.] Seconds the motion, "that he
may be heard if he will."
Lord Obrien.] Has a Petition to present, about the
Duke of Lauderdale's ravishing Writings from him concerning his Lady's estate.
Sir William Coventry.] The Bill against the Duke of
Lauderdale, as proposed, is contradictory to what you
have spoken of "removing him from the King's presence." The King may remove him, by his own power,
"from his presence," at the request of any private man,
and when it is done, it is well done—Every subject has a
right of petitioning the King, though he be not of his
Bed-chamber or Council; but it is not so easy a thing
to exclude any man out "of the kingdom." To make a
precedent to exclude a man "the kingdom," without
hearing him, cannot agree to it.
Mr Boscawen.] Desires that Lord Clarendon's Bill
of banishment may not be a precedent—That was done
Sir Thomas Clarges.] Would have a Bill "to forbid
him coming within twelve miles of the Court, wherever
the King shall be"—Will consent to that, and no
Sir Robert Howard.] Doubts, if you should proceed
farther than "removing him from the King's presence,"
you will deprive him of what you would not, his freehold: By Bill, an ill precedent! Would lay aside this for
the present, and hopes that the Parliament will proceed
by arguments of justice.
Mr Powle.] Would have a summons to appear, before
you pass that Bill.
Sir Thomas Lee.] In the case of Lord Clarendon
an Impeachment preceded; this upon other occasions,
and the person absent—But "not to come to the King's
presence" is in the King's power to suffer or not; and
if the King will not be advised by a person, he does him
no wrong—Would have it matter of Petition, and no farther.
A Letter being brought in to the Speaker, signed "Buckingham," on his offering to read it,
Mr. Stockdale said,] He would not have the Letter
now read, he having something to offer against the Duke
of Buckingham (fn. 10) . Whatever that Letter contains, he has
a charge against the person, of as high a nature as the
Letter can be—Says, it is irregular for the Speaker to
bring us a new business; the Letter——He was interrupted by
Sir Charles Wheeler.] To Order of proceedings, in reference to your Vote, after what manner! Would have
some previous consideration, that one man may not prevent another.
Mr Stockdale.] Would have all men concerned, named;
and you are possessed of one against whom he has acharge, the Duke of Buckingham; that, if encouraging
or practising, and, he supposes, establishing Popery; if
taking money from the subject, and breaking the Triple
Alliance, and engaging us in this French Alliance [be a
charge,] he has a charge against the Duke of Buckingham:
The proofs are not so ready as the last, but the particulars will all be proved—Offers not an impeachment—Though the crimes may be proved, impeachments take
up a long time; it may be longer than we have to sit—His own letters show corresponding with Peter Talbot,
the pretended Archbishop. When Ireland was in great
danger by Popery, he advised the army to be drawn out
of that kingdom, and headed his own regiment with
Popish officers. At Knaresborough, Whitsuntide last (the
Standing Army was then forming) this Duke came into
Yorkshire to raise men; a poor man, being pressed, came
to the Overseers of the Poor, and told them, "You
must provide for my wife and children, I am pressed away
and cannot maintain them." The Duke sent for the
Overseer, and beat him for not doing it, and sent a warrant to the Marshal of the West Riding of Yorkshire, to
keep him, till farther order from him; the man applied to the Duke, and, after three days imprisonment,
was delivered by the Marshal (Wainman) who demanded
thirty pounds, fees, and got five pounds for three days:
This was done, when there was a prospect of arbitrary
Power, and this was the first action of Martial Law, committed by a Martial-man. The next is the Duke's taking of
money, two shillings and six-pence, upon every horse exported at Dover, by virtue of his place of Master of the
Horse, against Law—Breaking of the Triple Alliance—The Duke was sent into France, and what Treaty he made
there we know by the effect; the Triple Alliance broken—Lord Bellasis was sent to Dunkirk, and the Duke,
though he had no business, yet would go to see the King
of France, and has heard what presents he had there, and
believes it will be proved—His endeavours to take away
the affections of the King's good subjects, by saying,
"that the King was an arrant knave, and unfit to govern;" Doctor Williams can prove it—He has defrauded
the King's servants of their wages, so disadvantageous to
his service; this is public—Now there is a Petition against him in the House of Lords of a strange nature;
killing the Earl of Shrewsbury (fn. 11) , and living scandalously
with his widow. Not only that, but he has attempted a
horrid sin not to be named; not to be named at Rome,
where their other practices are horrid—Moves, "that a
person so dangerous to the Government, and of so ill a
life and conversation, may be removed from the King's
presence and from all his employments;" and for "an
Act of Banishment" against him, as against the Duke of
Sir John Coventry.] This man has made it his business
to sow dissension betwixt the King and this House, but
he is not a man to put things in execution when much
danger is in the case—When the King had his Ministers
in France, the Duke of Buckingham put many of his servants, incognito, to treat with the Ministers of that state,
Papists and persons ill affected to our Government—It is
a sad condition we are in, to have a man so near the
King's person that contemns his person—This Duke has
given night and lanthorn counsels, not to be owned by the
rest of the Counsellors. He corresponds with a traytor,
Peter Talbot; the letter was burned in the King's bedchamber, and part remains—Some say the Duke is not
ashamed of that profession; it is known to you all, that
these people have been protected by him: It may be said,
that the officers of his regiment are Protestants, but we
may thank the Commons of England for it—If these
things be proved, he desires the Duke "may be removed from the King's person for ever."
