Historical preface
1636-7

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Institute of Historical Research

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Author

J.D. Marwick (editor)

Year published

1897

Supporting documents

Pages

351-387

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'Historical preface: 1636-7', Charters and Documents relating to the City of Glasgow 1175-1649: Part 1 (1897), pp. CCCLI-CCCLXXXVII. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=47913 Date accessed: 16 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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1636–7

On 13th February, 1636, a letter from the archbishop was produced to the magistrates and council, setting forth that he had subscribed a signature anent the patronage of the Blackfriars kirk and sent it up to the court to be expede under the king's hand, and that, when they presented to him a sufficient and qualified minister, he would perform all the duties devolving on him. (fn. 1) Accordingly on the 20th of the same month the council met to elect a minister to succeed James Elliot, who had been transferred from that kirk to Edinburgh in the previous December; four ministers were put on leet and voted upon; and John Bell, younger, minister at Eaglesham, was elected and appointed to be presented to the archbishop. (fn. 2) On 5th March representatives of the council appeared before the presbytery, and consented to Bell's admission to the kirk. (fn. 3) On 30th April it was reported that Alexander Lindsay, servitor to the archbishop, had been employed to "expede the signature anent the kirk," and that it had passed the king's hands; (fn. 4) and an instrument of resignation, in the hands of the lords of exchequer, followed on the contract between the town and the archbishop on 27th June. (fn. 5) On 1st July a charter under the great seal was granted by the king, whereby, on a recital of the contract, and the proceedings which followed upon it, he ratified the arrangements so made. Further, " for the good and faithful service rendered to him and his progenitors by the burgh and its inhabitants," the king conveyed to it and to the magistrates, council and community, and their successors, the kirk and right of patronage thereof, with power to them to present qualified men to the archbishop as often as it should become vacant by decease, dismissal, deprivation, inability, or in any other way. The kirk and right of patronage thus conveyed were appointed to be held of his Majesty and his successors for payment of a blench duty of one penny Scots, if asked only, the rendering of daily and earnest supplications to God for their continued prosperity, the repairing, enlarging, and re-edifying and upholding of the building so as to be sufficient for good and public divine service, the presenting of a qualified minister to serve the cure, the payment to him of one thousand merks for his stipend, and the providing of a sufficient and qualified reader with a competent stipend. The rights of the archbishop and his successors, and also of the college, to their whole properties and emoluments were moreover reserved. (fn. 6) On 10th August the charter was produced by the provost to the council, who directed the treasurer to pay £400 Scots (£33 6s. 8d. sterling) to Mr. Alexander Lindsay for his disbursements in passing it, and " for ane honest and honorabill reward for his paines." (fn. 7)

In anticipation of the Convention of Burghs being held in Glasgow in July, 1636, the master of works was ordered by the town council, on the 28th of May, to provide as much red cloth as was necessary for furnishing each of the town's officers with a suit of clothes, "for the greater honour and credit" of the city. On 4th June Patrick Bell, provost, and Colin Campbell, bailie, were elected commissioners, and John Anderson, younger, was elected assessor for the burgh at this convention; and James Hamilton and eight others were appointed to provide convenient lodging for the commissioners of such of the other burghs as attended the convention, and to see them "weill servet at thair fowr houris drink dureing thair aboid heir in the most comelie forme, for the credit of the toun." (fn. 8) The records of the convention from 3rd March, 1631, to 3rd July, 1649, are awanting, and the council records make no further reference to this meeting than to mention that £178 0s. 6d. were ordered to be paid, as the charges and expenses expended upon the commissioners during their meeting. (fn. 9)

In view of the abundant supply of water now possessed by the city, it is somewhat interesting to notice the early efforts of the town council to provide a supply for the inhabitants. In 1636 arrangements were made with the proprietors of a yard adjoining the Gallowgate burn and bridge for utilizing "a spring well," in the ground, "that runs out continually, unprofitable always to the owners." Under this arrangement the proprietors consented to the magistrates and council, "for the weal of the whole community and inhabitants," setting in pipes and conduits for conveying water to any place in the burgh they pleased for serving the inhabitants. In consideration of this privilege the council granted to one of the proprietors of the well a new charter and infeftment, dated 24th September, of half an acre of land in the Gallow muir, which had been possessed by her and her predecessors for many years. (fn. 10)

On 18th August the town council ordered a charter under the great seal to be applied for, which should contain "ane certain dewtie to be payet to his Majestie," (fn. 11) and on 24th September they approved of a report made by the provost as to what he had done in Edinburgh in regard to the matter. They also approved of a letter to the lord treasurer's clerk as to the passing of the charter, and authorised the following payments (all in Scotch money) to be made in connection with it:—(1) to the king's advocate, £33 12s., for advising and correcting the document; fifty-six shillings to his clerk; £39 4s. for docqueting it; and £5 12s. to his clerk; and (2) £22 8s. to John Nicoll for writing three copies of the charter, £5 12s. to his son, and 37s. 6d. to "his two boys." (fn. 12)

On 4th October the bailies and council admitted Colin Campbell, elder, merchant, to be provost, on the nomination of the archbishop, who, from a leet of six merchants and three craftsmen, chose John Barnis, James Bell, and William Neilson to be bailies. Three days later thirteen merchants and twelve craftsmen were elected councillors; (fn. 13) and on the 12th James Hamilton was appointed dean of guild; Ninian Gilhagie, deacon convener; William Wilson, visitor; William Robinson, treasurer; William Hinschaw, master of work; and Colin Campbell, younger, water bailie. (fn. 14)

On 16th October the king granted to the city the charter under the great seal, which, on 18th August was agreed to be applied for. (fn. 15) It proceeds on a recital of the high antiquity of the burgh, and the advantages which the kingdom derived from its foreign trade and navigation, and the skilfulness of its burgesses and inhabitants; of the large proportion it bore of the burdens imposed on the burghs towards meeting the public expenditure of the kingdom; of its being the chief and most worthy burgh in the western parts of the kingdom, and eminently fitted for state and ornament; of the great charges and expenses it had incurred in rendering the Clyde navigable for ships, boats, and vessels (fn. 16) —in improving, repairing, and upholding the bridge of Glasgow (fn. 17) —in providing a minister for the Blackfriars kirk, and repairing and enlarging it (fn. 18) —in building a court house for the administration of justice (fn. 19) —in building and repairing the church in the Trongate, called the New Church, and the steeple (fn. 20) —in repairing the public ways and streets (fn. 21) —in building and repairing several bridges over rivers and waters in different districts, whereby the convenience and comfort of travellers and others frequenting these parts were promoted—in building large halls and markets for receiving and selling victuals and other provisions coming to market—in erecting a correction house (fn. 22) —and in upholding and improving the metropolitan church of the city. (fn. 23) By this charter his Majesty confirmed all the charters, writings, writs, and privileges previously granted to and enjoyed by the provost, bailies, deans of guild, treasurers, councillors, and community, and specially the charters of Alexander III., (fn. 24) Robert I., (fn. 25) Queen Mary, (fn. 26) and James VI.; (fn. 27) by the decree of 1469, (fn. 28) and the charter by James III. confirming the same; (fn. 29) by the act of the privy council, 10th September, 1600; the decrees of the court of session, 25th July, 1607, and 4th June, 1575; (fn. 30) and the charters of James VI., 21st December, 1613, (fn. 31) and Charles I., 1st July, 1636. (fn. 32) The king further confirmed to the burgh the liberty which it and its magistrates had to thirl and astrict the burgesses and inhabitants to the town's mills, (fn. 33) and to elect a water bailie to have jurisdiction over the Clyde where the sea ebbs and flows from the bridge of Glasgow to the Clochstane, for the correction of all injuries and enormities committed on the river within these bounds. (fn. 34) Moreover, he of new granted to the magistrates and councillors his burgh and city of Glasgow, with all lands, houses, &c., salmon and other fishings on the Clyde, hospitals, correction house, and all other privileges and immunities, ecclesiastical or secular, belonging to it, and with the liberty of the Clyde on both sides from the bridge of Glasgow to the Clochstane, and also with the liberty and immunity of ship stations, i.e., of the roads of Inchgreen, Newark, Pot of the Rig, or any other station for ships within the Clyde, between the bridge of Glasgow and the Clochstane, for loading and unloading merchandise and goods belonging to the burgh. And without prejudice to former rights, he of new erected and incorporated the burgh into a free royal burgh, with special power and liberty to its magistrates, community, burgesses, and freemen (but to no others than the freemen and burgesses), to exercise the trade of merchandise, as well native as foreign, within the bounds of the burgh and barony, and to hold and enjoy a merchant guildry, with courts of dean of guild and jurisdictions belonging thereto; (fn. 35) and also to hold public and open markets on every Monday, Wednesday, or Friday, or such other three days weekly as the magistrates and councillors might fix with common consent, with a free annual fair, on each of 13th January, Skyre Thursday, (fn. 36) Whitsun Monday, and 7th July, and continuing for eight days thereafter. Further, he constituted the provost and bailies justices of the peace within the burgh and its whole territories and liberties, and within the harbours of Inchgreen, Newark, and Pot of the Rig; and granted to the magistrates, councillors, and community the correction house, (fn. 37) the leper house called St. Ninian's hospital, with the gardens and pertinents of the same, (fn. 38) and all the customs of the burgh and its markets. He further empowered the magistrates to make acts, statutes, and ordinances for the good of the burgh, and to impose penalties on such persons as contravened these, and constituted the magistrates, councillors, and community patrons of the new church in Trongate. The burgh was appointed to be held in free burgage for payment to the crown of twenty merks annually, for service of burgh used and wont, and for payment to the archbishop of sixteen merks; but the charter reserved to the duke of Lennox and his successors the whole liberties and privileges within the burgh and regality of Glasgow which he or his predecessors had used or possessed in any time past, including those to which they and their bailies and deputes were accustomed in relation to the fair of Glasgow.

The archbishop and chapter and the authorities of the college seem to have been apprehensive that the extensive grants conferred by this charter were prejudicial to their rights. To remove their objections the town council accordingly granted a bond, dated 6th December, 1636, by which it was declared that the charter should in no respect prejudice either the archiepiscopal see or the college, and that the rights conferred by it should not, so far as these parties were concerned, extend beyond those granted to the burgh by king James VI. on 8th April, 1611, (fn. 39) and 21st December, 1613. (fn. 40)

On 18th October, the Liturgy, as adjusted by Laud and Wren, was sanctioned by the king, who addressed a letter to archbishop Spottiswood, lord chancellor, requiring him to command, by open proclamation, all subjects ecclesiastical and civil to conform themselves to its practice, "it being the onlie forme of worshippe quhilk wee, having taken the counseall of our cleargie, thinks fitt to be wsed in God's publicke worshippe ther." (fn. 41) He also required the chancellor to enjoin all archbishops, bishops and others, presbyters and churchmen, to take care that it was duly observed, and that the contraveners were condignly censured and punished. In consequence of this order the privy council established the service book, and by proclamation in every head burgh required all subjects to conform themselves to it. (fn. 42) The book reached Scotland in the spring of 1637, and in May every minister was required, under pain of outlawry, to buy two copies. To impugn or disregard it was therefore dangerous, yet some of the ministers were bold enough to remonstrate. The general feeling of the country, moreover, was hostile. The book, it was said, "was more popish than the English one," and had no authority either from assembly or parliament. The puritan and national feeling of antagonism to it grew stronger from day to day. (fn. 43) Other elements were also at work.

