CHAPTER V.
LOWER THAMES STREET.
Septem Cameræ—A Legend about Billingsgate—Hogarth visits it—Henry Mayhew's Description of it—Billingsgate Dock in King Ethelred's Time—The Price of Fish as regulated by Edward I.—Billingsgate constituted a Free and Open Market by Act of Parliament—Fish Monopolists and
their Evil Practices—The Habitual Frequenters of Billingsgate—The Market at its Height—Oyster Street—Fishing in the Thames a Long
Time ago—A Sad Falling-off—A Curious Billingsgate Custom—A Thieves' College—The Coal Exchange—Discovery of Roman Remains
on its Site—The Waterman's Hall—Thames Watermen and Wherrymen—Fellowship Porters' Hall—The Custom House—Growth of
the Revenue—The New Building—Customs Officials—Curious Stories of the Customs—Cowper and his Intended Suicided—The System of
Business in the Custom House—Custom House Sales—"Passing" Baggage.
In St. Mary-at-Hill Lane, Thames Street, is the
fair parish church of St. Mary, called "on the Hill,"
because of the ascent from Billingsgate. "In this
parish there was a place," says Stow, "called
'Septem Cameræ' which was either one house, or
else so many rooms or chambers, which formerly
belonged to some chantry, the rent wherof went
towards the maintaining of a priest to pray superstitiously for the soul of the deceased, who left
those septem cameræ for that use."
Stow has preserved the following epitaph from
a tomb in the chancel of St. Mary's:—
"Here lyeth a knight, in London borne,
Sir Thomas Blanke by name,
Of honest birth, of merchant's trade,
A man of worthy fame.
Religious was his life to God,
To men his dealing just;
The poor and hospitals can tell
That wealth was not his trust.
With gentle heart, and spirit milde,
And nature full of pitie,
Both sheriffe, lord maior, and alderman,
He ruled in this citie.
The 'Good Knight' was his common name,
So called of many men;
He lived long, and dyed of yeeres
Twice seven, and six times ten."
Billingsgate, though a rough and unromantic
place at the present day, has an ancient legend of
its own, that associates it with royal names and
venerable folk. Geoffrey of Monmouth deposeth
that about 400 years before Christ's nativity, Belin,
a king of the Britons, built this gate and gave it its
name, and that when he was dead the royal body
was burnt, and the ashes set over the gate in a
vessel of brass, upon a high pinnacle of stone.
Stow, more prosaic, on the other hand, is quite
satisfied that one Biling once owned the wharf, and
troubles himself no further.

THE CHURCH OF ALLHALLOWS THE GREAT IN 1784 (see page 40).
In Hogarth's memorable tour (1732) he stopped
at Billingsgate for the purpose of sketching. His
poetical chronicler says—
"Our march we with a song begin.
Our hearts were light, our breeches thin.
We meet with nothing of adventure
Till Billingsgate's dark house we enter;
Where we diverted were, while baiting,
With ribaldry not worth relating
(Quite suited to the dirty place);
But what most pleased us was his Grace
Of Puddle Dock, a porter grim,
Whose portrait Hogarth, in a whim,
Presented him, in caricature,
He pasted on the cellar door."
The introduction of steamboats has much altered
the aspect of Billingsgate. Formerly, passengers
embarked here for Gravesend and other places
down the river, and a great many sailors mingled
with the salesmen and fishermen. The boats
sailed only when the tide served, and the necessity
of being ready at the strangest hours rendered
many taverns necessary for the accommodation
of travellers. "The market formerly opened two
hours earlier than at present," says Mr. Platt,
writing in 1842, "and the result was demoralising
and exhausting. Drink led to ribald language and
fighting, but the refreshment now taken is chiefly
coffee, and the general language and behaviour has
improved." The fish-fags of Ned Ward's time have
disappeared, and the business is done smarter and
quicker. As late as 1842 coaches would sometimes arrive at Billingsgate from Dover or Hastings,
and so affect the market. The old circle from
which dealers in their carts attended the market,
included Windsor, St. Albans, Hertford, Romford,
and other places within twenty-five miles. Railways have now enlarged the area of purchasers to
an indefinite degree. In the Dutch auction system
used at Billingsgate, the prices asked sink till they
reach the level of the purchaser. The cheap fishsellers practise many tricks, blowing the cod-fish
larger with pipes, and mixing dead eels with live
ones. Railways have made fish a main article of
food with the London poor, so that, according to
Mr. Mayhew, the London costermongers sell onethird of the entire quantity of fish sent to Billings
gate. The salesmen divide all fish into two classes,
"red" and "white." The "red" fish is salmon,
all other descriptions are known as "white."

HALL OF THE SKINNERS' COMPANY.
To see this market in its busiest costermonger
time, says Mr. Mayhew, the visitor should be there
about seven o'clock on a Friday morning. The
market opens at four, but for the first two or three
hours it is attended solely by the regular fishmongers
and "bummarees," who have the pick of the best
there. As soon as these are gone the costers' sale
begins. Many of the costers that usually deal in
vegetables buy a little fish on the Friday. It is the
fast-day of the Irish, and the mechanics' wives run
short of money at the end of the week, and so
make up their dinners with fish: for this reason the
attendance of costers' barrows at Billingsgate on a
Friday morning is always very great. As soon as
you reach the Monument you see a line of them,
with one or two tall fishmongers' carts breaking
the uniformity, and the din of the cries and commotion of the distant market begin to break on
the ear like the buzzing of a hornet's nest. The
whole neighbourhood is covered with hand-barrows,
some laden with baskets, others with sacks. The
air is filled with a kind of sea-weedy odour, reminding one of the sea-shore; and on entering the
market, the smell of whelks, red herrings, sprats,
and a hundred other sorts of fish, is almost overpowering. The wooden barn-looking square where
the fish is sold is, soon after six o'clock, crowded
with shiny cord jackets and greasy caps. Everybody
comes to Billingsgate in his worst clothes; and no
one knows the length of time a coat can be worn
until they have been to a fish-sale. Through the
bright opening at the end are seen the tangled
rigging of the oyster-boats, and the red-worsted caps
of the sailors. Over the hum of voices is heard
the shouts of the salesmen, who, with their white
aprons, peering above the heads of the mob, stand
on their tables roaring out their prices. All are
bawling together—salesmen and hucksters of provisions, capes, hardware, and newspapers—till the
place is a perfect Babel of competition.
"Ha-a-andsome cod! the best in the market!
All alive! alive! alive, oh!"—"Ye-o-o! ye-o-o!
Here's your fine Yarmouth bloaters! Who's the
buyer?"—"Here you are, governor; splendid
whiting ! some of the right sort!"—"Turbot !
turbot! All alive, turbot!"—"Glass of nice peppermint, this cold morning ? Halfpenny a glass !"—"Here you are, at your own price ! Fine
soles, oh!"—"Oy! oy! oy! Now's your time!
Fine grizzling sprats ! all large, and no small!"—"Hullo! hullo, here! Beautiful lobsters! good and
cheap. Fine cock crabs, all alive, oh !"—"Five
brill and one turbot—have that lot for a pound!
Come and look at em, governor; you won't see
a better lot in the market."—"Here! this way;
this way, for splendid skate! Skate, oh! skate,
oh!"—"Had-had-had-had-haddock! All fresh and
good!"—"Currant and meat puddings ! a ha'penny
each !"—"Now, you mussel-buyers, come along !
come along! come along! Now's your time for
fine fat mussels!"—"Here's food for the belly, and
clothes for the back; but I sell food for the mind !"
shouts the newsvendor.—"Here's smelt, oh!"—"Here ye are, fine Finney haddick!"—"Hot
soup! nice pea-soup! a-all hot! hot!"—"Ahoy!
ahoy, here! Live plaice! all alive, oh!"—" Now
or never! Whelk! whelk! whelk! "—"Who'll buy
brill, oh! brill, oh?"—"Capes! waterproof capes!
Sure to keep the wet out! A shilling apiece!"—"Eels, oh! eels, oh! Alive, oh! alive, oh!"—"Fine flounders, a shilling a lot! Who'll have this
prime lot of flounders ?"—"Shrimps! shrimps! fine
shrimps!"—"Wink! wink! wink!"—"Hi! hi-i!
here you are; just eight eels left—only eight!"—"O ho! O ho! this way—this way—this way !