Mr Howe.] Besides all this, when the King was at Windsor, because he would not stay so long as the Duke would
have him (fn. 12) , he took the bridle from the King's horse, to
the great danger of the King's person, and the Duke was
then Master of his Horse.
Sir Winston Churchill.] He that would answer this
charge of the Duke's, may do himself more wrong than
the Duke has. Wishes the particulars as easily proved as
charged—The business of Windsor he knows—The
Duke is not far from you, and supposes, if the letter be
not of importance, the Duke has forfeited his understanding, as the charge makes him forfeit his reputation—Men of his quality will not inform you of trisles: The
letter may be of concernment; it may discover something
you know not (as that in the Lords House about a plot)
therefore would read it.
Lord Cavendish.] Should the artifice of the man put
it out of our power to proceed, it would be of ill consequence—Would have him "removed from Offices and
Councils about the King" and "suspended his presence
till farther proceeded against."
Sir Thomas Clarges.] Would first put the Question for
"the Address," and then read the letter. No great need
of particular proof; but all you desire, is, that he may
not be near the King's person to pursue these dangerous
Counsels—In Scotland, did he not correspond with Argyle
and ransack the King's close-stool for papers? There
were shrewd suspicions of him in the rebellion in the
North, and soon after he got his pardon. Is it no crime to
kill the husband, and prostitute the wife? He accuses him
not, for it may be pardoned; but for us to countenance such
things, will bring God's judgments upon us—After so
great an accusation, to come so familiarly amongst the
Lords, his Judges, and to do his offices about the King,
argues a strange boldness—There are seven persons that
have had five Pardons since the Restoration of the King;
two by Act of Parliament, and three under the Great
Seal, for murder, treason, &c. so that you can never
lay hold of him—Since March last he has got another
Pardon, and, as the Docket says, "for all treasons, insurrections, murders, misprisions, manslaughters, &c. committed or done before the 14th of November last." This
is in some sort a confession of the guilt of so many crimes
as are enumerated in the Pardon—You must give it, by
Vote, for the safety of witnesses, and he to be "removed from the King's person." Men are awed; and at
the reading of the Petition against him, in the House of
Lords, there was a great silence—He has not common
bowels of mercy; he beat an old Gentleman for desiring
[him] not to ride over his corn, till the blood ran down
his hoary head. At Barnet he beat a poor soldier in bonds
about the unfortunate killing Lady Shrewsbury's coachman—Moves as before.
Sir Edmund Jennings.] The letter may be of consequence. The paper of discovery was read in the Lords
House, and he would have the Duke's letter read.
The Duke's letter was read. It was as follows: "Mr Speaker, I desire you to do me the favour to get leave of the [Honourable] House of Commons, that I may inform them, in person,
of some truths relating to the Public; by which you will much
January 13, 1673.
Mr Sacheverell.] You ought to hear the Duke, because the matter, he pretends, is "public," and you
may be concerned.
Mr Garroway.] Hopes you will do justice to all men.
If you pass your vote against him, of what validity will
anything be that he can say? Moves that [that] right may
be done to the Duke, [which] you will not deny to the
meanest Commoner—Lord Chief Justice Keeling, and
the Earl of Bristol, had a chair set for them: You heard
them speak, and Bristol cleared your Member, Sir
Richard Temple—Would now hear the Duke.
Sir Thomas Clarges.] It would have been well if he had
rendered himself the last Session, when occasion was
given, as well as now. This man has done his impieties
in the face of the Sun; prevented our meeting in October
last. Has he not perverted the King's word? Would
only now have him "removed from the King's Council"—My Lord of Bristol's coming hither was a voluntary
desire, and nothing against him here—Is not against his
coming in, but would first "remove him from the
Colonel Birch.] Such things as the Duke has done,
cannot be without company—Would have him come in,
and hear him what he can say.
Mr Sawyer.] Your Vote may discourage him, that he
may say little to you, and possibly he may reveal something in compensation, by way of discovery—Would hear
Colonel Strangways.] Hear him what he can say—Some vices of the man may not take away a man's
The Duke of Buckingham was ordered to be called in (fn. 13) , and a
Chair was set for him on the left hand of the Bar, the Serjeant
standing with his Mace on his right hand. Then the Duke saluted the House round.
Ordered, That the Speaker ask him, Whether he owned the
Letter he sent him, and what he has to communicate to the
House, of concernment?
The Duke sat a short space, covered; then the Speaker
asked him, &c. and showed him the Letter, which the Duke
owned. The Speaker then said, "The House is ready to hear what
your Grace has to say, relating to the public service."