The old Scottish nobility, whom Charles' interference with his father's grants to them of church property had alienated, could not tamely brook their practical subordination to the bishops; the presbyterian instincts of the burghers of many of the towns was deeply offended, and from all quarters remonstrances and protestations against the enforcement of the king's order were addressed to the privy council. These were emphasised by the resistance which was openly manifested in Edinburgh, in the West of Scotland, and in other places where the royal command was sought to be carried out. Foreseeing the consequences of insistence, the privy council hesitated to enforce it, but the king was obdurate, and ordered proclamation to be made, at the market cross of Edinburgh on 17th October, of his determination to enforce obedience to his order. The simple officer who read the formal words of that proclamation, says Gardiner, "was the messenger of ill to Charles. He was pointing to the track which led to the battle field, the prison, and the scaffold." (fn. 44)

In June, 1637, Patrick Bell, provost of the previous year, was appointed commissioner to the convention of burghs to be held in Aberdeen, and he was directed to vote and consent to a "constant council" being in every burgh "for answering to the head and article set forth in the general missive direct to the burgh to that effect." (fn. 45)

On 19th August, the magistrates and council—considering that for many years previously no uniform practice had existed as to the quality and number of the persons by whom the town council was elected, and, with a view to obviate the evils and inconveniences of the absence of a solid and constant form of election—ordained that, after the magistrates had been elected at the accustomed time, the newly elected provost and three bailies, and the persons who had been provost and bailies during the immediately preceding year, and the year preceding that, making in all twelve persons, should be personally warned by an officer of the burgh to attend and make the necessary election. If, however, it should happen that any of these twelve persons had died, or left the town, or had been of new elected provost or bailies, or were sick, or absent from any cause, then the remanent of the twelve present should elect as many persons as might be required to supply the place of the absentees, whether merchants or craftsmen, and proceed to the election of the new council. But it was declared that no election should be valid till the full number of twelve had been made up, and had voted. (fn. 46) On 2nd September, it was further declared that the act should not prejudice either the merchants or craftsmen in regard to the number which either had on the council in previous years. (fn. 47)

By the letter of guildry it was provided that the moneys received for the entry of guild brethren should be divided between the dean of guild and the deacon-convener—the entries of merchants being paid to the dean, and those of craftsmen to the deacon—and be applied by them for behoof of their respective hospitals and decayed brethren, or to any other good and godlie work tending to the advancement of the common weal of the city. In 1610, however, the dean and his council of merchant rank, and the deaconconvener and the remanant deacons of crafts having regard to the great debt and burdens "drawn upon the city by the injuries of the times," agreed, for its relief, that the fine of £30 payable by each "outintounis man stranger" entering as guild brother should be uplifted by the treasurer of the burgh for a period of eight years, but should, after the expiry of that time, revert to the merchants' and trades' hospitals. The burgh treasurer had, however continued to uplift these fines for the intervening twenty-seven years. On 19th August, 1637, the dean and deacon-convener represented these facts to the council, and stated that through the "stratnes of thois hard tymes thir divers yeiris bygane they and thair predicessouris hes bein constrainit to give weri learglie for the help of thair puir dekayit britherine within the saidis tua hospitallis and vthers quorum interest, quhairby the revenewes of the samen ar greatlie diminischitt and impairit, and that the deane of gild and his britherine of the merchand rank ar of intention to build ane lytill chappell adjacent to thair hospitall, with ane pirameitt or steiple thairon, for the glorie of God and weill of thair puir within thair said hospitall, vther inhabitantis thairabout, good and decoirment of this citie, and that the deacone convenar and deacones of crauftis hes allreadie wairit and bestowit grait chairgis and expensis in building of ane pirameitt, quhairin thair bell hingis, bying of ane new bell, and repairing of thair said hospitall." The council therefore ordered the fines of all guild brethren entered as strangers to be uplifted by the dean and deacon-convener and their collectors after Michaelmas following, and to be applied in terms of the letter of guildry. (fn. 48)

It was originally intended that the use of the service book should be introduced at Easter, 1637, but the indignation with which the project was received throughout the country generally induced delay, and it was only on the 23rd of July in that year, that an attempt was made to introduce it at the morning service in the Middle Church of St. Giles in Edinburgh. The archbishop of St. Andrews, lord chancellor, was present; Dr. Lindsay, bishop of Edinburgh, was to preach; and Dr. Hanna, the dean, was to read the service of the day. But the dean had scarcely commenced when a riot arose, and books, stools, and other missiles were thrown at him. (fn. 49) The efforts of the bishop and archbishop to appease the uproar proved futile, and ultimately the magistrates who were present had to descend from their gallery and eject the rioters. The service was then proceeded with, while the angry passions of the infuriated presbyterians surged outside; and at its conclusion bishop Lindsay had to be protected on his way home by the earl of Wemyss. On the bishop's return from the afternoon's service, in the coach of the earl of Roxburgh, he was protected from extreme danger only by the intervention of the armed servants of the earl. Attempts to use the service book in the Greyfriars Church and other churches of the city were met and defeated by similar proceedings. (fn. 50) On the following day the privy council issued a proclamation denouncing the rioters; but five days later the chancellor archbishop and the bishops determined not to continue the use of either the old or new service book till the king's pleasure was ascertained, and this determination was approved of by the privy council. The king, however, insisted on the establishment of the new service book, and the privy council, on 4th August, ordered its use to be renewed on Sunday, the 13th. Excuses were found, however, for not obeying the order. But the bishops enjoined the liturgy to be used in their dioceses, and the archbishop of Glasgow requested Robert Baillie, then minister of Kilwinning, afterwards principal of the university of Glasgow, to preach to the diocesan synod on the last Wednesday of August, and to urge his hearers to conform to the canons and service book. Baillie, however, declined, but was commanded on his canonical obedience to preach, though the archbishop afterwards relieved him by appointing William Annan, minister at Ayr, to do so. Annan's experiences, however, and the treatment he received at the hands of the women of the city, are more indicative of their combative presbyterianism than of their delicacy. (fn. 51)

In consequence of the opposition which had arisen to the canons and service book, and which was supported by many noblemen and gentlemen, the privy council on 25th August again wrote the king representing the popular discontent; but on 10th September he expressed his dissatisfaction with their remissness, and ordered the bishops to cause the liturgy to be read in their respective dioceses. No fewer than sixtyeight petitions, or "supplications" as they were termed, against it were then presented to the council, and one of these was signed by the earl of Sutherland in name of the nobility, barons, ministers, and burgesses. (fn. 52) These were forwarded to the king through the duke of Lennox, who had come to Scotland to his mother's funeral, and was returning to England through Edinburgh; and it was hoped that he might be able to impress his Majesty with a sense of the intense antipathy which existed to the course of action he was pursuing. This hope was, however, speedily disappointed, for on 9th October Charles wrote the privy council simply postponing an answer to their petitions, and on the 17th they, in obedience to his orders, issued three proclamations, by the first of which the petitioners who had assembled in great numbers to receive an answer to their supplications were required to leave Edinburgh within twenty-four hours. By the second the courts of justice were ordered to be removed first to Linlithgow and afterwards to Dundee; and by the third all copies of a book by George Gillespie, entitled a "Dispute against popish ceremonies obtruded upon the Church of Scotland," were directed to be brought to the privy council and publicly burned. (fn. 53) . This was followed in Edinburgh by proceedings both towards members of the privy council and the magistrates which indicated the popular exasperation, and afterwards by the presentation to the privy council of a complaint against the bishops, and a supplication that they should be subjected to trial. (fn. 54) This document was forwarded to the king, and the petitioners agreed to meet again on the 15th of November. In the course of a heated discussion before the privy council then assembled in Linlithgow, bishop Sydserf (fn. 55) and Sir John Hay suggested that the petitioners should choose sixteen commissioners of their own number to communicate with the privy council, and report the result to their constituents, and that the others should return to their homes. The suggestion was at once accepted, and a committee was afterwards appointed. (fn. 56) The body thus constituted consisted of four noblemen, four esquires or lairds, four burgesses, and four ministers. (fn. 57) On 15th November the petitioners, as previously arranged, returned to Edinburgh, and the committee was reconstituted. In the new form it was composed of six or more noblemen, two gentlemen from each shire, one townsman from each burgh, and one minister from each presbytery; (fn. 58) and as so organised it soon took active steps in opposition to the policy of the king.

On 3rd October, 1637, the bailies and council, at the desire of the archbishop, admitted James Stewart of Floack, merchant and burgess, to be provost for the ensuing year; and on the same day the archbishop, from a leet of nine, elected John Anderson, Ninian Anderson, and Colin Campbell to be bailies. On the 6th the provost and bailies of that and the preceding years, with one person chosen to make up the number of twelve, conform to the act of 19th August, elected thirteen merchants and twelve craftsmen to be councillors; (fn. 59) and on the 11th James Hamilton was appointed dean of guild; Richard Allan, deacon convener; Robert Hoggisyard, treasurer; William Hynschaw, master of work; Archibald Faullis, water bailie; and John Gilhagie, visitor of maltmen and mealmen. (fn. 60)

The action of the king and his advisers in regard to the enforcement in Scotland of uniformity in public worship, and the use of the book of common prayer, was regarded in Glasgow as elsewhere with deep interest. On 14th October Walter Stirling and Mr. Robert Wilkie (apparently the minister of the Blackfriars kirk) were appointed by the town council to ride to Edinburgh and "attend ane gracious answer of his Majestie anent the buik of commoun prayer." On 11th November Mathew Hamilton and Mr. Robert Wilkie received a similar commission from the council. (fn. 61)

On the application of Robert Fleming, merchant, and his partners, who were desirous to establish a manufactory in the city, wherein a number "of the poorer sort of people" might be employed, the magistrates and council, on 31st January, 1638, recognising the benefit which would accrue to the burgh thereby, agreed to let Fleming their great lodging and yard in the Drygate (with the exception of the two low "foir" vaults and back galleries behind the same, situated to the east of the entry to the great lodging) and the booth under the Tolbooth, then occupied by James Wood, all free of rent or any other kind of payment, for a period of fifteen years, and also to uphold the roof of the great lodging during that time. (fn. 62) The establishment of this manufactory seems, however, to have alarmed the freemen weavers of the burgh, who made representations to the council on the subject; whereupon Patrick Bell, one of the undertakers, engaged for himself and his partners that, during the endurance of the tack and the use by them of the booth, "thair suld be no woovis wovin of townis folkis thairin be thair servandis in hurt and prejudice of the said friemen, bot by thais onlie wha ar frie with the calling." The council accordingly ordered this engagement to remain in force during the tack. (fn. 63)