Fish alive ! alive ! alive, oh !"
Billingsgate Dock is mentioned as an important
quay in Brompton's Chronicle (Edward III.), under
the date 976, when King Ethelred, being then at
Wantage, in Berkshire, made laws for regulating
the customs on ships at Blynesgate, or Billingsgate,
then the only wharf in London. 1. Small vessels
were to pay one halfpenny; 2. Larger ones, with
sails, one penny; 3. Keeles, or hulks, still larger,
fourpence. 4. Ships laden with wood, one piece
for toll. 5. Boats with fish, according to size, a
halfpenny and a penny; 6. Men of Rouen, who
came with wine or peas, and men of Flanders and
Liege, were to pay toll before they began to sell,
but the Emperor's men (Germans of the Steel Yard)
paid an annual toll. 7. Bread was tolled three
times a week, cattle were paid for in kind, and
butter and cheese were paid more for before Christmas than after.
By King Stephen's time, according to Becket's
friend and biographer, Fitzstephen, the different
foreign merchants had drafted off to their respective
quays—Germans and Dutch to the Steel Yard, in
Upper Thames Street; the French wine merchants
to the Vintry. In the reign of Edward I., a great
regulator of the price of provisions, the price of
fish was fixed at the following scale:—Seal, sturgeon, ling, and dolphin were also eaten.
|
|
|
s. |
d. |
| A dozen of best soles |
|
0 |
3 |
| Best haddock |
|
0 |
2 |
| Best mullett |
|
0 |
2 |
| Best John Dory |
|
0 |
5 |
| Best whitings, four for |
|
0 |
1 |
| Best fresh oysters, a gallon |
|
0 |
2 |
| Best Thames or Severn lamprey |
|
0 |
4 |
| Best turbot |
|
0 |
6 |
| Best porpoise |
6d. to |
0 |
8 |
| Best fresh salmon (after Easter), four for |
|
5 |
0 |
| Best roach |
|
0 |
1 |
| Best pike |
6d. to |
0 |
8 |
| (Probably brought from abroad, pickled). |
|
|
|
| Best eels, a strike, or quarter of a hundred |
|
0 |
2 |
| Best conger |
|
1 |
0 |
Edward III. fixed the Billingsgate dues at 2d.
for large ships, 1d. for smaller, and one halfpenny
for boats or battles. For corn one farthing was
paid for two quarters; one farthing for two measured
quarters of sea-coal. Every tun of ale exported
was taxed at 4d.; and every 1,000 herrings, one
farthing.
In May, 1699, an Act of Parliament constituted
Billingsgate a free and open market for the sale of
fish six days in the week, and on Sundays (before
Divine service) for mackerel; and any fishmonger
who bought, except for his own sale, was to be
sentenced to a fine of £20 for every offence.
Several fishery-laws were passed in 1710, to restrain abuses, and the selfish greediness of fishermen. Eel-spears were forbidden, and it was made
unlawful to use a flue, trammel, hooped net, or
double-walled net, or to destroy the fry of fish.
No draw-nets were to be shot before sunrise or
after sunset. No fisherman was to try for flounders
between London Bridge and Westminster more
than two casts at low and two at high water. No
flounders were to be taken under the size of six
inches. No one was to angle within the limits of
London Bridge with more than two hooks upon
his line; no one was to drag for salmon in the
Thames with nets under six inches in the mesh;
and all unlawful nets were to be destroyed.
An Act of the 33rd year of George II. was
passed, to regulate the sale of fish at Billingsgate,
and prevent a monopoly of the market. It was
found that the London fishmongers bought up
the fishing-boats, and kept the fish down at
Gravesend, supplying the market with only boatloads at a time, so as to keep up the price. An
attempt had been made, in the year 1749, to establish a fish-market at Westminster, and fishing-boats
were bought by subscription; but the fishmongers
prevented any supply of fish reaching the new
depot. The Act of Parliament above referred to
(33 Geo. II.) was intended to remedy these evils.
The master of every fishing-vessel arriving at the
Nore with fish had to report the time of his arrival,
and the cargo he brought, to the clerk of the coastoffice, under penalty of £20; and for any marketable
fish he destroyed he was to be sentenced to not
less than one month's hard labour. No fish was to
be placed in well-boats or store-boats, unless to go
straight to Billingsgate, under a penalty of £20.
No one by the same Act was allowed to sell fishspawn, or unsizable fish, or any smelt less than
five inches long from nose to tail.
Stow (Elizabeth) describes Billingsgate as a port
or harborough for ships and boats bringing fish,
fresh and salt, shell-fish, oranges, onions, fruit,
roots, wheat, rye, and other grain. It had become
more frequented after the decline of Queenhithe.
Steam-vessels, of late years, have superseded the
old hoys and sailing-boats that once visited Billingsgate stairs. Steamers are not, of course, dependent on the state of the tide, and the old
summons for their departure (under penalty) at the
ringing of the bell, which announced high water at
London Bridge, is no longer an observance.
Addison, who glanced at nearly every kind of
London life, with his quiet kindly philosophy, and
large toleration for folly, did not forget to visit
Billingsgate, and refers, in his delightful way, to the
debates which frequently arose among "the ladies
of the British fishery." Tom Brown gives a ribald
sketch of the fish-fag; and coarse-tongued Ned
Ward, that observant publican of Defoe's time,
painted a gross Dutch picture of the shrill-voiced,
bloated Moll Flagons of the Dark House, scolding
and chattering among their heaps of fish, ready
enough to knock down the auctioneer who did not
knock down a lot to them.
In Bailey's English Dictionary (1736) a Billingsgate is described as meaning "a scolding, impudent slut," and Munden, incomparable as Sir Abel
Handy, in Morton's excellent comedy of Speed the
Plough, when asked about the temper and manners
of his wife, replies, in the true Socratic mode, by
the query, "Were you ever at Billingsgate in the
sprat season?"
Mr. Henry Mayhew, writing in 1861, calculates
that every year in Billingsgate there are sold
406,000 salmon, 400,000 live cod, 97,520,000 soles,
17,920,000 whiting, 2,470,000 haddocks, 23,520,000
mackerel, 4,000,000 lbs. of sprats, 1,050,000,000
fresh herrings, in bulk, 9,797,760 eels, 147,000,000
bloaters, 19,500,000 dried haddocks, 495,896,000
oysters, 1,200,000 lobsters, 600,000 crabs, and
498,428,648 shrimps. Of this vast salvage from
the seas the 4,000 London fish costermongers sell
263,281,000 pounds' weight. Mr. Mayhew calculated that the sprat costermongers sell 3,000,000
pounds' weight annually, and realise £12,000.
The forestallers or middlemen at Billingsgate
are called "bummarees" (probably a word of Dutch
origin). They buy residues, and sell again in lots,
at a considerable profit, to the fishmongers and
costermongers. They are said to derive their name
from the bumboat-men, who used to purchase of
the wind-bound smacks at Gravesend or the Nore,
and send the fish rapidly up to market in light carts.
The costermongers are important people at
Billingsgate market. Sprat-selling in the streets
generally commences about the 9th of November
(Lord Mayor's Day), which is accordingly by costermongers sometimes called "Sprat Day." Sprats
continue in about ten weeks. They are sold at
Billingsgate by the "toss" or "chuck," which is
about half a bushel, and weighs from forty to fifty
pounds. The price varies from 1s. to 5s. A street
sprat-seller can make from 1s. 6d. to 2s. 6d. a day,
and often more. About 1,000 "tosses" of sprats
are sold daily in London streets during the season.
The real costermonger thinks sprat-selling infra dig.
A street shell-fish-seller will make his 15s. a week,
chiefly by periwinkles and mussels. The London
costermongers, in Mr. Mayhew's time, sold about
770,000 pints of shrimps annually, which, at 2d. a
pint, a low calculation, amounts to £6,400 yearly.
The costermongers sell about 124,000,000 oysters
a year, which, at four a penny, the price some years
ago, would realise £129,650. The periwinkles
sold in London Mr. Mayhew calculated from good
data to be 3,600,000 pints, which, at a penny a
pint, gives the large sum of £15,000. The sellers
of "Wink, wink, winketty, wink, wink," make, on
an average, 12s. a week clear profit in the summer
season. Taking fresh, salt, and shell-fish together,
Mr. Mayhew calculated that £1,460,850 was spent
annually on fish by London street purchasers.
