ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page iv., add to footnote 1 the following:—In the preparation of this preface frequent
reference is made to documents, abstracts of which [supplementary to the abstract printed
in Part II., pp. 429–498] are given on pages 4 to 88 of this volume. The source from which
each abstract is taken is mentioned; and it will be seen how far historical research is facilitated
by the publications of the invaluable series of Calendars issued in England under the authority
of the Master of the Rolls, and of Abstracts and Extracts from the National Records of Scotland
under that of the Lord Clerk Register.
Page v., line 11, after "possessed," insert as footnote:—As the city of Glasgow owes its
origin to the church, it may be proper to indicate in outline the successive stages of that
church's settlement and subsequent development.
Towards the end of the fourth century, S. Ninian, a Christian missionary, who had been
trained at Rome in the doctrine and discipline of the Western Church, is said to have
established himself in a cell on the banks of the Mellendonor. How long he remained there is
unknown, but in 397 he was settled in Galloway, and built a church at Candida Casa, or
Whithorn. With the saint's departure from the Mellendonor the district is said to have
relapsed into heathendom, and seems to have remained in that condition for more than a
century and a half. Probably the only trace which then existed of S. Ninian having been there
was the existence of a cemetery, which he was reputed to have consecrated, though no interments
were made in it till the middle of the sixth century. At that time S. Kentigern, popularly known
as S. Mungo—to whose birth, early history, and subsequent career reference is made in a footnote to p. lvii.—took up his residence in the district which was then called "Cathures," and, it is
said, interred the remains of S. Fregus, or Fergus, in the cemetery, where afterwards "many
bodies were burried in peace." After a while S. Kentigern was compelled, by the persecution of
an apostate prince of the district, to seek refuge in North Wales, where he founded the church
of S. Asaph, but he subsequently returned to Cathures, and there he and his followers and
converts established themselves on the banks of the Mellendonor—supporting themselves by
rural industry and cultivating the arts of peace, in accordance with the practice of what Burton
calls the second period of the Scottish church, and also of the Columban church of Iona. The saint
and his followers doubtless lived in huts constructed of wood and wattles, but their church
may have been a stone structure, like some of the earliest chapels, of which remains still
exist. (fn. 1) While resident there S. Kentigern is said to have been visited by S. Columba, who
presented him with a crozier, which Fordun, writing in the fifteenth century, says, was then to
be seen in the church of S. Wilfrid at Ripon. (fn. 2) S. Kentigern died in 603, and everything connected with the church which he founded on the banks of the Mellendonor is involved in
obscurity (fn. 3) till the first quarter of the twelfth century, when David, prince and earl of Cumbria,
the youngest son of Malcolm Canmore and queen Margaret, took measures to found or reconstitute the bishopric of Glasgow. With a view to this he appointed an Inquest to ascertain
the early possessions of the church, and the result is set forth in the Notitia of the Inquest—
the oldest extant version of which forms the first document in the Register of the Bishopric. (fn. 4)
This document—the narrative of which does not claim the same authority with the verdict of
the five juratores (seniores homines et sapientores totius Cumbriœ) (fn. 5) —sets forth the foundation of
the church as the see of the bishop of Cumbria, by "the Household of Faith and the Magnates
of the Kingdom," the king of the province co-operating in honour of God and of S. Mary—the
reception by that church of S. Kentigern as bishop, and the succession to him of many bishops (fn. 6)
—the outbreak of insurrections, which not only destroyed the church and its possessions,
but wasted the whole country, and drove the inhabitants into exile—the invasion of the district
by divers tribes of different nations, different in race and unlike in language, living under mani
fold customs and clinging to heathenism—the advent, during the reign of Henry in England and
of Alexander in Scotland, of prince David, who, burning with zeal for holy living, and pitying
the wretchedness of the profane multitude, had chosen as bishop, John, his former teacher, who,
after consecration by pope Paschal, had spread abroad the gospel throughout the Cumbrian
diocese. (fn. 7) The document then sets forth that prince David, chiefly from love to God, but partly
also from affection to and by the exhortation of the bishop, having caused inquiry to be made
concerning the lands belonging to the church of Glasgow in each of the provinces of Cumbria
which were under his rule—for he did not rule over the whole of the Cumbrian region (fn. 8) —had
ascertained that the several lands therein mentioned belonged to the church at Glasgow. These
lands extended from the Clyde on the north to the Solway Firth and the English March on the
south, and from the western boundary of Lothian on the east to the river Urr on the west,
including Teviotdale, and comprehended what afterwards formed the site of the city of Glasgow.