Unwarned by the hostility of the country to the infatuated course he was pursuing, and disregarding the advice of the earl of Traquair, whom he consulted, the king caused a proclamation to be issued on 19th February, declaring that the liturgy had been compiled with his sanction; censuring those who had petitioned that the bishops should be brought to trial; and forbidding unlawful convocations of the people under pain of treason. This proclamation was made in Stirling, where the privy council then were, but no sooner had the herald performed his duty than a protest, on behalf of the petitioners, was issued. They treated the proclamation as emanating from the privy council, from which they refused to accept any orders till the bishops were removed from it, and demanded to have recourse to their sovereign "to present their grievances, and in a legal way to prosecute the same before the ordinary competent judges, civil or ecclesiastical." The publication of this proclamation throughout the country created great indignation, (fn. 64) and on the 24th of February the town council of Glasgow appointed Colin Campbell, bailie, Gabriel Cuningham, Richard Allan, and George Porterfield to ride to Edinburgh, and, as commissioners for the town, to concur with the remanant burghs of the kingdom, so far as might lawfully be done, "anent the buikis of canones and commoun prayer." (fn. 65) This was followed two days later by an instruction to the town clerk to prepare and subscribe a commission to them to concur with the commissioners of the other burghs "in humbly supplicating" the king "concerning the buikes of canones and commoun prayer urgit to be brought in in our kirk of Scotland, and anent the hie commissioun, swa far as concernis Godis glorie, his Majesties honour, and preservatioun of trew religioun professit within this kingdome, and approvine be laudable lawis thairof, and to go on and conclud with the noblemen, barownes, borrowes, ministeris, and utheris his Majesties loyal subjectis convenit to that effect, swa far as lawfully may be done." (fn. 66) About this time the committee of Covenanters appointed in November to act as a central authority was found to be too large. "From time to time," says Gardiner, "a select committee had been appointed to communicate with the [privy] council, and that committee had been naturally selected from the different classes of which the nation was composed. Four separate committees were now appointed; one formed of all noblemen who might choose to attend, the other three of four gentlemen, four ministers, and four burgh representatives respectively. These committees might meet either separately or as one body. Sometimes to them, and sometimes to the larger body of the commissioners, the name of 'the Tables' was given, in the popular language of the day." (fn. 67)

On 17th March, again, the town council elected Walter Stirling to attend a meeting of the burghs, and directed a commission to be given him in terms similar to that granted to Colin Campbell and the others. (fn. 68) That the excitement which the king's high-handed action produced throughout the country was largely felt in Glasgow is further indicated by an act of the town council, dated 2nd April, ordering a watch to be kept nightly in the town for a month, "at the discretion of the magistrates." (fn. 69)

Meanwhile the necessity of appealing to the masses of the people had been recognised by "the Tables." Many who regarded with comparative indifference the substitution of episcopalian for presbyterian forms of church government were indignant at the idea of having their worship arbitrarily interfered with, and determined, at all hazards, to resist, as a national insult, dictation in such a matter by the prelates of the English church. To enlist the active co-operation of these, as well as of all lovers of presbytery, the document known as the "National Covenant" was prepared, and by it the subscribers became bound to defend the true Reformed religion, to oppose all "novations" and corruptions in the worship or government of the church, unless approved of in a free assembly and parliament, and condemned the innovations which the king sought to impose on the country. (fn. 70) This document was first signed in the Greyfriars church and church yard of Edinburgh on the 28th of February, 1638, and copies were afterwards distributed throughout the country, and were numerously signed in Edinburgh, St. Andrews, Glasgow, and Lanark. The ministers of St. Andrews and Aberdeen, however, formally condemned it, and the clergy of Aberdeen averred their determination to support the policy of the king. Dismayed by the intensity and extent of the popular opposition thus evinced, the privy council appealed to the king, who had now to learn unmistakeably—from a statement of the grievances of the covenanters, which, on 28th April, was signed by the earls of Rothes, Cassillis, and Montrose,—that they would not be satisfied with the withdrawal of the book of canons and service book, but demanded the abolition of the court of high commission, and the summoning of a lawful and free national assembly and parliament. Simultaneously with these proceedings, the covenanters, who were actively engaged throughout the country in having the national covenant accepted and signed, frequently exhibited towards those who held opinions contrary to theirs an intolerance of spirit and action as decided as that of the king and Laud, but it has to be remembered that to reject the covenant was, in the view of the covenanters, treason to the country. Advised by the representatives of the privy council, and by such of the Scottish bishops as had proceeded to London, the king in the end of May dispatched the marquis of Hamilton to Scotland to endeavour to restore tranquility, but on his arrival on the 6th of June he found the southern districts of the country under the control of the covenanters, who had ordered supplies of arms from the continent, and threatened to take possession of the castle of Edinburgh. Along with other burghs Glasgow actively promoted this movement. On 26th May, Colin Campbell, bailie, and four others were appointed to ride to Edinburgh and "give their best advice for settling of the present comotiounes of the kingdom;" (fn. 71) on 23rd June, John Barnis and three others were appointed to attend the meeting of the burghs in Edinburgh, and free Gabriel Cuning hame and the three other commissioners who were in attendance; on the same day Colin Campbell was elected commissioner to the general convention of burghs to be held at Stirling on 3rd July, and William Neilson was appointed assessor; and on 21st July the council authorised £477 12s. 8d. Scots (£39 16s. sterling) to be paid as the expenses of the commissioners who had represented the burgh at the conventions of burghs since 4th July previous, "attending ane gracious ansuer of his Majestie anent the present grievances of the countrie." (fn. 72) When the marquis met the covenanters he learned that they refused to formulate their complaints to any authority other than a general assembly and parliament. He had, therefore, to represent to the king that he must either accede to the demands of his subjects or suppress them by force of arms. Under these circumstances he sought to temporise, and, after allowing the courts of justice to return to Edinburgh, proceeded to England to confer with the king. He was told, however, ere he left, that if he did not return by the 5th of August, with a favourable answer, the covenanters would adopt such course as they might consider best.

Meanwhile Glasgow was taking measures to meet such contingencies as might arise. On 1st August the town council issued an order prohibiting every person within the burgh from lending armour to any person resident therein, and requiring all fencible persons to have their armour ready "for schawing of thair musteris" on twenty-four hours' warning; all persons not provided with arms were also required to get them with diligence, under a penalty of £20. (fn. 73) On the 11th of the same month William Hynschaw, master of works, who had gone to Flanders, was requested to purchase there, for the town's use, fifty muskets, with stalfis, (fn. 74) and bandoliers conform, and fifty pikes, (fn. 75) and on 8th September sixty young men were ordered to be selected and trained up in the "handling" of arms. For this purpose a man was engaged to come from Edinburgh and drill them, and he was appointed to receive forty shillings a day, with his horse hire "hom and afield." (fn. 76)

It would appear that bailie Campbell, who, on 23rd June, had been elected one of the commissioners for the burgh to the convention of burghs to be held at Stirling on 3rd July, had "abstracted himself thairfra" and had "disapoyntit the toun thairanent without ony lawfull excuise, and neglecting the publick effairis, quhairby this brugh might have been endangerit and onlawit in severall onlawis, and as also in thir evill dayis discreditit." The town council, therefore, on 4th August ordained that at his "homcumming he be onlawit and punishit so far as may be in law." John Barnis was then appointed commissioner for the burgh at the convention on 7th August, and William Neilson was elected his assessor. (fn. 77) Having regard to the great expense to which the town had been put in sending commissioners to Edinburgh to attend to public affairs, the council, on 25th August, ordered that in future two of their number should proceed there weekly on their own charges. James Crane and John Anderson, younger, were accordingly appointed to attend for the first week. (fn. 78)

On the 10th of August the marquis of Hamilton returned to Edinburgh empowered to summon both an assembly and a parliament, under limitations intended to secure as much as possible the existing ecclesiastical polity and ritual. But when he met the covenanters he found that they would be satisfied with nothing short of the abolition of episcopacy and the Perth articles, and the enforcement of the covenant on all persons under pain of excommunication. Hamilton had therefore to return and represent this to the king, who was induced, on 9th September, to revoke the canons, service book, and high commission, to promise his assent to the repeal of the statute confirming the Perth articles, and to make a variety of other concessions diametrically opposed to what he had previously insisted on. The archbishop of St. Andrews was also to be asked to resign his chancellorship, and was to be compensated for loss of office. Proclamation was accordingly made, on 22nd September, of the king's intentions; a general assembly was appointed to meet at Glasgow (fn. 79) on 21st November; and a parliament was ordered to be summoned to meet in Edinburgh on 15th May. Even this, however, did not now satisfy the covenanters who protested against the royal proclamation. (fn. 80)

On 2nd October, Patrick Bell was elected provost on the nomination of the archbishop, who also, from a leet of nine, nominated Henry Glen, Mathew Hamilton, and William Neilson to be bailies. On 5th October thirteen merchants and twelve craftsmen were elected councillors; (fn. 81) and on 10th October Walter Stirling was appointed dean of guild; Richard Allan, deacon convener; Walter Neilson, visitor; Andrew Martin, treasurer; William Hynschaw, master of work; and Thomas Glen, water bailie. (fn. 82)

In consequence of the king's sanction to the holding of the assembly on 21st November, the town council, on 8th October, anticipating the repair to the town of many noblemen, commissioners from presbyteries, and other commissioners, prohibited the burgesses and inhabitants from letting or promising to let, for rent or otherwise, or from lending to friends, any house, chamber, or stable, without previously obtaining license to do so from persons appointed by the magistrates and council. The object of this order, it was explained, was to secure that every person who came to the town to attend the assembly might be lodged according to his quality and the ability of the city, and violation of it was appointed to be punished by the infliction of a fine of £100, loss of the liberty of the offender, and imprisonment during the will of the magistrates. All householders were farther required, under a similar penalty, to obey the orders of the persons appointed to survey the houses and premises, and were prohibited from charging more rent than was authorised by the magistrates. (fn. 83) Orders were also given, on the 20th of the same month, to prepare the High Kirk for the meeting of the assembly, by repairing the floor of the outer kirk, opening up for light certain windows in the inner kirk, which had previously been "biggit up with stone, and putting glass therein," and executing other necessary works, and James Colquhoun, wright, was appointed to superintend the operations. (fn. 84) Farther, in anticipation of the number of people who were expected to repair to the town, a guard was ordered to be kept during the day and a watch by night, (fn. 85) and all the inhabitants were required "to put out candles and bowattis" [lanterns] during the time of the assembly. (fn. 86)

Inspired by the "Tables," the covenanters took immediate and active steps to secure the return, as members of assembly, of persons who would support them, and they prepared a formal accusation of the fourteen bishops, which accusation contained, it must be said, many scandalous charges which subsequently no attempt was made to substantiate, and could only have been introduced to foster popular prejudice. This accusation was presented to the presbytery of Edinburgh, which obviously had no jurisdiction over the bishops as a class, but it was nevertheless referred by the presbytery to the assembly. The "Tables" also issued instructions to their supporters as to their attendance at the assembly, but the privy council issued a proclamation forbidding all commissioners to repair to the assembly with other attendance than their ordinary retinue, or armed otherwise than as allowed by law. Against this reasonable proclamation, however, the covenanters protested, and entered the city in large numbers and armed. On the 8th of November the town council, understanding that great and weighty matters which might concern them very much would be dealt with by the assembly, resolved, before appointing a commissioner to represent the burgh, that he should not vote on any material matter till he had first intimated it to the council and obtained their advice, upon which he should act. Upon this footing Patrick Bell, provost, was elected commissioner, and on the 15th Richard Allan was appointed his assessor. (fn. 87)