In the days before railways, when the coaches
were stopped by snow, or the river by ice, fish used
sometimes to command great prices at Billingsgate.
In March, 1802, a cod-fish of eight pounds was
sold to a Bond Street fishmonger for £1 8s. In
February, 1809, a salmon of nineteen pounds went
for a guinea a pound. In March, 1824, three
lobsters sold for a guinea each; and Mr. Timbs
mentions two epicures dividing the only lobster in
the market for sauce, and paying two guineas each
for the luxury. On the other hand, the prolific sea
furnishes sometimes great gluts of fish. Sixty tons
of periwinkles at a time have been sent from
Glasgow; and in two days from ninety to a hundred
tons of plaice, soles, and sprats have been landed
at Billingsgate. Perhaps we may live to see the
time when the better sorts of fish will grow scarce
as oysters, and cod-fish will have to be bred at the
Dogger Bank, and encouraged in its reproduction.
All fish is sold at Billingsgate by tale, except
salmon, which go by weight, and sprats, oysters,
and shell-fish, which are sold by measure. In
Knight's "London" (1842), the number of boxes
of salmon sent to Billingsgate is said to begin in
February at about thirty boxes a day, and to increase in July to 1,000 boxes a day. In 1842
probably not less than 2,500 tons of salmon reached
Billingsgate. In 1770 salmon was sent to London
in panniers on horseback; after that, it was packed
in straw in light carts. After April it was impossible to send the fish to market. About the year
1785, Mr. Alexander Dalrymple, a servant of the
East India Company, told a Mr. George Dempster,
at the East India House, the Chinese fishermen's
mode of conveying fresh fish great distances packed
up in snow. Dempster instantly wrote off to a
Scotch friend, who had already tried the plan of
sending salmon, packed in ice, to London from
Aberdeen and Inverness. In 1852 there were
about sixty fish-salesmen in London, and fifty of
these had stalls in Billingsgate.
The old water-gate of Beling, the friend of
Brennus the Gaul, was long ago a mere collection
of dirty pent-houses, scaly sheds, and ill-savoured
benches, with flaring oil-lamps in winter, daybreak
disclosing a screaming, fighting, and rather tipsy
crowd; but since the extension of the market in
1849, and the disappearance of the fishermen, there
is less drinking, and more sober and strenuous
business.
Mr. Henry Mayhew has painted a minute yet
vivid picture of this great market. "In the
darkness of the shed," he says, "the white bellies
of the turbots, strung up bow-fashion, shine like
mother-of-pearl, while the lobsters, lying upon them,
look intensely scarlet from the contrast. Brown
baskets piled upon one another, and with the
herring-scales glittering like spangles all over them,
block up the narrow paths. Men in coarse canvas
jackets, and bending under huge hampers, push
past, shouting, 'Move on! move on, there!' and
women, with the long limp tails of cod-fish dangling
from their aprons, elbow their way through the
crowd. Round the auction-tables stand groups of
men, turning over the piles of soles, and throwing
them down till they slide about in their slime;
some are smelling them, while others are counting
the lots. 'There, that lot of soles are worth your
money,' cries the salesman to one of the crowd, as
he moves on leisurely; 'none better in the market.
You shall have 'em for a pound and half-a-crown.'
'Oh!' shouts another salesman, 'it's no use to
bother him; he's no go.' Presently a tall porter,
with a black oyster-bag, staggers past, trembling
under the weight of his load, his back and shoulders
wet with the drippings from the sack. 'Shove on
one side,' he mutters from between his clenched
teeth, as he forces his way through the mob. Here
is a tray of reddish-brown shrimps piled up high,
and the owner busy shifting his little fish into
another stand, while a doubtful customer stands in
front, tasting the flavour of the stock, and consulting with his companion in speculation. Little
girls carrying matting-bags, that they have brought
from Spitalfields, come up, and ask you in a
begging voice to buy their baskets; and women,
with bundles of twigs for stringing herrings, cry
out, 'Halfpenny a bunch!' from all sides. Then
there are blue-black piles of small live lobsters,
moving about their bound-up claws and long
'feelers,' one of them occasionally being taken up
by a looker-on, and dashed down again like a stone.
Everywhere every one is asking, 'What's the price,
master?' while shouts of laughter, from round the
stalls of the salesmen, bantering each other, burst
out occasionally over the murmuring noise of the
crowd. The transparent smelts on the marble
slabs, and the bright herrings, with the lump of
transparent ice magnifying their eyes like a lens,
are seldom looked at until the market is over,
though the hampers and piles of huge maids,
dropping slime from the counter, are eagerly
examined and bartered for.
"The costermongers have nicknamed the long
row of oyster-boats moored close alongside the
wharf 'Oyster Street.' On looking down the line
of tangled ropes and masts, it seems as though the
little boats would sink with the crowds of men and
women thronged together on their decks. It is as
busy a scene as one can well behold. Each boat
has its black sign-board, and salesman in his white
apron walking up and down 'his shop,' and on
each deck is a bright pewter pot and tin-covered
plate, the remains of the salesman's breakfast.
'Who's for Baker's?' 'Who's for Archer's?' 'Who'll
have Alston's?' shout the oyster-merchants; and
the red cap of the man in the hold bobs up and
down as he rattles the shells about with his spade.
These holds are filled with oysters—a grey mass of
sand and shell—on which is a bushel-measure well
piled up in the centre, while some of them have a
blue muddy heap of mussels divided off from the
'natives.' The sailors, in their striped guernseys,
sit on the boat-sides smoking their morning's pipe,
allowing themselves to be tempted by the Jew boys
with cloth caps, old shoes, and silk handkerchiefs."
Mr. Mayhew has also sketched, with curious
photographic realism, the Dutch eel-boats, with
their bulging polished oak sides, half hidden in the
river mist. They are surrounded by skiffs full of
traders from the Surrey and Middlesex shores.
You see wooden sabots and china pipes on the
ledges of the boats, and the men wear tall fur
caps, red shirts, and canvas kilts. The holds of
the vessels are tanks, and floating at the stern are
coffin-shaped barges pierced with holes, with eelbaskets hanging over the sides. In the centre of
the boats stand the scales, tall and heavy, with, on
one side, the conical net-bag for the eels; on the
other, the weights and pieces of stone to make up
for the water that clings to the fish. The captain,
when purchasers arrive, lays down his constant
friend, his black pipe, and dives into the tank a
long-handled landing-net, and scoops from the tank
a writhing knot of eels. Some of the purchasers
wear blue serge aprons; others are ragged women,
with their straw pads on their crushed bonnets.
They are busy sorting their purchases, or sanding
them till they are yellow.
In old times the Thames fish half supplied
London. Old Stow says of the Thames in his day,
"What should I speak of the fat and sweet salmons
daily taken in this stream, and that in such plenty
(after the time of the smelt is past) as no river in
Europe is able to exceed it ? But what store also
of barbels, trouts, chevens, perches, smelts, breams,
roaches, daces, gudgeons, flounders, shrimps, eels,
&c., are commonly to be had therein, I refer me to
them that know by experience better than I, by
reason of their daily trade of fishing in the same.
And albeit it seemeth from time to time to be, as
it were, defrauded in sundry wise of these, her large
commodities, by the insatiable avarice of fishermen;
yet this famous river complaineth commonly of no
want, but the more it loseth at one time it gaineth
at another."
Stow also tells us that, before 1569, the City ditch,
without the wall of the City, which then lay open,
"contained great store of very good fish, of divers
sorts, as many yet living know, who have taken and
tasted them, can well witness, but now (he says) no
such matter." Sir John Hawkins, in his edition
of Walton's "Angler" (1760), mentions that, about
thirty years before, the City anglers were accustomed to enjoy their sport by the starlings of old
London Bridge. "In the memory of a person not
long since living, a waterman that plied at Essex
Stairs, his name John Reeves, got a comfortable
living by attending anglers with his boat. His
method was to watch when the shoals of roach
came down from the country, and, when he had
found them, to go round to his customers and give
them notice. Sometimes they (the fish) settled
opposite the Temple; at others, at Blackfriars or
Queenhithe; but most frequently about the chalk
hills (the deposit of chalk rubble) near London
Bridge. His hire was two shillings a tide. A
certain number of persons who were accustomed
thus to employ him raised a sum sufficient to buy
him a waterman's coat and silver badge, the impress
whereof was 'Himself, with an angler in his boat;'
and he had annually a new coat to the time of his
death, which might be about the year 1730." Mr.