The building of the cathedral appears to have been begun before David succeeded to the
throne on the death of his brother Alexander I. in 1124, and a gift by him, as earl, for the
restoration and building is recorded [Regist. Epis. Glasg. I., p. 8, No. 2]. On the nones of
July, 1136, the church, which was probably constructed chiefly of wood, was dedicated, and on
that occasion David, then king, gave to it the land of Perdeyc [Ibid., I., p. 9, No. 3], which was
soon afterwards erected, along with the church of Govan, into a prebend of the cathedral. In
addition to the long list of possessions restored to the church on the verdict of the assize of
inquest, the king granted to it the church of Renfreu [Ibid., I., p. 60, No. 66]; Govan, with
its church [Ibid., I., p. 10, No. 6]; the church of Cadihou [Ibid., I., p. 11, No. 8]; the tithe
of his cane or duties paid in cattle and swine throughout Stratgrif, Cuningham, Kyle, and
Carrick [Ibid., I., p. 12, No. 9]; and the eighth penny of all pleas of court throughout Cumbria
[Ibid., I., p. 12, No. 10]. He also consented, along with his son, prince Henry, to the
acquisition by the bishop, from the bishop of St. Andrews, of the church of Lohorwort, and
other churches of Lothian [Ibid., I., p. 13, No. 11]. Bishop John died on 28th May, 1147, and
was succeeded by Herbert, formerly abbot of Kelso, who was consecrated by pope Eugenius
III. in the same year, but died in 1164. During his episcopate the church of Glasgow received
various gifts from king Malcolm (the maiden) and other benefactors, and the clergy and
people of the diocese were enjoined by the pope to visit the cathedral church yearly, according
to the custom of St. Andrews and other sees. A constitution of the dean and chapter was also
confirmed by the pope. Bishop Herbert was succeeded by Ingelram, archdeacon of Glasgow
and rector of Peebles, chancellor of the kingdom. He was consecrated by pope Alexander III.
on 28th November, 1164, notwithstanding the opposition of the archbishop of York, whose
pretensions to metropolitan superiority he strenuously and effectively resisted. He died on
2nd February, 1174, in the tenth year of the reign of king William, and was succeeded by
Jocelin, abbot of the Cistercian monastery of Melrose, who was elected on 10th kal. June, 1174,
and consecrated on 1st June, 1175. He, like his predecessor, bishop Herbert, offered strenuous
opposition to the pretensions of York, and succeeded, on 30th July, 1176, in obtaining from the
pope a command that the Scottish bishops should yield no obedience to the archbishop of York,
though they had been compelled by Henry II. of England to swear obedience to the Anglican
church [Ibid., I., p. 35, No. 38]. Jocelin was enabled still later, in 1182, to render important
service to king William by obtaining from pope Lucius III. his absolution from church censure.
Between 1189 and 1192 he was actively engaged in restoring his cathedral church—that of
bishop John having been shortly before that time destroyed by fire—and he founded a society
to collect funds for this purpose, which was sanctioned by the king and taken under the royal
protection [Ibid., I., p. 66, No. 76]. The restoration must have been effected with great
expedition, for on 6th July, 1197, the church was dedicated, and less than two years afterwards, viz., on 17th March, 1199, he died in the abbey of Melrose. To this bishop king William,
between 1175 and 1178, granted the privilege of having a burgh, and, in the exercise of that
privilege, he established the burghal community of Glasgow, which, passing, during upwards of
seven hundred years, through its various stages of burgh of barony, burgh of regality, city, and
royal burgh, has received its latest accession of dignity from Queen Victoria in its constitution
as a county of a city.
Page v., add to footnote 2, the following:—Though the charter empowering the bishop
to form the burgh was not granted before 1175, there is little room for doubt that a town or
village, inhabited by craftsmen and fishermen, existed earlier. Local historians have represented
that the site of the first market cross of the burgh was where the High Street, Rottenrow, and
Drygate intersected each other, but there does not seem to be any authority for this conjecture.