The Duke, standing, then said] I have written something,
(fumbling a Paper in his hand) but will trust to my own
present thoughts. I give this Honourable House humble
Thanks for the honour done me, in admitting me to come
and speak here. I have always made it my business to get the
good opinion of this House; I desire that my actions may be
examined, and I will stand, or fall, by the censure and judgment of this House: The business against me, I understand
is the breaking of the Triple Alliance; I had as great a hand in
making it as any man: My going to Holland was to hinder De
Witt's conjunction with France, and I did no ill service in it,
and the more the thing is examined, the more my innocence will
appear—I was not of the opinion of a War, and France to take
all, and give us nothing; if my advice had been followed, there
would have been better effects—It is not my practice to accuse,
but it is hard if a man may not clear himself—I have been in as
much danger, for my respect to this House, as any man; have
been turned out of all my Places at Court; proclaimed Traytor;
Witnesses hired to swear against me, and confessed so; no man
can be exempted from malicious accusations, and all for favouring Bills from this House; and, after the proclaiming me Traytor, I had a Letter from a Sister of mine, which was alleged one
from Dr. Haven, a Conjurer, but through his name any man
might see Richmond and Lenox (fn. 14) —I was not afraid of my enemies
in the House of Commons, but afraid of being tried for my
life, before you met. There have been great desires of having
me removed from the King. I can hunt the Hare with a pack
of Hounds, but not with a pack of Lobsters (fn. 15) —If this House
desires it, I will remove from the King, and go beyond sea; no
man ought to serve the King, whom the nation has no good
opinion of—I have spent an estate in the King's service, when
others have got thousands. Beggars that run away with the bags,
when a robbery is done, you stop; but a fine Gentleman, riding
upon the highway, you let go—I desire to be removed from my
place, and to have leave to sell it—Persons are vehement upon
me, and would ruin me—I submit myself, and actions, to the
good construction of the Honourable House---and withdraws.
Mr Stockdale.] Desires, that, seeing the Duke is of
your mind, you may join issue with him, and let him
go beyond sea.
Lord Buckhurst (fn. 16) .] The Duke has informed you of nothing concerning "public affairs," and why will you put
him out of all capacity? Though his relation to him
were ever so near, or obligations ever so great, would
have him answer his accusations: But hear him first.
Mr Secretary Coventry.] This Duke's is not the same
case with the Duke of Lauderdale's. The King may turn
any man out of his service, and especially on your desires; but when it shall be upon record, that the Duke has
uttered such words against the King, if a man asks
whether such words are Treason, it may be represented,
that he said the words, "of the King's being a Knave,
and unfit to govern."
Mr Boscawen.] Has no kindness nor relation to the
Duke, but we ought to hear him. Your judgment will
not be thought just, though it is so in truth, by persons
that understand not the reasons—Would have him acquainted with what is against him, and then you may
Colonel Birch.] The Duke has not spoken one word of
"public" in what he has offered, but all "private."
It seems to him, that he would be drawn to accuse, but in
modesty would not do it of himself—Would adjourn
now, and let him know, "if he has any "public"
thing to say, we are ready to hear him."
Mr Garroway.] Would make no false steps in the bufiness; would adjourn the Debate, but would have nothing said to the Duke. He seemed discomposed, and
fumbled with a paper, and would "sell his place," and
could "hunt with hounds and not with lobsters;" but if
any man desires he may be heard on any "public occasion," would have him heard, but not any thing "private" from him.
Lord Cornbury.] Observes that the Duke has good intelligence of what we do here; for he began his discourse with the great business of France—If you accuse
him, he is pardoned, and has the King's pardon; being so
secured, there is no justice to proceed upon these crimes—But suppose he should acquit himself of all the great matters
relating to the King, yet here is a crime in the face of the
Sun, a murder, and his living with that miserable woman
in that perpetual adultery. He never was tried for killing
her husband, and would be satisfied how you may try
him; but how will you reach him? He must be tried
by the Lords. Every body knows the great friendship that
you, Mr Speaker, have for him; and would not have
you write or speak to him—But if he has any thing more
to say, you may hear him to-morrow.
Sir Robert Howard.] Moves to adjourn the Debate till
Mr Powle.] In Impeachments, "by way of justice,"
is another way of proceeding, but, "in point of fame,"
every man must lay his hand upon his heart, in his
judgment of him.
Sir John Monson.] Has attended this noble Lord's
speech, but wonders that he should interpret the weighty
affairs of this House to be his own private affairs, and
believes, that his mind changed from what he had to say
at first, upon our Debate.
The Debate was adjourned till the next day, ten of the clock.
The Speaker.] Reminded the House, That it is against
Order, that Members should salute Messengers from the
Lords House, as if this House was the School of Compliments.—The Speaker only ought to do respect for the
A Message from the Lords, That the King has appointed
both Houses to attend him with the Petition concerning a General Fast (fn. 17) , in the Banquetting-House, to-morrow at three of the
clock in the afternoon.
[Mr Speaker reports, That he had presented the Addresses to
his Majesty, who was pleased to return Answer to this effect:
"That he was always ready to preserve them in their Liberties
and Properties, and to secure the Protestant Religion; and would
take care the Militia should be in readiness upon all occasions, to
secure the Government."]