Goldham, the clerk or yeoman of Billingsgate
Market, stated before a Parliamentary Committee
that, in 1798, 400 fishermen, each of whom was
the owner of a boat, and employed a boy, obtained
a good livelihood by the exercise of their craft
between Deptford and London, above and below
bridge, taking roach, plaice, smelts, flounders,
salmon, shad, eels, gudgeon, dace, dabs, &c. Mr.
Goldham said that about 1810 he had known
instances of as many as ten salmon and 3,000
smelts being taken at one haul up the river towards
Wandsworth, and 50,000 smelts were brought daily
to Billingsgate, and not fewer than 3,000 Thames
salmon in the season. Some of the boats earned
£6 a week, and salmon was sold at 3s. and 45. a
pound. The fishery was nearly destroyed at the
time when this evidence was given, in 1828. The
masters of the Dutch eel-ships stated before the
same committee that, a few years before, they could
bring their live eels in "wells" as far as Gallion's
Reach, below Woolwich; but now (1828) they
were obliged to stop at Erith, and they had sustained serious losses from the deleterious quality of
the water, which killed the fish. The increase of
gas-works and of manufactories of various kinds,
and of filth disgorged by the sewers, will sufficiently
account for this circumstance. The number of
Dutch eel-vessels which bring supplies to Billings
gate varied, in 1842, from sixty to eighty annually.
They brought about fifteen hundred weight of fish
each, and paid a duty of £13. Mr. Butcher, an
agent for Dutch fishermen, stated before the committee above mentioned that, in 1827, eight Dutch
vessels arrived with full cargoes of healthy eels,
about 14,000 pounds each, and the average loss
was 4,000 pounds. Twelve years before, when the
Thames was purer, the loss was only thirty pounds
of eels a night; and the witness deposed that an
hour after high water he had had 3,000 pounds of
eels die in an hour. (How singularly this accounts
for the cheap eel-pie!) The river had been getting
worse yearly. Fish were often seen trying to save
themselves on floating pieces of wood, and flounders
would climb up bundles of weeds for a moment's
fresh air.

BILLINGSGATE. (From a View taken in 1820.)
Bagford, the old antiquary, mentions a curious
custom that once prevailed at Billingsgate. "This,"
he says, speaking of an old custom referred to in
"Hudibras," "brings to my mind another ancient
custom that hath been omitted of late years. It
seems that in former times the porters that plyd at
Billingsgate used civilly to entreat and desire every
man that passed that way to salute a post that
stood there in a vacant place. If he refused to
do this, they forthwith laid hold of him, and by
main force bouped him against the post; but if he
quietly submitted to kiss the same, and paid down
sixpence, they gave him a name, and chose some
one of the gang for a godfather. I believe this
was done in memory of some old image that formerly stood there, perhaps of Belus or Belin."
Adjoining Billingsgate, on the east side, stood
Smart's Quay or Wharf, which we find noticed in
the reign of Queen Elizabeth as containing an
ingenious seminary for the instruction of young
thieves. The following extract of a letter, addressed to Lord Burleigh, in July, 1585, by Fleetwood, the Recorder of London, evinces that the
"art and mystery" of picking pockets was brought
to considerable perfection in the sixteenth century:—
"Amongst our travels this one matter tumbled
out by the way. One Wotton, a gentleman born,
and some time a merchant of good credit, having
fallen by time into decay, kept an ale-house at
Smart's Key, near Billingsgate; and after, for some
misdemeanour, being put down, he reared up a
new trade of life, and in the same house he procured all the cut-purses about this city to repair to
his said house. There was a school-house set up
to learn young boys to cut purses. There were
hung up two devices; the one was a pocket, the
other was a purse. The pocket had in it certain
counters, and was hung about with hawks' bells
and over the top did hang a little scaring-bell; and
he that could take out a counter without any noise,
was allowed to be a public hoyster; and he that
could take a piece of silver out of the purse without
the noise of any of the bells, he was adjudged a
judicial nipper. N. B.—That a hoyster is a pick
pocket, and a nipper is termed a pick-purse, or a
cut-purse."

THE OLD COAL EXCHANGE (see page 50).
The Coal Exchange faces the site of Smart's
Quay, Billingsgate. English coal is first mentioned
in the reign of Henry III., who granted a charter
to the people of Newcastle, empowering them to
dig it. Soon afterwards, dyers, brewers, &c., began
to use coal in their trade, and the nobles and gentry
complaining of the smoke, a severe proclamation
was passed against the use of sea-coal, though wood
was yearly growing scarcer and dearer. Edward I.
also issued a proclamation against the use of coal.
Nevertheless, a charter of Edward II. shows Derbyshire coal to have been then used in London.
In 1590 (Elizabeth) the owners of the Newcastle
coal-pits, combining, raised the price of coals from
4s. to 9s. per chaldron; and the following year the
Lord High Admiral claimed the coal metage in the
port of London. The mayor and citizens disputed
and overthrew this claim, and, by the influence of
Lord Treasurer Burleigh, obtained the Queen's confirmation of the City's right to the office. At one
period in Elizabeth's reign it was prohibited to
burn stone-coal during the session of Parliament
for fear the health of the members (country gentlemen accustomed to their wood-fires) should be
injured. Shakespeare speaks in a cozy way "of the
latter end of a sea-coal fire;" but others of the
dramatists abuse coals; and the sea-coal smoke was
supposed to have much injured the stone of old St.
Paul's. In 1655 (Commonwealth) the price of coal
in London was usually above 20s. a chaldron; and
there were 320 "keels" at Newcastle, each of which
carried 800 chaldrons, Newcastle measure; and
136 of these made 217 chaldrons, London measure.
A duty of only 1s. a chaldron was paid on coals in
London, yet the great Protector generously granted
the Corporation a licence to import 400 chaldrons
every year for the 'poor citizens, duty free. The
coal-carts numbered 420, and were placed under
the regulation of the President and Governors of
Christ's Hospital; and all coal-sacks and measures
were illegal unless sealed at Guildhall. It was also
at this same period generously provided that the
City companies should lay up stores of coal in
summer (from 675 chaldrons to three, according to
their ability), to be retailed in the winter in small
quantities. To prevent extortion, conspiracy, and
monopoly, retail dealers, by the same Act, were
prohibited under penalties from contracting for
coals, or meeting the coal-vessels before they
arrived in the port of London.
By statute 16 and 17 Charles II., all sea-coal
brought into the river Thames was to be sold by
the chaldron, containing thirty-six bushels; and all
other coals sold by weight were to be sold after the
proportion of 112 pounds to the hundred avoirdupois. By the 12th Queen Anne, the coal measure
was ordered to be made round, and to contain one
Winchester bushel and one quart of water; the
sack to hold three such bushels; the bushel to be
sealed or stamped at the Exchequer Office or the
Guildhall, under penalty of £50.
In 1713 the master-meters of the Coal Office
were only allowed to employ or dismiss the deputies
sanctioned by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. An
Act of George II. required the ancient custom to
be kept up of giving one chaldron in addition to
every score purchased on board ship, under penalty
of £100. This bonus was called ingrain, and
constituted good Pool measure. By a later Act
any lighterman receiving any gratuity from owners
or fitters for preference in the quality in lading
ships was fined £500. All bargains for coals at
Billingsgate had to be entered on the factor's book,
signed by buyer and seller, and witnessed by the
factor, who gave a copy of the contract to each.
Masters of ships were fined for delaying their
cargoes at Gravesend.
The old Coal Exchange, erected in 1805, for the
use of the black-diamond merchants, was a quaint
and picturesque building, with a receding portico,
supported by small Doric pillars, and with some
stone steps, that led into a quadrangle. The narrow
windows lit the upper storeys. The present Coal
Exchange was opened by Prince Albert in 1849,
and Mr. J. B. Bunning was the architect. The
design was thought original yet simple. The fronts
in Thames Street and St. Mary-at-Hill are 112 feet
wide and 61 feet high. The entrance vestibule is
in a circular tower 109 feet high. The lowest
storey is Roman-Doric; the first storey Ionic. The
inner rotunda is crowned by a dome 74 feet high,
which rests on eight piers. About 300 tons of iron
were used in the building. The Raphaelesque
decorations were designed by Mr. Sang. Above
emblematical figures of the collier rivers are figures
of the Virtues, and over these are groups of shells,
snakes, and lizards. In some of the arabesques
the leading features are views of the Wallsend,
Percy, Pitt Main, and other celebrated collieries,
adorned with groups of flowers and fossil plants.