The assembly met in the cathedral on the 21st of November, and, large as the building was, the crowd was so great as to make it difficult for the members to get to their places. But though Baillie complains indignantly of the "disorder, din, and clamour" which prevailed, the gathering was one of profound national interest. The marquis of Hamilton, (fn. 88) as royal commissioner, occupied a chair of state under a canopy, surrounded by the chief officers of state. In front was the table for the moderator and clerk. The peers and other territorial barons who attended as lay elders sat at a long table running down the centre of the church, while round it on seats placed one above the other were the ministers and commissioners of burghs. In all, the assembly consisted of one hundred and forty ecclesiastics and one hundred laymen, but no bishops or church dignitaries were present. Above, in one of the aisles, sat young nobles and men of rank who were non-members, and the galleries were filled with members of all classes, among whom were many ladies. One or two ministers wore gowns, the rest appeared in cloaks. The lay members wore their ordinary dress, and the noblemen and gentlemen carried their swords. John Bell, one of the ministers of the city, acted as interim moderator, and after the royal commission had been read, and the commissions of members had been lodged, Alexander Henderson, (fn. 89) was appointed moderator, and Archibald Johnston of Warriston, (fn. 90) clerk. The royal commissioner then urged that the declaration of the bishops should be read, but this was not done till the 27th, when a document signed by the archbishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow and by the bishops of Edinburgh, Galloway, Ross, and Brechin, with their reasons of dissent and protest, was read. The bishops of Dunkeld, Orkney, Caithness, Argyle, Dunblane, Aberdeen, Moray, and the Isles had not subscribed it. On the 28th a discussion took place as to the bishops' declinature, after which the moderator declared that he would take the vote of the assembly as to whether they could lawfully decide in the accusation of the bishops, notwithstanding the reasons contained in their declinature. Upon this declaration being made, the royal commissioner addressed the assembly, and, in name and by authority of the king, commanded it not to proceed farther, protesting that what afterwards might be done should not be reported as an act of the assembly. To this command the moderator replied, but the royal commissioner dissolved the assembly, and left the cathedral along with the lords of the council while the clerk was reading a protestation against his procedure. On the following day the royal commissioner issued a proclamation which was published at the market cross of Glasgow, setting forth the grounds of his action; prohibiting all further meetings of the assembly; and requiring the members "to depart furth of the city within the space of twenty-four hours, and to repair home to their own houses, or go about their private affairs in a quiet manner." (fn. 91) Nevertheless, the earl of Argyle, who had accompanied the commissioner as one of his assessors, but refused to concur with the other members of the privy council in the proclamation dissolving the assembly, returned to it, and intimated his sympathy with its proceedings. (fn. 92) On the 29th the provost of Glasgow convened the town council and, in obedience to their act of the 8th, intimated that on the previous evening he had been called on to vote on the question as to whither the assembly should dissolve, being discharged by authority, or whither he should adhere to the protestation by the members as to not dissolving. He stated also that he had been asked to vote on the question as to whither the assembly should sit as judges on the bishops and their adherents notwithstanding their declinature. He therefore craved the instructions of the council as to how he should act, and they, after mature deliberation, "by plurality of voittis," ordained him, "for thame and in thair name, to voit that the assemblie sould sitt and not desolve, not withstanding of any mandat or proclamatioun maid or to be maid in the contrar;" "to adhair to the protestatioun maid be the members thairof anent the not desolving of the samein;" to "sitt and continow with the assemblie to the full desolving thairof;" and to "voyce for establisching of the said assemblie judges to the saidis bischops and thair adhairrance notwithstanding of the declinator proponit to thame in the contrar thairof. (fn. 93) The assembly thereafter resolved, notwithstanding the opposition of a few who retired, to proceed with its business, and on 4th December declared the last six great assemblies, viz., those of Linlithgow in 1606 and 1608, of Glasgow in 1610, of Aberdeen in 1616, of St. Andrews in 1617, and of Perth in 1618, to have been unfree, unlawful, and null. (fn. 94) It also on the 6th condemned the service book, the book of canons, the book of ordination, and the court of high commission. (fn. 95) The two archbishops and the four bishops who had signed the declinatures were then deposed and excommunicated. (fn. 96) A similar sentence was pronounced as regarded the bishops of Aberdeen and Dunblane. (fn. 97) The bishops of Moray, Orkney, Argyle (or Lismore) and the Isles, (fn. 98) and the bishops of Dunkeld and Caithness, (fn. 99) were also deposed, but were to be excommunicated only in the event of their not professing repentance and making submission to the assembly. (fn. 100) On the 8th the assembly declared episcopacy to have been abjured by the confession of faith, 1580, and ordered it to be removed out of the kirk. (fn. 101) A similar declaration and order were made on the 10th as regarded the articles of Perth. (fn. 102) On the following day the judicatories of the kirk were restored and several former acts were revived and ratified. (fn. 103) Among other acts passed by the assembly were—(1) one on 18th December ordaining presbyteries to proceed with the censures of the kirk, to excommunication, against those ministers who, being deposed by the assembly, did not acquiesce in their sentences, but continued to exercise some part of their ministerial functions; (2) one on the 19th against the civil power and places of kirkmen; (fn. 104) (3) one on 20th December asserting the right of the kirk to have assemblies yearly and oftener, pro re nata, and appointing the next general assembly to be held on the third Wednesday of July in the following year; (fn. 105) and (4) one on the last mentioned date appointing an humble supplication to be transmitted to the king, craving his approval and ratification of its proceedings. (fn. 106)

The presentation of this supplication to the king—whose authority had been so conspicuously set at naught—was, not unnaturally, felt to be a matter of considerable danger. "Howsoever," says Baillie, "manie would have ventured to have gone with it, though their head should have gone therefor; yet, understanding the increase of the king's wrath, and the danger there was, . . . . also hearing afterwards from court of great spyte against the very lyves of most of our nobles, gentrie, and ministrie, who were able to agent our business; it was resolved that none of note or parts should go up, without greater assurance for their returne, than could for that tyme be expected." (fn. 107) Mr. George Winrahame, however, undertook the risk, and got the marquis of Hamilton to present the supplication to the king, but no answer was made to it. (fn. 108)