Ecclesiastics connected with the cathedral had their residences in these localities, but there is
no evidence that markets were held or trade and merchandise were carried on there till after the
Reformation. The lower ground nearer the river was more suitable for these purposes, and it
seems probable that the trading portion of the community—i.e., those who obtained burghal privileges in the twelfth century—erected the original market cross at the foot of the High Street, the
site which it has occupied as far back as its history can be traced in authentic documents. The
primitive dwellings and booths appear to have diverged from that point, forming the four streets
which led northward to the cathedral, Garngadhill, and Easter Common; southward to the
Clyde, eastward to the Gallowmuir, and westward to the old Green and various crofts. On the
north side of the last-mentioned street, at a short distance from the cross, stood a chapel
dedicated to "Our Lady," the existence of which can be traced as far back as the year 1293
[Glasg. Charters, part ii., p. 20]. Twenty-seven years later, viz., in 1320, reference is made to a
chapel called the chapel of St. Thomas as existing in the same thoroughfare [Preface to Liber
Collegii Nostre Domine, etc., p. xxxiii.]. The westward street, branching northward along
Cow Lone (the modern Queen Street), would also be used as the route to the Wester Common.
Page vi., footnote 1, after "by" in line 2 of first column, insert:—Pope Alexander
III., on 19th April, 1179.
Page vi., line 3, footnote 1, after "1181," insert:—by Pope Urban III., on 12th June,
1186; and by Pope Honorius III., on 19th October, 1216.
—line 1 of second column, insert before "49" 42, and after "49" 54 and 94.
—add to footnote 3, the following:—In consequence probably of the protection
afforded to those who frequented the fair of Glasgow, it seems to have been fixed upon as the
place at which periodical payments were to be made. A charter, dated 2nd March, 1238, by
Maldowen, third earl of Lennox, to William Galbraith, of certain lands, stipulated for the
payment annually to the earl and his heirs of half a merk of silver, "infra nundinas de
Glasgw" [Cart. Com. de Lennox (Maitland Club), p. 30, Pref. p. xi.]. Similar payments were
appointed to be made at that fair in a charter granted in 1394 by Duncan, earl of Lennox,
to Walter Buchanan of the lands of Ladlawn, and in another charter by earl Duncan to
John de Hamilton of the lands of Buthernok [Ibid, p. 72; see pages 80, 84, 85, 86]. See also
footnote 4, p. xxiii.
Page ix., line 20, after "ship" read as a footnote:—In virtue of these charters of
William the Lion, Glasgow became what has been called a free burgh; but it is a mistake
to suppose, as has been sometimes done, that it was thereby erected into a royal burgh—
a mistake which must have arisen from inattention to what, at least in that age, constituted
the main criterion of a burgh royal, the tenure of burghal property, by its possessors, immediately under the crown. Glasgow, on the contrary, was then what at a later period was
denominated a burgh of barony; it afterwards was erected into a burgh of regality; but in this,
as in analagous cases, there was an interposed or mid superior between the crown and the
burgesses, and their rents or mails (census burgales), whatever they may have been, were due,
not to the crown, but to the bishop.
Another discriminating mark has to be noticed. In the erection of a burgh royal, properly
so called, a certain extent of surrounding country was usually assigned, within which the
burgesses were to enjoy exclusive privileges of trade and certain rights to tolls and customs;
but in the charters granted to the bishops of Glasgow, as in other similar cases, the right of
holding fairs and markets, and of exacting tolls or petty customs, did not extend beyond the
narrowest limits of the market or fair, and did not of itself exclude or do away with any
existing right which might have been vested in the contiguous burghs royal. In this respect,
Glasgow was then pressed on both sides by the burghs of Rutherglen and Renfrew. The rights
of the former, in the exaction of tolls and customs, would appear to have been, from local
position, more peculiarly distressing to the burgesses of Glasgow, and it required the express
authority of a royal grant merely to transfer the place of collection beyond the more immediate
boundaries of the town. In 1226, accordingly, Walter, bishop of Glasgow, obtained the
charter in 1226 [referred to on p. xi.] limiting the area within which Rutherglen was to levy
tolls [Municipal Corporations Report, II., p. 3].
Page x., line 15, after "do" read as footnote:—It appears from the Diocesan
Registers of Glasgow that in the sixteenth century the lands of Shettleston were in the possession of several rentallers. That portion of them on which the ancient cross stood was
probably what was known as the two merk land of Towcorse, now called Tollcross,
about three miles east of the city of Glasgow. By a charter dated 6th May, 1580, archbishop
Boyd granted to Gabriel Corbart of Hardgray several lands in feu, including the two merk
lands of Towcorse, then occupied by Corbart and his sub-tenants; and this grant was, on 31st
October, 1582, confirmed by a charter under the great seal [Reg. Mag. Sig., 1580–1592, V.,
No. 451]. Remaining with the Corbart or Corbett family till the end of last century, Tollcross
was then sold to James Dunlop of Garnkirk, from whose descendants a large portion of it has
been recently acquired by the Corporation of Glasgow for a public park. A portion of the
lands still called Shettleston was also included in the purchase.