While digging for the foundation of the new
building, on the site of the old "Dog" tavern, the
workmen came on a Roman sweating-bath, with
tiled floors and several rooms. This hypocaust is
still shown.
The floor of the rotunda is composed of inlaid
woods, disposed in form of a mariner's compass,
within a border of Greek fret. The flooring consists of upwards of 4,000 pieces of wood, of various
kinds. The varieties of wood employed comprise
black ebony, black oak, common and red English
oak, wainscot, white holly, mahogany, American
elm, red and white walnut, and mulberry. The
appearance of this floor is beautiful in the extreme.
The whole of these materials were prepared by
Messrs. Davison and Symington's patent process of
seasoning woods. The same desiccating process
has been applied to the wood-work throughout the
building. The black oak introduced is part of an
old tree which was discovered in the river Tyne,
where it had unquestionably lain between four and
five centuries. The mulberry-wood, of which the
blade of the dagger in the shield of the City Arms
is composed, is a piece of a tree planted by Peter
the Great, when he worked as a shipwright in
Deptford Dockyard.
"The coloured decorations of this Exchange
have been most admirably imagined and successfully carried out. They are extremely characteristic,
and on this point deserve praise. The entrance
vestibule is peculiarly rich and picturesque in its
embellishments; terminal figures, vases with fruit,
arabesque foliage, &c., all of the richest and most
glowing colours, fill up the vault of the ceiling;
and, looking up through an opening in the ceiling,
a figure of Plenty scattering riches, and surrounded
by figurini, is seen painted in the ceiling of the
lantern. Over the entrance doorway, within a sunk
panel, is painted the City Arms."
The Hall of the Watermen's Company was originally situated at Coldharbour, near the "Three
Cranes," in the Vintry, and is referred to in the
statute of 1 James I., 1603. It was burnt, with
many of the Company's old records, in the Great
Fire of 1666, but was again rebuilt in the old place.
It was rebuilt once more in 1722, and in 1776 the
Company removed to St. Mary-at-Hill, Billingsgate,
where it now remains, Calvert's brewery occupying
the old site. In 1555 an Act was passed, directing
that the Court should consist of eight watermen, to
be called overseers and rulers, to be annually appointed by the Court of Lord Mayor and Aldermen.
In 1641 an order was made by the Court of Lord
Mayor, that fifty-five persons at the different stairs
should select twenty of their number to choose the
eight rulers to carry out the laws. These fifty-five
persons assumed the title of "assistants."
In 1700 the lightermen of the City were incorporated with the watermen (called Watermen and
Lightermen's Company). Three lightermen were
to be appointed as additional overseers and rulers,
and a court of forty assistants. In 1729 an Act was
passed which reduced the number of assistants to
thirty. In 1827 a new Act was passed, re-incorporating the Company, to consist of a master, four
wardens, and twenty-one assistants. In case of
vacancy in court, the court were to select three
qualified persons, for the Court of Lord Mayor, &c.,
to choose one to fill the vacancy. In 1859 an Act
was passed, by which the court were empowered
to fill up vacancies, without reference to the Court
of Lord Mayor, &c.
The various Acts passed from the time of
Henry VIII. gave power to the Company to hold
general courts, courts of binding, and courts for
hearing and determining complaints, and to punish
offenders by fine and imprisonment; power to
license passenger-boats, register craft, and to appoint Sunday ferries, the rent of which has always
been applied to the relief of the poor of the Company, and to make bye-laws for the regulation of
boats, barges, and steam-boats on the river, and the
men navigating the same. There are about 350
apprentices bound annually, and about 250 complaints are investigated during the year. The introduction of steam greatly reduced the watermen,
but the lightermen and barges have been annually
increasing. There are now about 6,000 freemen of
the Company, and 2,000 apprentices. The court
distribute about £1,600 per annum, out of their
ferry-rents, in pensions to 400 poor freemen and
widows. Forty almshouses have been established
at Penge, supported by the voluntary contributions
of the public.
The fares of the Thames watermen and wherrymen were regulated by Henry VIII. in 1514.
Taylor, the water-poet, temp. Elizabeth, states the
watermen between Windsor and Gravesend at
40,000. A third statute regulates the dimensions
of the boats and wherries, then dangerously "shallow and tickle;" the Lord Mayor and Aldermen
to limit the watermen's fares, if confirmed by the
Privy Council. Strype was told by one of the
Company that there were 40,000 watermen upon
their rolls; that they could furnish 20,000 men for
the fleet, and that 8,000 were then in the service.
Taylor, the water-poet, with his fellow-watermen,
violently opposed the introduction of coaches as
trade-spoilers. The Company (says Mr. Timbs)
condemned the building of Westminster and Blackfriars bridges, as an injury to the ferries between
Vauxhall and the Temple, the profits of which were
given to the poor, aged, decayed, and maimed
watermen and their widows; and in both cases the
Company were compensated for their losses. The
substitution of steam-boats for wherries has, however, been as fatal to the watermen as railways to
stage-coachmen.
The Lord High Admiral, or the Commissioners
of the Admiralty, used to have power to demand a
certain number of watermen to serve in the Royal
Navy, by an Act of William and Mary; and in 1796
nearly 4,000 watermen were thus enrolled. The
ribald banter of the Thames watermen was formerly proverbial, and is mentioned by Ned Ward,
and nearly all the essayists. Dr. Johnson, Boswell
says, was particularly proud of having silenced
some watermen who tried to ridicule him. By an
order of the Company in 1761, this foul kind of
extemporaneous satire was forbidden by the rulers
and auditors of the Company; and any waterman
or apprentice convicted of using indecent language
was fined 2s. 6d. for each offence; the fines to go
to the use of the "poor, aged, decayed, and
maimed members of the Company, their widows
and children."

THE CUSTOM HOUSE—TIME OF ELIZABETH.
All wherries were formerly required to be 12½
feet long and 4½ broad in the midships, under pain
of forfeiture; and all wherries and boats were to be
entered and numbered. Extortion and abuse was
punishable by fine
and imprisonment. A statute
(34 George III.)
placed the watermen more immediately under the
mayor's jurisdiction; and the
highest penalty
was fixed at £3.
Before the time
of steamboats, a
bell used to ring
at Gravesend at
high water, as a
warning to hurry
off the London
watermen. A report of the Dock
Committee in
1796 shows that
there were then
12,283 watermen,
8,283 freemen,
2,000 non-freemen, and 2,000 apprentices; the annual number of apprentices being from 200 to 300. In
1828 there were above 3,000 wherries on the
Thames.
When the opening of Blackfriars Bridge destroyed the landing ferry there, established for the
benefit of the Waterman's Poor Fund, the bridge
committee gave £13,650 Consolidated Three per
Cents to the rulers of the Company, as a recompense, and the interest is now appropriated to the
same purpose as the ferry-fund used to be.
Close to Waterman's Hall is the Fellowship
Porters' Hall. This brotherhood was incorporated
as early as 1155 (Henry II.), and re-incorporated
in 1613 (James I.). The business of the Fellowship
Porters, which is now less strictly defined than in
old times, is to carry or house corn, salt, coals, fish,
and fruit of all descriptions. There were formerly
about 3,000 Fellowship Porters; there are now
about 1,500. The Ticket Porters and Tackle
Porters have no hall. The fraternity of Fellowship Porters had the power, by an Act of Council
of 1646, to choose twelve rulers, the Lord Mayor
and Aldermen reserving the right to appoint one
of the number. There are now six rulers. The
governor, deputy-governor, and deputy of the ward
act as superintendents of the Company. The
Company has no livery or arms, and ranks the
nineteenth in the order of precedence.
In accordance
with a pretty old
custom, every Sunday before Midsummer Day a sermon is preached
to the Fellowship
Porters in the
church of St. Maryat-Hill. They
overnight furnish
the merchants
and families above
Billingsgate with
nosegays, and in
the morning proceed from the hall
to the church, two
and two, carrying
nosegays. They
walk up the middle aisle to the
communion-table,
and each places
an offering in one
of the two basins
on the communion-rails, for the relief of the Company's poor; and after they have prayed, the deputy,
the merchants, their wives, children, and servants
walk in order from their seats, and perform the
same solemnity. The annual cost of the nosegays
amounts to nearly £20.