Footnotes

1 Antea, p. ccxlvi.
2 Council Records, II., pp. 39, 40.
3 Ibid., II., p. 41.
4 Council Records, II., p. 42.
5 Instrument in the Archives of the City. Inventures of Wrytes and Evidents (1696), p. 46, B.C., b. 16, No. 3.
6 MS. Registrum Magni Sigilli, vol. LV., No. 210. Glasgow Charters, part II., pp. 364–374, No. CIX. Upon this charter followed a Precept of Sasine on 1st July, 1636, and an Instrument of Sasine, under the hand of John Hutcheson, on 11th August, 1636. Originals in the Archives of the City. Inventures of Wrytes and Evidents (1696), p. 46, B.C., b. 16, Nos. 5 and 6.
7 Council Records, I., pp. 377, 378. It is to be observed, however, that for a long time previous to the Blackfriars kirk being thus conveyed to the town, the magistrates and council expended considerable sums in the repair of the building, and used it as a church, and occasionally for other purposes. Thus, on 24th April, 1574, its wester ruinous gable was ordered to be taken down and the stones sold by public roup—the price to be applied in mending the windows and minister's seat [Council Records, I., p. 9]. On 16th July, the burgh court was held in it [Ibid., I., p. 18]. On 15th March, 1575–6, 14s. were ordered to be paid to barrowmen for carrying the stones that fell off the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 459]. On 16th February, 1576–7, 2s. were paid for four fathoms of ropes for the bell of the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 462]. On 16th November, 1577–8, two men were paid 6s. for carrying stones from the back of the kirk to the kirk-yard [Ibid., I., p. 464]. On 10th December, 1588, the fines of a burgess were ordered to be paid to William Reid, wright, as bounty promised to him for repairing the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 123]. On 5th March, 1625, a loft was ordered to be built at the west gable [Ibid., I., p. 345]. On 21st May, in the same year, the council ordered the collector of the college to be taken bound to pay to the town treasurer £100 for their part of the new seat in the Blackfriars kirk built by the town [Ibid., I., p. 346]. In the city accounts for the year to Michaelmas, 1625, a payment appears of £369 6s. 8d. to Thomas Glen for work at the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 477]. On 27th January, 1630, the council agreed with slaters to slate the kirk for £32 the rood, "furnisching sklaytis upoun thair awin chargis, warkmanshipe and making of the panis" [i.e., cross beams]; and 200 merks were also ordered to be paid them to account [Ibid., I., pp. 372, 373]. On 26th June, 22 merks were ordered to be paid for four oak trees for the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 374]. In the city accounts for the year to Michaelmas, 1630, £133 6s. 8d. are entered as paid to John and George Aisdaillis in part payment for slating the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 481]. On 2nd April, 1631, £40 more were paid to them, completing the sum of £280. £5 8s. were paid for carrying "the last four thowsand sklaitt fra the Brumilaw," and storing them in the vaults beside the kirk [Ibid., II., p. 3]. On 8th July, 1635, the council reserved to Dr. John Strang, principal of the college, a burial place in the kirk in which his wife and children were interred [Ibid., II., p. 32]. On 26th September an act of council states that £6,899 had been received "in contributioun anent the Blackfriar kirk" [Ibid., II., p. 33], and on 18th November John Anderson, elder, was appointed "to seik in fra thes wha hes promeist and not payit, and to seik fra thes wha hes not as yet promeist" subscriptions to the kirk [Ibid., II., p. 35]. After the kirk had been conveyed to the town further payments were authorised. Thus on 31st August, 1636, a contract between the town and Walter Duncan, reader at the kirk, was ordered to be entered into, and he was appointed to receive a yearly stipend of £100 [Ibid., I., p. 378]. On 19th January, 1639, reference is made to the admission by the council of a beadle for the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 396]. On 6th June, 1640, John Drysdale, minister, was ordered to be paid 10 dollars monthly during his service [Ibid., I., p. 413], and in the city accounts for the year to Michaelmas in that year £108 are entered as paid to him for June, July, August, and September [Ibid., I., p. 484]. The accounts for the year to Michaelmas, 1641, show a payment of £108 to four young men who preached sometimes in the kirk [Ibid.]. On 26th August, 1643, the council rendered thanks to George Duncan of Barrowfield for a gift by him of 600 merks to purchase a bell to be hung in the steeple, and ordered a bell to be provided with all convenient speed [Ibid., II., p. 60]. On 18th November, 1643, the council ordered one or two windows on the south side of the kirk, nearest the east gable, to be glazed [Ibid., II., p. 63]. On 29th May, 1647, a public place of repentance was ordained to be put in the kirk [Ibid., II., p. 117], and on 23rd December, 1648, the scholars in the grammar school were appointed to sit every Sabbath day in the college seat of the kirk [Ibid., II., p. 156].
8 Council Records, I., p. 377. Sir William Brereton, who visited Glasgow in July, 1636, describes it "as having then a population of about 20,000." "The city," he states, "is famous for the church, which is fairest and statliest in Scotland, for the Toll-boothe and Bridge." The church he found to be "a brave and ancient piece." "There is," he says, "a great partition or wall 'twixt the body of the church and the chancel; there is no use of the body of the church, only divine service and sermon is used and performed in the quire or chancel, which is built and framed churchwise; and under this quire there is also another church which carries the same proportion under this, wherein also there is two sermons every Lord's day. Three places or rooms one above another, round and uniformed, like unto chapter-houses, which are complete buildings and rooms." He then describes the Tollbooth as in the terms already mentioned [Antea, p. cccviii.], and proceeds as follows:— "The revenues belonging to this city are about £1,000 per annum. This town is built, two streets which are built like a cross, in the middle of both which the cross is placed, which looks four ways into four streets, though, indeed they be but two straight streets; the one reaching from the church to the bridge, a mile long—the other which crosseth, that is much shorter." . . . The bridge over the Clyde he describes as a very fair bridge, consisting of seven or eight fair arches, which are supported and strengthened with strong buttresses; this river is now navigable within six miles of this city; it ebbs and flows above the bridge, though now the water is so shallow, as you may ride under the horse belly. Beyond this river there is seated pleasantly a house, which was Sir George Elvinstone's, and is to be sold to pay his debts, the revenue thereunto belonging is above £300 per annum. The price offered by this city, who are about to buy it, is £6,000, the suburbs and privileged places belonging unto it induced them to buy it. . . . There is a good handsome foundation propounded and set out, to add a good fair and college-like structure to be built quadrangular; one side is already built, and there hath been collections throughout Scotland towards the building of this college, and much more money is collected than is needful to the building hereof [Antea, p. xxxvii.]. Here the library is a very little room, not twice so large as my old closet; that part of it which is now standing is old, strong, plain building. This college is governed by one principal, four regents, and about one hundred and twenty students. Here the scholars may be distinguished from others by gowns (in Edenborough they use coloured cloaks), though coloured, some red, some gray, and of other colours, as please themselves. Here I visited the archbishop of Glasgoaw's palace, which seems a stately structure, and promises much when you look upon the outside. It is said to be the inheritance of the duke of Lennox, but the archbishops successively made use of it [Travels of Sir William Brereton (p. 94, Chetham Society) quoted by P. Hume Brown. Early Travellers in Scotland (1891), pp. 150–153.]
9 Council Records, I., p. 378.
10 Original Bond in the Archives of the City. Inventure of Wrytes and Evidents relating to the City of Glasgow (1696), p. 50, D.E., b. 26, No. 10.
11 Council Records, I., p. 378.
12 Council Records, I., p. 379.
13 Ibid., I., p. 379.
14 Ibid., I., p. 380.
15 Original in the Archives of the City. Glasgow Charters, part ii., pp. 375–395., No. CX. Upon this charter a precept of sasine under the great seal was issued of the same date [Inventure of Writs and Evidents (1696), p. 10, A. 1, b. 1, No. 31], and infeftment was expede conform to instrument of sasine under the hand of Robert Alexander, notary, dated 20th February, and registered in the General Register of Sasines at Edinburgh on 10th April, 1637 [Original in the Archives of the City; Inventure of Writs and Evidents (1696), p. 10, A. 1, b. 1, No. 32]. In connection with this infeftment the following particulars are furnished by the council records:—On 30th November Walter Stirling was appointed by the town council to go to Edinburgh and concur with Patrick Bell in having it passed; on 31st December Patrick Bell produced the infeftment and the precept on which it proceeded; on 4th January, 1637, Bell, Stirling, and John Anderson produced their accounts of disbursements in connection with the infeftment, amounting to £2,219 8s. Scots (£184 19s. sterling), which was ordered to be paid "out of the stent money, and the 3,000 merks quhilk was gotten fra the laird of Kilmahew and his collidgis" [Council Records, I., pp. 380, 381]; and on 22nd April eight dollars were ordered to be paid to the clerk of Paisley for the town's sasine on the charter, fiftyfour shillings to his man for writing it, and three dollars and a-half for registering it [Ibid., I., pp. 381, 482–483]. This charter and the relative precept and sasine were ratified by the Acts of Parliament, 1641, c. 225 (17th November, 1641), 1661, c. 235 (20th May, 1661), 1669, c. 108 (23rd December, 1669) [Acts of Parliament, V., p. 473; VII., pp. 220, 650].
16 See foot-note (a), p. ccclx.
17 Ibid. (b), pp. ccclx.–xi.
18 Antea, pp. cccxlvi.–vii., cccli.–iv.
19 Antea, pp. cccvi.–ix.
20 See foot-note (c), pp. ccclxi.–iii.
21 Ibid. (d), p. ccclxiii.
22 Antea, p. cccxlii.
23 See foot-note (e), pp. ccclxiii.–v.
24 18th June, 1275. Antea, p. xiv.
25 28th July, 1324, and 15th November, 1328. Antea, p. xxii.
26 16th March, 1566–7. Antea, p. lxxxix.
27 8th April, 1611. Antea, p. cclx.
28 29th November, 1469. Antea, pp. xxxv.– xxxvi.
29 1st December, 1479. Antea, p. xxxvi.
30 Part II., No. 146, p. 463; No. 72, p. 446; and antea, p. cvii.
31 Antea, p. cclxxv.
32 Part II., No. CIX., pp. 364–374.
33 During the provostship of Robert, lord Boyd (1573–1578), an act of the town council appears to have been passed astricting all newmade burgesses, and also brewers and makers of aquavitæ, to the common town mill and the mill on the Kelvin; but on 3rd June, 1581, the council was ordered to be convened to delete it [Council Records, I., p. 85]. Accordingly on 1st July an act was passed, by advice and with the authority of Esme, earl of Lennox, rescinding the astriction [Ibid., I., pp. 86, 87]. But in 1608 the financial condition of the town was such as to compel the magistrates and council to renew the astriction, as affording the means of increasing their revenue. On 17th May, accordingly, after long consideration, and with the advice and concurrence of the deacons, the council resolved that all the inhabitants should be suckened and thirled to the town's mills; and on the same day they set their mills and sucken, and forbade all persons within the burgh, and specially brewers, from brewing any kind of malt save such as had been ground at the town's mills [Ibid., I., pp. 280, 281]. On the following day possession was given to the tacksmen of the Old Mill of Partick, the new mill, the old mill, and the mills belonging to the laird of Minto, called the sub-dean's mills, which last appears to have consisted of two water mills and one man mill [Ibid., I., p. 281]. The act of 17th May was, however, opposed by Sir George Elphingstoun, who raised letters of suspension of the council's orders, and on 15th June two persons were appointed to ride to Edinburgh and consult the town's lawyers on the subject [Ibid., I., pp. 282, 283]. The cause was before the privy council on 30th June, but the result does not appear. On 2nd July the town council passed an act in which, on a narrative that certain freemen of the town contemptuously carried their malt to other mills than those of the town, all persons within the town were prohibited from grinding their malt at any mills save those of the town, under pecuniary penalties and the down-crying of the freedom of those who contravened the order [Ibid., I., pp. 284, 285]. On 16th July proclamation to the above effect was made [Ibid., I., p. 286]. On 5th September reference is made in the Council Records to a suspension of the council's action raised by James Elphingstoun of Woodside, for himself and others, and to the fact that, in consequence, the council had deprived the parties to that action of their freedom, and had ordained them to be imprisoned till they found caution to desist "fra ane frie manis occupatioun" in all time coming [Ibid., I., p. 288]. Five days later an act of the town council was passed, in which they ordained that such persons as had opposed themselves to the sucken, or might afterwards oppose it, should never brook office in the kirk or common weal of the burgh, that their freedom should be discharged and cried down, and that they should be unlawed in £20. It was also ordered that all burgesses afterwards admitted should be sworn to maintain and defend the council's action in the matter [Ibid., I., p. 289]. The suspension came before the privy council on 13th October, when appearance was made on behalf of the town council, but neither Elphingstoun nor the twenty-five persons associated with him, appeared. Protestation was thereupon made, that the magistrates should not be bound to answer farther to the suspension till they were duly warned; and the privy council admitted the protest [Privy Council Register, VIII., p. 179], and nothing farther is recorded on the subject till 16th January, 1609. As regards Sir George Elphinstoun's plea it seems to have been still pending on 17th December, 1608, when four persons were appointed by the town council to ride to Edinburgh and advise with men of law as to it [Council Records, I., p. 297]. On 16th January, 1609, the provost and two others were appointed to attend the convention of estates on the 26th of that month, and also to attend to the actions prosecuted by James Elphinstoun and Sir George Elphinstoun [Ibid., I., p. 298]. No farther reference occurs in the records to these proceedings as to the thirlages. It is to be noticed, however, that an act of council, dated 31st March, 1655, sets forth that the sucken and thirlage imposed in 1608 was to endure only for ten years, and that in 1615 the council, with consent of all the deacons of crafts, made the thirlage and suckening perpetual [Ibid., II., p. 309].