And now we come to that great Government
toll-bar, the Customs House. The first building of
this kind in London was rebuilt by John Churchman, Sheriff of London, in 1385 (Richard II.),
and it stood on the site of the present buildings.
Another and larger edifice, erected in the reign of
Elizabeth, was destroyed by the Great Fire. A
new Custom House, built by Wren, was destroyed
by fire in 1715, and its successor, the design by
Ripley, was burnt down February 12,1814.
In Elizabeth's time, the farmers of the Customs
made immense fortunes. A chronicler of her reign
says: "About this time (1590) the commodity of
the Custom House amounted to an unexpected
value; for the Queen, being made acquainted, by
means of a subtle fellow, named Caerwardine,
with the mystery of their gains, so enhanced the
rate, that Sir Thomas Smith, Master of the Custom
House, who heretofore farmed it of the Queen
for £14,000 yearly, was now augmented to
£42,000, and afterwards to £50,000, which,
notwithstanding, was valued but as an ordinary
sum for such oppressing gaine. The Lord Treasurer, the Earls of Leicester and Walsingham,
much opposed themselves against this Caerwardine, denying him entrance into the Privy Chamber, insomuch that, expostulating with the Queen
they traduced her harkening to such a fellow's
information, to the disparagement of the judgment
of her Council, and the discredit of their case.
But the Queen answered them, that all princes
ought to be, if not as favourable, yet as just, to
the lowest as the highest, deciding that they who
falsely accuse her Privy Council of sloth or indiscretion should be severely punished; but that
they who justly accused them should be heard.
That she was Queen as well to the poorest as to
the proudest, and that, therefore, she would never
be deaf to their just complaints. Likewise, that she
would not suffer that those toll-takers, like horseleeches, should glut themselves with the riches of
the realm, and starve her exchequer; which, as she
will not bear it to be docked, so hateth she to
enrich it with the poverty of the people."
The revenue has grown like the green bay-tree
of the Psalmist. In the first year of Elizabeth,
the Customs realised £73,846; in her fifth year,
£57,436; in her tenth, £74,875. The average of
sixteen years, before the Restoration, was £316,402.
In Elizabeth's time the Custom House establishment consisted of eight principal officers, each of
whom had from two to six men under him; but
the principal waiter had as many as sixteen subordinates. From 1671 to 1688, says D'Avenant,
the first inspector-general of imports and exports,
the revenue derived from the English Customs
averaged £555,752 a year. From 1700 to 1714,
the Customs averaged £1,352,764. At the close
of the century they exceeded £6,000,000. They
now exceed £20,000,000.
The Custom House built after the Great Fire
was said to have cost £10,000. The new Custom
House of 1718 had better-arranged apartments and
accommodation for a greater number of clerks.
The new building was 189 feet long, and the centre
29 feet deep. It was built of brick and stone, and
the wings had a passage colonnade of the Tuscan
order, towards the river, the upper storey being
relieved by Ionic pilasters and pediments. The
great feature of the building was the "Long Room,"
which, extending the whole length of the centre,
was 127 feet long, 29 wide, and 24 high. Here
several commissioners superintended personally the
numerous officers and clerks of various departments.
This building, already too small for the evergrowing commerce of London, was destroyed, as
before mentioned, in 1814, by a fire, which also
destroyed ten houses on the north side of Thames
Street. Cellars and warehouses full of valuable
property, and stores of documents and records,
were also lost. But, several years before this
catastrophe, the enlargement of the Custom House
had been planned. It had been at first proposed
to build an additional wing, but on a survey the
old building was found too much decayed and
dilapidated to warrant much expenditure on its
renovation. The Lords of the Treasury selected
Mr. Laing's design. Between the old Custom
House and Billingsgate there had been eight quays,
equal to 479 feet; but the site now selected was
immediately east of Billingsgate, with only a landingstair between. It had been suggested to place the
Custom House on the north side of Thames Street,
so as to save the expense of embankment; but this
would have necessitated the widening of many
narrow and crooked streets, and the formation of
two docks, one east and one west of the quay.
The estimate for the new building was £165,000,
exclusive of the formation of the foundation-ground
and some other contingencies. The owners of
private property claimed £84,478, and were paid
£41,700. The materials of the old building were
sold for £12,400. The first necessity was to test
the substratum. The soil was bored with huge
augers that screwed down eighteen to twenty feet.
A substratum of close gravel, at first promising well,
proved to be artificial. The whole ground, from
the level of the river to the south side of Thames
Street, proved to have once been part of the bed
of the river. Rushes were found mixed with
mussel-shells and the chrysalids of water insects.
The workmen also came on three distinct lines of
wooden embankments at the distances of 58, 86,
and 103 feet within the range of the existing
wharves; and about fifty from the campshot, or
under edge of the wharf wall, a wall built of chalk
and rubble, and faced with Purbeck stone, was
discovered, running east and west. This was, no
doubt, the river rampart of London, mentioned by
Fitzstephen. It was so strongly built that it could
scarcely be broken even by iron wedges. Many
coins and other Roman antiquities were found.
Rows of piles, twenty-eight and thirty feet long,
were then sunk, and on these were placed sleepers
of beech fitted in with brickwork.

THE PRESENT COAL EXCHANGE.
The first stone of the new building was laid in
1813, by Lord Liverpool, then First Lord of the
Treasury, and was opened for business, May 12,
1817. The north side, fronting Thames Street,
was plain, but on the south front, towards the
river, the central compartment projected, and the
wings had a hexastyle detached Ionic colonnade.
The central attic, comprising the exterior of the
celebrated Long Room, was decorated with alto
and basso relievos, representing in allegorical
groups the Arts, Sciences, Commerce, Industry, and
types of the nations who are our principal commercial allies. The dial-plate, nine feet in diameter, was supported by colossal figures of Industry
and Plenty, while the royal arms were sustained by
figures of Ocean and Commerce. The Long Room
was 196 feet by 66.
Unfortunately, however, the work was done too
cheaply or too quickly, and the foundation gave
way. This was bitterly complained of in a Parliamentary Committee of 1828, when it was stated
that this failure had led to a charge of nearly
£180,000, in addition to the original expenditure
of £225,000. The Long Room eventually had
to be taken down by Mr. Laing, the architect, the
foundations relaid, and the allegorical figures removed.
The quay is too narrow to afford a good view,
but there is a simple grandeur about the design,
when seen from the bridge or river. The water
front, says Mr. Platt, is 488 feet, 90 feet longer
than the old Post Office, and 30 feet longer than
the National Gallery.
The number of officers and clerks in this great
public office is over 600, out and in. The out-door
employés are about 300. The inspectors-general
superintend the tide-surveyors, tide-waiters, and
watermen, and appoint them their daily duty, each
inspector attending in rotation at Gravesend. The
tide-surveyors visit ships reported inwards or out
wards, to see that the tide-waiters put on board
discharge their duty properly. The tide-waiters, if
the vessel is coming in, remain on board, unless
the vessel be in the docks, like men in possession,
till the cargo is discharged. The landing-officers,
under the superintendence of the surveyors, attend
the quays and docks, and take a note of goods as
they are craned on shore, and on the receipt of
warrants showing that the duties are paid, permit
the delivery of goods for home consumption. The
officers of the coast department attend to vessels
arriving and departing between London and the outports, and give permits for landing their cargoes,
and take bonds for the delivery at their destination
of goods sent coastwise. They appoint the coastwaiters, who attend the shipping, and discharge all
coastwise goods. The searchers see to all goods
shipped for abroad, the entries of which, after
passing the Long Room, are placed in their hands,
and they examine the packages, to see that they
duly correspond. As the amount of work fluctuates,
and when a special wind blows, flocks of vessels
arrive together, the number of supernumeraries
employed at the Custom House is very large.
There are sometimes, says a good authority, as
many as 2,000 persons a day working at Custom
House business between Gravesend and London
Bridge.

THE OLD CUSTOM HOUSE. (From a View by Maurer, published in 1753.)