34 Antea, pp. cccl., cccli.
35 Antea, pp. ccx., ccxviii., cclx.
36 i.e., The Thursday before Good-Friday.
37 Antea, p. cccxlii.
38 Near the south end of Glasgow Bridge. The following are the foot-notes (a) to (e) referred to on p. ccclvii. :—
(a) In the promotion of this object the following operations and expenditure are referred to in the Council Records:—On 28th May, 1600, the master of works was ordered to begin "the casting of the water on the following Tuesday" [Council Records, I., p. 208]. On 24th June four men were appointed to be feed weekly to cast the water, and two members of council were required to attend at the work every morning and evening [Ibid., I., p. 209], On 19th July the council resolved to confer with one Smyth, an Englishman, as to the cleansing of the water and the repairing of the fords and sanded places [Ibid.]. On 30th June, 1608, application was made to the convention of burghs for assistance in cleansing the river, with the result stated in the text [Antea, p. ccxlvii.]. On 8th May, 1611, the provost was authorised to bring one Henry Crawford from Culross to see the river and consider how it might "be helpit" [Ibid., I., p. 320; Antea, p. cclviii.]. On 8th June, 1612, the council authorised measures to be adopted for improving the bed of the river and removing the large stones at Dumbuck ford. To these reference has been made in the text [Antea, p. cclxv.]. The following warrants to the treasurer were granted by the magistrates and council:—On 13th August, 1631, for £66 disbursed to workmen at the new haven [Ibid., II., p. 6]; on 12th November for £27 12s. paid for fifty-four creels and two barrows furnished for the mending of the water of Clyde [Ibid., II., p. 8]; on 23rd June, 1632, for £197 8s. 4d. disbursed for "the wark of the water" since the 14th of the month [Ibid., II., p. 11]; on 22nd September for £84 15s. 4d. disbursed "in compleat payment of the haill expenssis wairit and bestowit vpoun the helping of the water this yeir bygane, except John Bairdis compt, quhilk is not as yit gevin in, for the creillis and swme small tymmer" [Ibid., II., p. 13]; on 6th July, 1633, for £140 paid to John Baird for "creills" for the water [Ibid., II., p. 15]; and on 5th October for £50 13s. 4d. disbursed "for help of the river, and vther the tounes effaires" from 28th September [Ibid., II., p. 18].
(b) A bridge over the Clyde at Glasgow is referred to in a charter dated in 1285, and it is said that in 1345 bishop Rae constructed the bridge which was known as Glasgow Bridge. It consisted of eight arches, and was erected, according to tradition, at the bishop's own expense, with the exception of the third arch from the northern side of the river, the cost of which was defrayed by Marjory Stewart, lady Lochow, then resident in Glasgow. That tradition, however, cannot be accepted, and having regard to the national depression at the time, it is extremely doubtful whether the bridge was completed earlier than during the bishopric of bishop Glendonwyng, who died in 1408, or of his successor, bishop Lawdre, who died in 1425 [See Scots Lore—Glasgow Bridge—No. I., pp. 15–17]. For the support of the structure a deed of gift was obtained from James VI. and the regent Lennox on 8th April, 1571, by which a tax was authorised to be levied on all herring and other fish brought to the bridge and transported from it [Ibid., p. 18]. The earliest reference to the bridge in the Council Records occurs in 1573–4, when the accounts of the burgh show that 4s. was paid to John Neilsoune on 2nd January "for his labouris at the brig"; and, again, on 23rd January, 22s. were paid to two men for two days' work upon it [Council Records, I., p. 451]. On 25th October, 1580, John Houston, mason, was authorised to be paid the burgess fines of John Dowgall, mealman, for making a "calsaye upoun the brig" [Ibid., I., p. 82]. In July, 1598, a supplication by the town council to the convention of burghs set forth the dangerons condition of the bridge, the sanding of the river, and the destruction of the green for want of "calsays" and bridges, and sought authority to levy a reasonable impost to meet the expense of the necessary works. The convention, accordingly, on the 4th of that month authorised the burgh to "purchas and impetrat" from the king a gift of an impost, the particulars of which are specified in the act of convention, to be levied for nine years as regarded the impost of unfreemen, and for three years as regarded the impost of herring of freemen [Convention Records, II., p. 34]. On 28th March, 1601, an entry in the Council Records indicates that another warrant to continue the levying of an impost at the bridge for a period of nineteen years was obtained from the king [Ibid., I., pp. 219, 220]. On 30th June, 1608, application was made to the convention of burghs for assistance in repairing the bridge, with the result stated in the text [Antea, p. ccxlvii.], and on 16th July a bulwark was ordered to be erected for its protection [Ibid.]. On 21st December, 1613, king James VI. granted a charter, under the great seal, to the council and community, of certain lands which had formerly belonged to the sub-deans of Glasgow, as a reward for the great expenses disbursed by the inhabitants in repairing and renewing the metropolitan church, and daily upholding the bridge and preserving it from the strong current and flooding of the river [Antea, p. cclxxv.]. On 7th July, 1614, the convention of burghs authorised Glasgow to apply to the king for authority to levy an impost for five years on herring belonging to unfreemen coming along the bridge, to be employed in its repair [Antea, p. cclxvi.]. By means of the impost authorised in 1601, supplemented by the royal grant in 1613, and by voluntary contributions, the bridge was maintained and the sands were removed, but two years previous to the expiry of the time for which the impost was granted an application was presented to the privy council for authority to levy for five years after 1620 a toll on various articles, in continuation of what had been allowed in 1601; and this application was granted on 5th February, 1618 [Antea, p. cclxxxv.]. On 28th June, 1633, an act of parliament was passed in favour of the burgh, ratifying its charters, and proceeds on a narrative, inter alia, of the expense which the community had borne in making the river navigable for ships and boats, "to the advancement of the common weal of the kingdom, and in beitting, repairing, and upholding the bridge, which was a vary profitable means for the establishment of commerce" [1633, c. 79, Antea, pp. cccxxxv., cccxxxvi.].
(c) This was the collegiate church of St. Mary and St. Anne, founded on the south side of the street known first as St. Thenew's Gate, afterwards the Trongate, by Master James Houston, with the consent of archbishop Dunbar granted on 30th April, 1525 [Antea, pp. lix.–lxi.]. Its erection and endowment were contemplated as early at least as 1523 [Liber Collegii Nostre Domine (Maitland Club), pp. 79, 80, 83]. The first deed of erection was executed in 1528 [Ibid., pp. 50, 51], and the church appears to have been built before the following summer, when the community of Glasgow endowed it with a portion of the burgh lands in the Gallowmuir [Ibid., pp. 131, 132]. As to subsequent benefactions see Dr. Joseph Robertson's Preface to Liber Collegii Nostre Domine [p. xii.]. No memorial, says Dr. Robertson, either of the form or size of the edifice has been preserved; we know only that it was surrounded by a burying ground, in which, on 3rd October, 1577, the market of grain, straw, and hay, was appointed to be kept [Council Records, I., p. 63], and that on the west side of it stood the song school. For more than a quarter of a century after the Reformation the church lay waste, and the yard appears to have been let out for small sums [Ibid., I., 161]; but about the year 1592 it began to be again frequented as a place of worship [Pref. Lib. Col. N.D., pp. xxxii., xxxiii.], when it is referred to as the New Kirk. On 8th February, 1594–5, 20 merks were ordered to be paid to John Buchquhane in respect of the service made by him and his scholars in singing and reading in it [Council Records, I., p. 161]. Reference is made on 21st December, 1598, to the steeple of the New Kirk. On 17th March, 1598–9, sixteen deals were ordered to be applied in repairing the kirk under the forms; and slates belonging to the town were authorised to be applied in slating the "toffall" of the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 192]. On 2nd February, 1600, the stone, timber, and growing trees of Little St. Mungo's kirk beyond the Gallowgate burn were ordered to be transported to the aisle of the new kirk for its repair, and the kirk-yard of the former kirk was appointed to be feued out to the highest bidder [Ibid., I., 202; Antea, p. clvii., note 2]; but subsequently, on 15th August, 1601, the site of the former kirk and its kirk-yard were ordered to be retained as a burying-place [Ibid., I., p. 225; Antea, p. clvii., note 2]. On 28th March and 9th May, 1601, further sums were directed to be applied to the repair of the aisle of the new kirk [Ibid., I., p. 219]. On 31st August, 1608, 33s. 6d. were ordered to be paid for pointing the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 475]. On 9th February, 1628, £30 6s. 8d. were ordered to be paid to masons for "working ane rood of pavement at the Trongate kirk" [Ibid., I., p. 364]. On 9th May, 1629, £60 were ordered to be paid for building the Trongate kirk dyke, and on the 24th a further order was given for the payment of £23 18s. 4d. for the same work, in addition to the £60 and £100 formerly paid [Ibid., I., p. 369]. On 27th January, 1630, it was agreed that the steeple of the Trongate kirk should be "heighted in the most best and commodious forme" that could "be devisit be the best craftsmen" [Ibid., I., p. 373; Antea, p. cccxxiii.]. On 26th February, 1631, a warrant was granted for £49 13s. 8d. paid for work at the steeple and other common affairs, from 20th February [Ibid., II., p. 2]. On 3rd April, 1647, the master of work was directed to repair the dyke of the kirk-yard [Ibid., II., p. 115]. On 29th May, in the same year, the council, on the recommendation of the session, ordered a public place of repentance to be set up in the new kirk and the Blackfriars kirk [Ibid., II., p. 117]. On 5th February, 1648, the master of work was ordered to buy timber for a pulpit in the new kirk, and the dean of guild and others were appointed to freight a ship or part of one for bringing in timber to repair the kirk [Ibid., II., p. 129]. Further details of the history of this kirk may be traced in the copious extracts from the Registers of the Kirk Ses sion of Glasgow, which have been preserved by Wodrow in his Life of Mr. David Wemyss [Wodrow Collections (Maitland Club)]. M'Ure says that after the Reformation "the fabrick of the church decayed, and in a manner went to ruin, till the community repaired it in the year 1592; and as the city increased in trade and inhabitants, they enlarged the church, and added many different isles to it towards the High Street, all of ashler work, and built a handsome steeple or spear before it, but not adjoining to the church, in the year 1637" [View of the City of Glasgow, p. 59]. The church was destroyed by fire in 1793, when the building, now called the Tron, or Saint Mary's, was built on the same site, distant by a few yards from the tower and spire which had been erected beside Our Lady College about the year 1637 [Pref to Lib. Coll. N.D., p. xxxiv]. See also Antea, pp. clv., cccxliv.–lvi.
(d) The following payments for repairing public ways and streets are mentioned in the Council Records:—On 9th June, 1575–6, £9 6s. 8d. were ordered to be paid to quarriers for "wynning" 400 draughts of whin to the "calsay" [Council Records, I., p. 459]. On 19th November, 1577, the town council agreed with the deacons of crafts that in respect nothing was to be got from the common good to build "calsays," and that a "calsay maker" had been arranged with for two years, a taxation of £200 should be levied from the whole inhabitants "worthie thairto" [Ibid., I., p. 64]. On 3rd July, 1578, the provost and bailies, who had obtained from Dundee the services of one Walter Brown, "calsay maker," engaged that he should return to the service of that burgh at Michaelmas following [Ibid., I., p. 69]; and 40s. were paid to Brown for his expenses coming from and returning to Dundee [Ibid., I., p. 464]. On 26th February, 1596–7, the Trongate "calsay" was appointed to be made and built, so far as unbuilt, and a taxation to meet the consequent expense was ordered to be imposed on the inhabitants of that street, both "foir and bak," conform to measurement [Ibid., I., p. 185]. On 6th October, 1601, fines were ordered to be levied from all persons who bought, sold, or transported "bow kaill and vivars" in great quantities, and these fines were appointed to be applied to "the reparatioune of the calsays" [Ibid., I., p. 226]. On 5th November, 1605, the insufficiency of the whole "calsays" of the burgh induced the council to engage "calsay biggers" for a year; and an annual tax of 10s. was imposed on all resident burgesses for their payment [Ibid., I., pp. 240–242; Antea., p. ccxxv.]. The conditions of the arrangement entered into with the "calsay biggers" were set forth in an act of council on 24th November, 1605 [Ibid., I., pp. 240, 241]. On 5th January, 1628, the town council resolved to widen the "calsay fra the croce doun the Saltmarket" [Council Records, I., p. 363].
(e) On 21st August, 1574, an act of the town council referred to the decayed condition of the High Kirk through the taking away of the lead, slates, and other "grayth," during the troublous times then past; to the certainty of that "great monument" falling wholly into decay unless a remedy were provided; to the inability of the council to meet the outlay for the necessary repairs; and to the fact that they were under no legal obligation to uphold the structure; yet of their free will, and for the zeal they bore to the kirk, they agreed to a voluntary tax of £200 being raised and applied towards the repair of the kirk and the making of it "water fast" [Council Records, I., p. 20; Antea, pp. cxlviii.–ix.]. On 27th May, 1575, George Esdale, slater, was made burgess and freeman in respect of "labours done by him to the Hie Kirk" [Ibid., I., p. 37]. On 10th December, 1581, the ruinous condition of the kirk was represented to the council by the dean of faculty, the principal of the college, and other members of the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 92], and on 27th February, 1582–3, the council and deacons resolved that it should be upheld and repaired as a matter of free will, though they were under no obligation to maintain it by any law, canon, act of parliament, or act of council [Ibid., I., p. 100]. On 26th July, 1589, the council again met to consider what should be done for the repair of the choir of the kirk, when it was agreed that of the sum of 1500 merks required for the purpose, the council should provide 600 merks, if the parish without the burgh and parsonage would provide the remaining 900 merks. They further engaged to execute the whole work, without delay, if security were given them for the payment of the 900 merks. On the same day the commendator of Blantyre offered 400 merks towards the cost of the requisite repairs [Ibid., I., p. 141]. On 29th April, 1609, the ministers of the burgh, at the request of the kirk session, appeared before the council and represented the ruinous condition of the kirk, and, after consultation as to how the requisite funds should be provided, it was resolved to apply to the burgesses and parishioners for subscriptions, and to postpone further action as to other means till the return of the archbishop [Ibid., I., p. 301; Antea, p. ccli.]. On 9th November in the same year the town council and merchants of the merchant hospital appointed a commissioner to co-operate with the archbishop in reporting to the king, inter alia, the "rwein and daylie decay of our Metropolitan Kirk, river and brig, and to suit his Hienes' help and supplie thairto" [Ibid., I., p. 308]. On 21st February, 1624, deals were ordered to be sawed for "sylloring of the Laich Kirk;" and on 15th May of the same year the "laich steple" of the kirk was ordained to be "theikit" with lead [Ibid., I., p. 342; Antea, p. ccxcix.]. On 12th May, 1625, the council ordered the "great kirk" to be repaired where the lead was blown up [Ibid., I., p. 345]. On 13th August, 1625, £40 were ordered to be paid to William Neilsoun, elder, for the pains taken by him about the reparation of the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 349]; and in the accounts of the city for the year from Michaelmas, 1624, to Michaelmas, 1625, a payment of £40 17s. 4d. is entered to him for mending the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 477]. On 5th April, 1628, the council entered into a contract with James Colquhoun, wright, and John Boyd, mason, to repair the decayed parts of the library house of the kirk, to roof, "geist," and loft the same, and to "theik it with lead, and do all thingis necessar thairto" for 3,100 merks [Ibid., I., p. 365]. On 16th August authority was granted for payment of £178 15s. "deburset for poyntting the tua stipillis" of the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 366], and on 18th October 40 merks were ordered to be paid for "beitting and repairing of the laich stipill" [Ibid., I., p. 367]. On 6th June, 1629, Colquhoun was ordered to be paid 300 merks as part of the 3,100 merks specified in the agreement with the council [Ibid., I., p. 370]. On 8th May, 1630, a contract was ordered to be entered into for the pointing of the kirk [Ibid., I., p. 373]. On 22nd January, 1631, a warrant was granted for 200 merks paid to Colquhoun in part payment of the work at the library house, which payment, it was noted, completed 2,750 merks [Ibid., II., p. 1]; on 12th February he was ordained to make a scaffold, on his own charges, above the gate on the west gable of the kirk, in order that John Boyd might, on his own charges, repair the "brek of the wall abone the samyn" for a free passage from the turnpike of the laich steeple to the south side of the kirk. Colquhoun was also ordered to "deas, on his chairges, the librarie hous laiche for the commissariat sait," the council giving him for that purpose the whole timber in the consistorial seat, "quhen thai require him to that effect." Further, Colquhoun was ordered to give Boyd £10 for the stones not taken down in the library house, which should have been glazed by him; and Boyd was directed to "spargowne" (plaster) the library house, and to build up the great window in the north gable thereof [Ibid., II., p. 2]. On 26th March following £40 were ordered to be paid for repairing the kirk dyke [Ibid., II., p. 3]. On 11th June £6 2s. were directed to be paid for work at the kirk and kirk yard [Ibid., II., p. 4]; and on 29th October £60 9s. 4d. were ordered to be paid for 45 stones 3 pounds of lead provided for the kirk [Ibid., II., p. 8]. On 10th March, 1632, a payment of £11 6s. 8d. was authorised for mending the common loft in the kirk [Ibid., II., p. 9].
39 Antea, p. cclx.
40 Antea, p. cclxxv.
Original Bond in the Archives of the University. Munimenta Alme Universitatis Glasguensis, I., p. 254, No. 161. Glasgow Charters, part ii., pp. 395–397, No. CXI.
41 Baillie's Letters, &c. (Laing), I., p. xxxiii.
42 Balfour, II., pp. 224, 225. The whole history of these canons and of the service book is exhaustively discussed by Burton, vol. VI., pp. 104–148. See also Gordon's History of Scots Affairs, pp. 3–24; Grub, II., pp. 362–374; Cunningham, I., pp. 513, 514; Gardiner, VIII., pp. 309–313.
43 Row, pp, 398–406. Cunningham, I., p. 515. Gardiner, VIII., p. 313. It has too often been supposed, says Cunningham, that Scotland at this period had no liturgy of her own, and that the Scottish clergy and people were opposed to all liturgical forms whatever. This is a mistake. Scotland had never been without a book of common prayer. Even before the reformation was established by law, the "Service Book" of Edward VI. was used in many of the parishes where reformation principles prevailed [Cunningham, I., pp. 511, 512]. When the lords of the congregation formed their great league in 1557, they agreed that the common prayer should be read in the parish churches on the Sunday, with the lessons of the New and Old Testament, conform to the book of common prayer; and Burton says this book was undoubtedly the English liturgy of Edward VI. [Burton, IV., p. 330; referring to Laing's Works of Knox, VI., p. 278]. That it meant, as some have thought, the book afterwards brought from Geneva is at once contradicted, he says, by the mandate regarding "the lessons from the New and Old Testaments," since there are no "lessons" in the Geneva book. The Book of Discipline of 1560 [Antea, p. lxxxiii.] superseded the English liturgy by the adoption of "the Book of our Common Ordour, called the Ordour of Geneva," and popularly know as Knox's liturgy [Burton, IV., pp. 330–347; VI., pp. 115–125]. The use of this book was sanctioned by several assemblies, and long continued the authorised form of worship. In 1601 the assembly of Bruntisland showed its veneration for the prayers by refusing to allow them to be altered. In 1605 Robert Bruce, the exile from Edinburgh for his high presbyterianism, was accustomed to read them every other night to the little flock which had gathered around him at Inverness [Calderwood, VI., pp. 291, 292]. The assembly of 1616 appointed a committee to revise the prayer book and bring it into harmony with royal and episcopal views [Antea, p. cclxxx.]. In 1620 Scrymgeour, when summoned before the court of High Commission for not observing the Articles of Perth, pleaded that there was "no warrantable form directed or approved by the kirk, besides that which is extant in print before the Psalm Book (Knox's liturgy) according to which," said he, "as I have always done, so now I minister the sacrament" [Calderwood, VII., p. 421]. On the very day on which the riot took place on account of the liturgy referred to in the text, the lessons from the old liturgy had already been read in the church of St. Giles [Postea, p. ccclxix.], and bishop Sage affirms that there were many old people alive, even in his day, who remembered to have seen it used after the civil wars, both by prelatists and presbyterians [Sage's Charter of Presbytery, p. 352]. It was not till the Westminster assembly met, and the directory of public worship was adopted, that the church of Scotland discarded a liturgy, and even then it was never formally repudiated or repealed; it was quietly allowed to drop into disuse. But as many clergymen do not follow the "Directory for Public Worship' now, it is probable that many did not follow the Genevese forms in the beginning of the seventeenth century. The rubric gave ministers the liberty of deviating from the set forms; and as extemporaneous prayer was becoming more and more prized, it is likely that the rubrical license was largely taken advantage of. It is impossible to determine how far the "Common Order" was attended to, and how far it was set aside; but it is probable it was used by all the readers and a majority of the ministers, while by others it was either entirely repudiated, or at most very slightingly observed [Cunningham, I., pp. 512, 513].
44 Gardiner, VIII., p. 322.
45 Council Records, I., p. 381. What the object of the "constant council" thus referred to was, the loss of the records both of the town council and convention of burghs for this period, renders it impossible to ascertain. One Claud Cleyland was appointed to attend Bell at this convention, and "a suit of clothes of English cloth was ordered to be provided for him in view of this service."
46 Council Records, I., p. 382.
47 Ibid., I., p. 384.
48 Council Records, I., pp. 382, 383.
49 The tradition of this outburst having been led by Jenny Geddes is not supported by evidence [Burton, VI., pp. 149–154].
50 Row, pp. 408, 409. Baillie's Letters and Journals, I., p. 18. Gordon's Scots Affairs (Spalding Club), I., pp. 7–12. Spalding's Memorials of the Troubles in Scotland (Spalding Club), I., pp. 79, 80.
51 Baillie states that "at the outgoing of the church, about thirty or forty of our honestest women, in one voice, before the bishop and magistrates, did fall in raijing, cursing, scolding with clamours on Annan. All the day over, up and down the streets where he went he got threats of sundry —in words and looks; but after supper, while needlesslie he will goe to visit the bishop, who had taken his leave with him, he is not sooner on the causey at nine o'clok in a mirk night, with three or four ministers with him, bot some hundredths of inraged women, of all qualities, are about him, with neaves, and staves, and peats, [but] no stones: they beat him sore; his cloake, ruffe, and hat were rent: however, upon his cryes, and candles set out from many windows, he escaped all bloody wounds; yet he was in great danger, even of killing. This tumult was so great that it was not thought meet to search, either in plotters or actors of it, for numbers of the best qualitie would have been found guiltie. To-morrow, poor Mr. William was conveyed with the bailies and sundry ministers to his horse: for many women were waiting to affront him more. Always at his onlouping, his horse unhapiely fell above him, in a very foule myre in presence of all the company; of which accident was more speech than of any other" [Baillie's Letters and Journals (Laing's edition), I., pp. 19–21].
52 The general purport of these petitions may be gathered from the "supplication of the town of Glasgow." "We have," it says, "been unwilling to oppose the beginnings of alterations from the uniform practice of public worship in this realm since the first reformation, but gave way to what was concluded by the acts of a general assembly and parliament, being put in hopes from time to time that the alterations should proceed no further; but now are appalled with fears to see ourselves, brevi manu, deprived of that liberty in serving God, which both state and church approved by public authority, and constrained to embrace another, never so much as agitate in any general assembly or authorised by parliament" [Rothes' Relation, p. 48].
53 Balfour, II., p. 236. Gordon's Scots Affairs, I., p. 20. Gillespie was afterwards minister of Wemyss in Fife, a member of the Westminster assembly of divines, and moderator of the general assembly of 1648. He died towards the close of that year.
54 Rothes' Relation, p. 50.
55 Bishop then of Galloway, afterwards of Orkney.
56 The consent of the council to this arrangement, says Burton, if it was not an absolute necessity, was one of the grandest political blunders ever committed; and he gives his reasons for that opinion [Burton, VI., pp. 170, 171]. "From that moment," says Gardiner, "if the nation rallied round the new commissioners, it would have a government, and that government would not be the king's. There were no more riots in Edinburgh" [Gardiner, VIII., p. 324; Rothes, p. 17; Baillie, pp. 35–38].
57 Gordon, I., p. 28.
58 Gardiner, VIII., p. 325.
59 Council Records, I., p. 384.
60 Council Records, I., p. 385.
61 Ibid., I., p. 385. An act of the town council of the same date liberating the town of any charges which might "happen to be spent heireftir upon the 5th day of November yeirlie, being the king's right," may possibly indicate a decay of loyalty occasioned by the king's arbitrary disregard of the presbyterian feeling of the country.
62 Ibid., I., p. 386.
63 Ibid., I., p. 388.
64 Gordon, I., pp. 32–36. Burton, VI., pp. 178–183.
65 Council Records, I., p. 386.