The Long Room is the department where most of
the documents required by the Customs' Laws are
received by officials. The first thing necessary
upon the arrival of a vessel from a foreign country
is the report of the ship, that is, the master must,
within twenty-four hours of entering the port, deliver
at the Report Office in the Long Room an account
of her cargo. Then, before any goods are delivered
out of charge by the officers of the out-door department, who board and watch vessels on their arrival,
entries of the goods passed also in the Long Room
must have reached the officers. These entries
are documents giving particulars of the goods in
greater detail than is required in the master's report,
and are delivered in the Long Room by the consignees of the cargo, or by their representatives.
A single entry may suffice for an entire cargo, if it
be all of one kind of goods and be the property of
one person, or any number of entries may be
necessary if the cargo be varied in nature. The
report and the entries—that is, the account of the
cargo rendered by the master and that supplied
by the consignees—are compared, and delivery of
goods not mentioned in the report, though correctly
entered, is refused until the omission has been
satisfactorily explained. In the case of goods liable
to duty, the entries are not suffered to leave the
Long Room until it is ascertained that the payment
has been made. The entry for such goods, when
signed by the Long Room officers, in testimony of
its having been passed by them, vouches for the
payment of the duty, and constitutes the warrant
authorising the officers at the waterside to deliver
the goods. Such is the general course of routine
applicable to vessels arriving from foreign ports.
The officers of the Long Room sit at their desks
along the four sides. The visitors are chiefly
weather-beaten sea-captains, shipowners, and shipowners' clerks, who come and report arrivals or
obtain clearances, and wholesale merchants, who
have goods to import or export, or goods to place
in bond.
A correct account is also required of the cargoes
of vessels sailing from this country, and the documents by which this is obtained are presented in the
Searcher's Office in the Long Room either by the
shippers of the goods or by the master of the vessel.
The operation performed in the Long Room by the
master of an outward-bound ship, which corresponds to the reporting of an arriving vessel, is
termed "clearing" or "obtaining clearance."
The documents required from the masters of
vessels engaged in trade from one port of the
United Kingdom to another, termed "coasting
trade," are less elaborate.
From the particulars obtained by the various
papers thus delivered in the Long Room, are prepared the monthly returns of trade and navigation,
published by the Board of Trade, and the collection
and arrangement of the information so obtained
occupies a large staff of clerks in the Statistical
Department of the Custom House.
At each outport the room where the business
described above is transacted bears the name of
the Long Room, although in most cases it is neither
long nor in any other way extensive.
The establishment of docks surrounded by high
walls, from which goods can be removed only
through gateways easily guarded, has made it
possible to provide for the security of the duties
upon importations with a far less numerous staff of
officers than would be necessary if every vessel
discharged in the river or at open quays. And the
gradual reduction which has taken place in the
number of articles in the tariff liable to duty during
the last thirty years renders a less rigid examination
of goods necessary than was previously requisite.
These and other causes enable the present reduced
staff to deal efficiently with an amount of business
to which under former circumstances it would have
been wholly inadequate.
The warehousing system, which consisted in permitting the payment of duties upon goods deposited
under Crown locks in warehouses duly approved
for the purpose by the Board of Customs, to be
deferred until the goods are wanted for consumption, offers great facilities to trade, and is largely
availed of. This system involves the keeping of
very elaborate accounts, which form the duty of the
warehousing departments.
Of the 170 or so distinct apartments in the
Custom House, all classified and combined to unite
order and contiguity, the king is the Long Room,
190 feet long, 66 wide, and between 40 and 50
feet high. The eye cannot take in at once its
breadth and its length, but it is not so handsome
as the room that fell in, to the dismay of Mr. Peto.
The floor is plank. The cellars in the basement
form a groined fireproof crypt.
The rooms are perfectly plain, all but the Board
Room, which is slightly decorated, and contains
portraits of George III. and George IV., the latter
by Sir Thomas Lawrence. The Queen's Warehouse is on the ground floor. The entrance to the
Custom House is on the north front. On the
southern side there is an entrance from the quay
and river.
Nearly one-half of the Customs of the United
Kingdom, says a writer on the subject, are collected in the port of London. In 1840, while the
London Customs were £11,116,685, the total of
the United Kingdom were only £23,341,813. In
the same year the only place approaching London
was Liverpool, where the Customs amounted to
£4,607,326. In 1849 the London Customs were
£11,070,176. The same year the declared value
of the exports from Liverpool amounted to no less
than £33,341,918, or nearly three times the value
of the exports from London, for in foreign trade
London is surpassed by Liverpool. Mr. M'Culloch
estimates, including the home and foreign markets,
the total value of produce conveyed into and from
London annually at £65,000,000 sterling.
The number of foreign vessels that entered the
port of London in the year 1841 was estimated at
8,167, and the number of coasters at 21,122. The
expense of collecting the Customs in Great Britain
alone is calculated at over a million sterling. The
Board of Commissioners, that sits at the Custom
House, has all the outports of the United Kingdom
under its superintendence. It receives reports
from them, and issues instructions from the central
Board. The recording of the business of the great
national firm, now performed by the Statistical
Office in the Custom House, was attempted in the
reign of Charles II., and urged on the Commissioners of Customs by the bewildered Privy Council
for Trade; but it was declared, after many trials,
to be impossible. It was first really begun in the
business-like reign of William III., when the broad
arrow was first used to check thefts of Government
property, and when the office of Inspector-General
of Imports and Exports was established, and the
Custom House ledger, to record their value, first
started. The Act of 1694 required all goods exported and imported to be entered in the Custom
House books, with the prices affixed. Cotton,
therefore, was taxed at this the official value, till
1798. In this year the Government imposed a
convoy duty of four per cent., ad valorem, upon all
exports; and to do this equitably, every shipper of
goods was compelled to make a declaration of their
then actual value. This was what is called "the
declared or real value." A daily publication, called
the "Bill of Entry," is issued at the Custom House,
to report the imports and exports and the arrival
and clearance of vessels.
Prior to the year 1825, says a writer in Knight's
"London," the statutes relating to the Customs
had accumulated, from the reign of Edward I., to
1,500, and were naturally as confusing and entangled as they were contradictory. Mr. Huskisson,
Mr. J. D. Hume, and eventually the slow-moving
Board of Trade, at last revised the statutes, and
consolidated them into eleven acts. They were
still further simplified in 1833, and again consolidated in 1853. One of the Acts passed in
1833 enumerates not fewer than 1,150 different
rates of duty chargeable on imported articles, while
the main source of revenue is derived from a very
small number of articles. "For example," says
a writer on the subject, "the duty on seventeen
articles produced, in 1839, about 94½ per cent. of
the total revenue of Customs, the duties on other
articles being not only comparatively unproductive,
but vexatious and a hindrance to the merchants,
shipowners, and others. In the above year, fortysix articles were productive of 982/3 per cent. of the
total Customs' revenue.
"The occasional importation of articles which
are not enumerated in the tariff of duties is often
productive of amusing perplexity. Mr. Huskisson
mentioned a case of this nature when he brought
forward the plans of consolidation already mentioned. A gentleman had imported a mummy
from Egypt, and the officers of Customs were not a
little puzzled by this non-enumerated article. These
remains of mortality, muscles and sinews, pickled
and preserved three thousand years ago, could not
be deemed a raw material, and therefore, upon
deliberation, it was determined to tax them as a
manufactured article. The importer, anxious that
his mummy should not be seized, stated its value
at £400; and the declaration cost him £200,
being at the rate of £50 per cent. on the manufactured merchandise which he was about to import.
Mr. Huskisson reduced the duties on non-enumerated manufactured articles from £50 to £20
per cent., and of non-enumerated unmanufactured
articles from £20 to £10 per cent." A somewhat
similar case, relating to an importation of ice from
Norway, was mentioned in a debate in the House
of Lords in 1842. A doubt was started what duty
it ought to pay, and the point was referred from
the Custom House to the Treasury, and from the
Treasury to the Board of Trade; and it was ultimately decided that the ice might be introduced on
the payment of the duty on dry goods; but as one
of the speakers remarked, "The ice was dissolved
before the question was solved."
In the time of Charles I. the Customs were
farmed, and we find Garrard writing to Lord
Stafford, January 11th, 1634, mentioning that the
farmers of the Customs (rejoicing over their good
bargains, no doubt), had been unusually liberal in
their new year's gifts to the king, having sent him,
besides the usual 2,000 pieces, £5,000 in pieces,
and an unset diamond that had cost them £5,000.