66 Ibid., I., pp. 386, 387.
67 See Gardiner's note as to the meaning of the term "the Tables," VIII., p. 329. Gordon, I., p. 28. Rothes' Relation, p. 35. Burton, VI., p. 172.
68 Council Records, I., p. 387.
69 Ibid.
70 The preparation of this document was entrusted to Alexander Henderson, minister of Leuchars, and to Archibald Johnstoun, of Warriston, while lords Rothes, Loudon, and Balmerino were appointed to revise it. It consisted, says Cunningham, of three parts. The first was a faithful transcript of the Confession of 1581; the second was a summary of the acts of parliament condemning popery and ratifying the liberties of the Scottish church, and was said to have been compiled by Warriston; the third was the true covenant, in which the subscribers swore, by the great name of the Lord their God, that they would continue in the profession of their religion; that they would defend it against all errors and corruption; that they would stand by his Majesty in support of the religious liberties and laws of the kingdom, and also by him and them against all their enemies; and this was said to have been written by Henderson [Cunningham, I., p. 526]. Its terms are given by Gardiner, VIII., pp. 330–332. Gordon, I., p. 42. Burton, VI., pp. 183–202.
71 Council Records, I., p. 389.
72 Council Records, I., p. 389; also MS. Records.
73 Council Records, I., p. 389.
74 Possibly "staff-suerds," which Jamieson describes as swords more proper for thrusting than cutting down.
75 Council Records, I., p. 390.
76 Ibid., I., p. 391.
77 Council Records, I., p. 390.
78 Ibid.
79 Grub, III., p. 22. Grub states that Glasgow was approved of by the king as the place of meeting, at the suggestion, there can hardly be a doubt, of Hamilton. The chief estates of that nobleman were in the neighbourhood, and his influence was considerable in the university, and among the better class of citizens; but, he adds, he might have known, from what had already occurred, how little his feudal authority availed when opposed to the prevalent excitement [Grub, III., p. 26].
80 Burton, VI., pp. 203–206.
81 Council Records, I., p. 391.
82 Ibid., I., p. 392.
83 Ibid., pp. 391, 392.
84 Council Records, I., p. 392.
85 Ibid., p. 393.
86 Ibid., I., p. 395. Those who failed to comply with this order were appointed to be fined and punished.
87 Ibid., p. 393.
88 Baillie, I., pp. 123, 124. Gordon, I., p. 157. He had come to Glasgow on the 17th to be ready for the meeting.
89 Alexander Henderson, it is said, was a native of Creich, in Fifeshire. He was born in 1583, and was educated in the University of St. Andrews, in which he afterwards became professor of rhetoric and philosophy. In 1618 archbishop Gledstanes appointed him to the church of Leuchars, but his appointment was so unpopular that the doors of the church were barred against his admission, and he had to enter through a window. Influenced, however, it is said, by a sermon preached by Robert Bruce, sometime one of the ministers of Edinburgh, he embraced the cause of the Reformers, and soon became one of their most trusted leaders. One of the framers of the National Covenant, he was appointed moderator of the Glasgow Assembly of 1638, and subsequently took a principal part in the negotiations with the king. In 1640 he was appointed by the town council rector of the University of Edinburgh, and in the following year spent seven months in London, where he took an active part in the negotiations between the Scottish commissioners and the king and parliament. On his return to Scotland he was again appointed moderator of the Assembly of 1641, and during the king's visit to Edinburgh, between August and November of that year, he acted as his chaplain. After the outbreak of the civil war, Henderson attempted ineffectually to mediate between the king and the parliament. As moderator of the Assembly of 1643 he drafted the solemn League and Covenant which was sworn to and subscribed by the English parliament in September. He was one of the Scottish commissioners to the Westminster assembly, and in the discharge of his duties there he spent three years. In 1645 he was sent to the king at Uxbridge to endeavour to induce him to surrender episcopacy, but Charles was as attached to it as Henderson was to presbytery, and so his mission failed. Returning to Edinburgh in broken health, he died on 19th August, 1646, and was buried in Greyfriars churchyard.
90 Archibald Johnston, of Warriston, was the son of James Johnston, of Brirholm, in Annandale, and of Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Thomas Craig, the eminent feudal lawyer. For a time he seems to have been a merchantin Edinburgh, but in 1633 he became an advocate, and took a prominent part in the opposition to the king's attempt to force episcopacy on Scotland. He was associated with Alexander Henderson in the preparation of the National Covenant, and was appointed clerk to the Glasgow assembly of 1638. He was subsequently appointed one of the Scottish commissioners to conduct the treaty at Berwick, which was concluded on 18th June, and he took a prominent part in the parliaments held in Edinburgh in August, 1639, and in June, 1640. He was subsequently appointed one of eight commissioners to treat with the English commissioners at Ripon, and during the king's visit to Scotland from August to November, 1641, he was made an ordinary lord of session, received a pension, and was knighted. He represented the county of Edinburgh in the parliament of 1643, and in August of that year was appointed one of the commissioners to mediate between the king and the English parliament. The king, however, refused to give him a safe conduct, and he remained in Edinburgh. He went there, however, in the following year. On the death of Sir Thomas Hope in 1646 he was appointed lord advocate, and on 5th February, 1649, he had, in that capacity, to proclaim Charles II. On 10th March he succeeded Gibson, of Durie, as lord register. He was present at the battle of Dunbar in 1650 as a member of the committee of estates appointed to superintend the military operations of Leslie. In 1657 he gave in his adherence to the government of Cromwell, was re-appointed clerk register, named one of the commissioners for the administration of justice in Scotland, created a peer, and sat in the upper house of the Commonwealth as lord Warriston. On the death of Cromwell he acted as president of the committee of safety, under Richard Cromwell. After the restoration he fled to France, but was accused before the Scottish parliament of treason, found guilty, attainted, and condemned to death on 10th October, 1661. A reward having been offered for his apprehension, he was discovered at Rouen, and, with consent of the council of France, was apprehended, brought to England, and imprisoned in the tower on 8th June, 1663. Thence he was carried to Edinburgh, where he was examined first before the privy council, and afterwards in presence of the estates, sentenced to be executed, and hanged at the market cross on 22nd July.
91 On 11th December, £34 17s. 4d. were ordered by the council to be paid "for particulars furnished when the king's commissioner was in the tolbooth" [Council Records, 1., p. 395].
92 The earl referred to was Archibald, eighth earl, who was born in 1598. His father, the seventh earl, having gone to Spain in 1618 and become a Roman catholic, was required by the king to make over the estates to his son lord Lorne, under reservation only of such a provision as was sufficient for his befitting support. The care of the West Highlands and the protection of the protestant interests in the west of Scotland were thus largely devolved on lord Lorne, who was made a privy councillor in 1626 and an extraordinary lord of session in 1634. In May, 1638, he subscribed the national covenant at the command of the king, and his father having died sometime between May and the beginning of November of that year, he succeeded to the earldom. He attended the Glasgow assembly, and on 28th November openly espoused the cause of the covenanters.
93 Council Records, I., p. 394.
94 Acts of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, 1638–1842, pp. 5–8.
95 Ibid., pp. 9–10. On the morning of the 6th of December the provost intimated to the town council that his voice and vote were to be craved in the assembly "anent bischops and episcopacie abjuring and abrogatting thairof, and anent the nulling of divers assemblies and the fyve articles concludit in the assemblie haldin att Perthe, as also that divers materiall thingis wes proponit in the said assemblie, and his voyce cravit thairanent, quhilkis he could not gett intimat to thame at all occatiounes nor thame convenit to that effect." The council therefore ordained him "to voit for thame and in thair names to the annulling of thaise assemblies cravit to be annullit, with the fyve articles concludit at Perthes assemblie, and to the abrogatting and abjuring of bischopis and episcopacie," and approved of what the provost "hes done or sall doe heireftir conforme thairto" [Council Records, I., pp. 394, 395].
96 Acts of the General Assembly, p. 10. These were David Lindsay of Edinburgh, Thomas Sydserf of Galloway, John Maxwell of Ross, and Walter Whytfoord of Brechin. Lindsay afterwards went to England, and died at Newcastle in December, 1641. [Fasti Ecclesiæ, I., p. 392]. Sydserf attended the king and his army at Newcastle, outlived the protectorate, and being the only surviving bishop on the re-establishment of episcopacy in 1661, was appointed bishop of Orkney [Ibid., II., p. 778]. Maxwell went to England, and was appointed bishop (1) of Killala and Achonry in Ireland on 12th October, 1640; and (2) archbishop of Tuam on 30th August, 1645. He died at Dublin on 14th February, 1646 [Ibid., V., p. 454]. Whytfoord went to England, and was there provided to the rectory of Waldegrave on 5th May, 1642. He died in 1643 [Ibid., VI., p. 890].
97 Acts of the General Assembly, 1638–1842, pp. 10, 11. These were Adam Bellenden of Aberdeen, and James Wedderburn of Dunblane. Bellenden went to England, and was there appointed to the rectory of Portlock in Somersetshire in 1642. He died in 1647 [Fasti Ecclesiæ, VI., p. 890]. Wedderburn also went to England, where he died on 23rd September, 1639 [Ibid., IV., p. 840].
98 Acts of the General Assembly, pp. 11, 12. These were John Guthrie of Moray, George Graham of Orkney, James Fairlie of Argyle, and Neil Campbell of the Isles. Guthrie declined to obey the sentence of the assembly, and was excommunicated by the presbytery of Edinburgh prior to 11th July, 1639. He was expelled from the episcopal residence at Spynie castle on 16th July, 1640, and was imprisoned at Edinburgh in September of the same year, but was liberated by parliament on 16th November, 1641. He afterwards retired to his estate of Guthrie, and died a few years afterwards [Fasti Ecclesiæ, V., p. 451]. Graham disclaimed episcopal government on 11th February, 1639, "prudently preserving his estate of Gorthie and other property," and died between 1644 and 1647 [Ibid., V., p. 459]. Fairlie submitted to the change in the government of the church; was referred by the general assembly to its commission in 1642; was recommended by the assembly to the commission in 1643, and, after being disappointed in his applications for Largo and other parishes, was settled in Lasswade in 1645. He died in February, 1658 [Ibid., V., p. 446, and I., pp. 289, 290]. Campbell subscribed the covenant and abjured episcopacy, and on 1st October, 1640, was declared by the synod of Argyle to be capable of the ministry. He died proprietor of Ederline between 1641 and 1647 [Ibid., V., p. 449].
99 Acts of the General Assembly, pp. 12, 13. These were Alexander Lindsay of Dunkeld, and John Abernethie of Caithness. Lindsay had been averse to the way in which the service book was imposed in 1637. He was deposed on 13th December, 1638, and demitted on the 24th of the same month; he made his repentance in the kirk of Kilspindie on 27th January, 1639, and died before 16th October of that year [Fasti Ecclesiæ, IV., p. 838]. Abernethie submitted to the assembly, and on 13th December, 1638, was permitted to be re-admitted as minister. He died before 24th April, 1639 [Ibid., V., p. 456].
100 Acts of the General Assembly, 1638–1842, pp. 11, 12.
101 Ibid., pp. 13–18.
102 Ibid., pp. 18–21.
103 Ibid., pp. 21, 22.
104 Acts of the General Assembly, 1638–1842, pp.29, 30.
105 Ibid., p. 32.
106 Ibid., pp. 32–35. In connection with this meeting of the assembly, £34 17s. 4d. were, on 11th December, 1638, authorised to be paid "for particularis furnischit when the king's commissionar was in the Tolbuithe" [Council Records, I., pp. 395–483].
Detailed accounts of the proceedings of this assembly will be found in the Acts of the General Assembly, 1638–1842, pp. 1–35; Gordon's History of Scots Affairs, from 1637 to 1641 (Spalding Club) I., pp. 103–193, II., pp. 3–187; Baillie's Letters and Journals (Laing's Edition) I., pp. 118–176; Peterkin's Records of the Kirk of Scotland, I., pp. 109–93; Principal Lee's Lectures on the History of the Church of Scotland, II., pp. 263–6; Cunningham, II., pp. 12–18; Grub, III., p. 49; Burton, VI., pp. 222–233; Gardiner, VIII., pp. 365–373. As regards the Cathedral of Glasgow, in which this eventful assembly was held, reference may be made here to the story which seems to have been first told by Spottiswood [History of the Church of Scotland, II., pp. 258, 259], and has been repeated by several local historians since. The magistrates of the city, it is said, influenced by Andrew Melville, then principal of the college, and others of the reformed clergy, had agreed to demolish the building "as a monument of idolatry," and to employ the materials in the erection of "some little churches in other parts for the ease of the citizens," but were prevented by the craftsmen from carrying their intentions into effect. Dr. McCrie has vindicated Melville from this imputation [Life of Andrew Melville, 1856, pp. 39, 40], and it has already been seen [Antea, pp. ccclxiii.–v.] that the magistrates and council shortly after the Reformation exhibited a praiseworthy pride in the Cathedral as a "great monument," and, though under no legal obligation to preserve it, took an active part in repairing it from time to time, and providing funds for that purpose out of their then scanty resources.
107 Baillaie's Letters, I., pp. 187, 188.
108 Ibid