Yet what a small affair the Customs must have
been compared to now, when sugar, tea, tobacco,
wine, and brandy produce each of them more than
a million a year!
Defoe says, "In the Long Room it's a pretty
pleasure to see the multitude of payments that are
made there in a morning. I heard Count Tallard
say that nothing gave him so true and great an idea
of the richness and grandeur of this nation as this,
when he saw it after the Peace of Ryswick."
Mr. Platt's account of the working of the Custom
House system of thirty years ago shows a remarkable contrast with that of the present day. Writing
in the year 1853, he says, "The progress of an
article of foreign merchandise through the Customs
to the warehouse or shop of the dealer is as
follows:—First, on the arrival of the ship at
Gravesend, tide-waiters are put on board and
remain until she reaches the appointed landingplace. The goods are reported and entered at the
Custom House, and a warrant is transmitted to the
landing-waiters, who superintend the unloading of
the cargo. A landing-waiter is specially appointed
to each ship; officers under him, some of whom
are gaugers, examine, weigh, and ascertain the contents of the several packages, and enter an account
of them. These operations are subject to the
daily inspection of superior officers. When warehoused, the goods are in charge of a locker, who is
under the warehouse-keeper. When goods are
delivered for home consumption, the locker receives a warrant from the Custom House certifying
that the goods had been paid; he then looks out
the goods, and the warehouse-keeper signs the
warrant. When foreign or colonial goods are exported, the process is more complicated. The
warehouse-keeper makes out a 're-weighing slip;'
a landing-waiter examines the goods, which continue in the charge of the locker, and a cocket,
with a certificate from the proper officers at the
Custom House, as his authority for their delivery.
The warehouse-keeper signs this document, and
a counterpart of the cocket, called a 'shipping
bill,' is prepared by the exporting merchant.
The goods pass from the warehouse-keeper into
the hands of the searcher, who directs a tidewaiter to receive them at the water-side and to
attend their shipment, taking an account of the
articles; and he remains on board until the vessel
reaches Gravesend, when she is visited by a
searcher stationed there; the tide-waiter is discharged, and the vessel proceeds. But before her
final clearance the master delivers to the searcher a
document called 'a content,' being a list of the
goods on board, and which is compared with the
cocket. It is then only that the cargo can be fairly
said to be out of the hands of the Custom House
officers."
Tide-waiters are not now specially appointed to
each ship on arrival. There are no export duties
now and no ad valorem duties. Cockets have been
abolished.
The following statement from the "Statesman's
Year Book" is valuable as a comparison:—
|
| Ports. |
1870. |
1871. |
Increase. |
Decrease. |
|
£ |
£ |
£ |
£ |
| London |
10,017,682 |
10,023,573 |
5,891 |
— |
| Liverpool |
2,723,217 |
2,875,584 |
152,367 |
— |
| Other ports of England |
3,131,902 |
2,991,888 |
— |
140,014 |
| Scotland |
2,577,826 |
2,502,127 |
— |
75,699 |
| Ireland |
1,919,072 |
1,942,721 |
23,649 |
— |
| Total |
20,369,699 |
20,335,893 |
181,907 |
215,713 |
| Decrease |
— |
— |
— |
33,806 |
It will be seen that the amount of Customs
receipts collected in London in each of the years
1870 and 1871 was more than that of all the other
ports of Great Britain taken together, and five times
that of the whole of Ireland. Besides London and
Liverpool, there is only one port in England,
Bristol, the Customs receipts of which average a
million a year, and one more, Hull, where they are
above a quarter of a million. It is to be observed
that there has been a great reduction of Customs
duties of late years. During the sixteen years from
1857 to 1872 the actual diminution of Customs
has been no less than £14,255,855.
The annual summary as to trade in the port of
London for the year 1872 shows a steady increase
in the number of vessels arriving, and a trifling decrease in the departures. A total of 11,518 vessels
arrived during the year, 7,054 of which were sailing
and 4,464 steam-ships, thus indicating a total increase of 113 as compared with the previous year.
The vessels which cleared outwards were 8,730,
both kinds, 6,041 of which were with cargo, and
2,689 in ballast, or a total decrease of 339 as compared with the departures in 1871. A considerable
increase arose in London in the total number of
seizures of tobacco, cigars, and spirits, as compared
with the year 1871, 293 cases having occurred
in 1872. The total quantity of tobacco and cigars
seized in London was 2,369 lbs., being an increase
of 947 lbs. as compared with that seized in 1871,
while the total quantity of spirits seized was 63
gallons only, being a decrease of 66 gallons.
The Custom House Quay fronts the Thames.
Here Cowper, the poet, came, intending to make
away with himself. "Not knowing," he says,
"where to poison myself, I resolved upon drowning.
For that purpose I took a coach, and ordered the
man to drive to Tower Wharf, intending to throw
myself into the river from the Custom House Quay.
I left the coach upon the Tower Wharf, intending
never to return to it; but upon coming to the quay
I found the water low, and a porter seated upon
some goods there, as if on purpose to prevent me.
This passage to the bottomless pit being mercifully
shut against me, I returned back to the coach."
A modern essayist has drawn a living picture of
the Custom House sales:—"The Queen's Warehouse is situated on the ground-floor of the Custom
House. The Queen's Warehouse is not an imposing apartment, either in its decorations or extent;
it is simply a large, square room, lighted by an
average number of windows, and consisting of four
bare walls, upon which there is not the most
distant approach to decoration. Counters are placed
in different directions, with no regard to order of
effect. Here and there masses of drapery for sale
are hung suspended from cords, or to all appearance nailed against the wall. Across one corner
of the room, in the immediate vicinity of a very
handsome inlaid cabinet, two rows of dilapidated
Bath chaps are slung upon a rope. Close under
these delicacies stands a rosewood piano, on which
a foreign lady, supported by a foreign gentleman, is
playing a showy fantasia. . . .
"Eighty-nine opera-glasses; three dozen 'companions'—more numerous than select, perhaps;
forty dozen black brooches—ornamental mourning, sent over probably by some foreign manufacturer, relying in the helplessness of our Woods-andForest-ridden Board of Health, and in the deathdealing fogs and stinks of our metropolis; seventeen
dozen daguerreotype plates, to receive as many
pretty and happy faces; eighty dozen brooches;
nineteen dozen pairs of ear-rings; forty-two dozen
finger-rings; twenty-one dozen pairs of bracelets.
The quantities and varieties are bewildering, and
the ladies cluster about in a state of breathless
excitement, or give way to regrets that the authorities will not sell less than ten dozen tiaras, or halfa-dozen clocks. The French popular notion, that
every Englishman has an exhaustless store of riches,
seems to hold as firmly as ever; for here we find
about three hundred dozen portemonnaies, and
countless purses, evidently of French manufacture.
Presently we are shown what Mr. Carlyle would
call ' a gigantic system of shams,' in five hundred
and thirty-eight gross of imitation turquoises. . .
"On the particular occasion to which we have
been all along referring three hundred gross of
lucifer-matches figured in the bazaar, besides several
acres of East India matting, forty-nine gallons of
Chutney sauce; eighteen gallons of curry-paste;
thirty millions of splints; seventy-seven hundredweight of slate-pencils, sixty-eight gallons of rosewater, one package of visiting cards, one ship's
long-boat, and 'four pounds' of books in the English
language."
One of Mr. Dickens's staff has bitterly described
the delay in passing baggage through the Custom
House. "A fine view of the river," he says, "seen
through one of the open windows, was being
calmly enjoyed by a portly person, evidently of
considerable official pretensions. A clerk, writing
the reverse of a running hand, sat at a desk;
another (who seemed, by the jaunty style in which
he wore his hat, to be a dropper-in from some other
department of the Customs) leaned lazily against
the desk, enjoying the proceedings of the baftled,
heated ladies and gentlemen who had escaped from
the crowd, and who were anxiously threading the
confused maze of passengers' effects strewed on the
floor, to find their own. The scene was made complete by two or three porters, whose deliberate
mode of opening carpet-bags, boxes, and trunks,
showed that it was not their fate to be hurried, in
their passage through this life."
All these inconveniences have now been removed, and much civility and promptitude is shown
by the Custom House officials.

ROMAN REMAINS FOUND IN BILLINGSGATE (See page 50).