Page x., add to footnote 1, the following:—The fine choir of the cathedral was built
during the episcopate of bishop Walter [Statuta Ecclesiæ, II., p. 266; Scotichron b, x., c. 11].
—add to footnote 6 the following:—King Alexander II. appears to have been
in Glasgow with his court in 1225. On 9th May of that year he granted a charter there, by
which he confirmed a donation which Robert of London, the king's brother, had made to Saint
Kentigern and the church of Glasgow of one stone of wax for light [Reg. Epis. Glasg. I., p. 115,
Page xiii., between lines 5 and 6, insert the following:—By a charter dated 12th
September, 1241, King Alexander II. granted to bishop William and his successors the lands
around Glasgow, viz., those of Conclud, Schedinistun, Ballayn, Badermonoc, Possele and
Kenmore, Garvach, Neutun, Leys, Ramnishoren, and those of the burgh, in free forestry, and
he prohibited every one who did not obtain the bishop's leave from cutting trees or hunting on
these lands under the king's full forfeiture of ten pounds [Reg. Epis. Glasg., p. 147, No. 180].
—line 23, after "use" insert the following:—During the reign of Alexander II. the
comrades of Thomas, the bastard of Allan the great of Galloway, plundered the burgesses of
Glasgow, and put many to death [The Book of Pluscarden, II., p. 51].
—add to footnote 2 the following:—The Friars Preachers or Blackfriars were
settled in Glasgow as early at least as 1246. As to them and their order see Dr. Joseph
Robertson's Preface to the Mun. Frat. Predicat. de Glasgu (Maitland Club), p. xxxv., et seq.
Also antea, pp. xix. and lxxxvi.
Page xiv., line 18, after "displeasure" insert as footnote:—The earliest reference to
the castle of Glasgow occurs in a document dated at Glasgow in 1258 [Hamilton of Wishaw's
descripton of the Sheriffdoms of Lanark and Renfrew, p. 175. Reg. Epis. Glasg., p. 166]. A
year or two later (c. 1260–8) a garden in connection with the bishop's residence is mentioned
[Reg. Epis. Glasg., p. 177]. Another reference to the castle is made in 1290 [Ibid., p. 198].
—add to footnote 3 the following:—During this vacancy Robert Kulwoun acted as
keeper and accounted to exchequer in 1264 for the years 1259 and 1260 [Exchequer Rolls, I.,
Page xv., line 8, after "bishop," insert as a footnote:—Bishop Wischard was
appointed one of the six guardians of Scotland on the death of Alexander III. [Fordun, II.,
p. 305]. In further reference to his distinguished services to his country see antea, pp. xx.-xxi.
Page xv., add to footnote 2 the following:—In his Chronological Abridgement Lord
Hailes states that the plague is said to have appeared in Scotland for the first time in 1282
[Annals, II., p. 463].
On 17th August, 1277, Maurice, lord of Luss, in consideration of a certain sum of
money, executed a charter by which he granted to God and the blessed St. Mungo
and the Church of Glasgow the right of cutting and preparing out of any parts of his
woods of Luss whatever should be necessary for the woodwork of the stable and treasury
which the chapter of the cathedral of Glasgow, in consequence of its growing wealth and
importance, was then in the course of erecting, with free access thereto and egress therefrom,
and liberty of pasturage for the horses, oxen, and other animals which should be employed in
carrying the wood required [Regist. Epis. Glasg., I., p. 191]. In that age, says Sir W. Fraser,
privileges of this description were generally granted gratuitously to the church by the proprietors of the soil from their devotion or their fears; but on the part of this Celtic laird it was a
purely mercantile transaction. In granting this privilege he does not even affect to have been
governed by a higher motive than the reception of its value in money; though, in conformity
with the language of the time, the charter is said to be granted "to God and the blessed St.
Mungo and the Church of Glasgow" [The Chiefs of Colquhoun and their Country, I., p. 17].
Page xviii., between footnotes 1 and 2, insert:—Upon the death of Alexander III.
ensued the evils of the disputed succession, the deadly civil war, the intervention of Edward,
and the attempt to make Scotland a province of England. The violence and oppression of that
attempt, among other and more temporary evils, produced the long enduring mutual hatred
between two countries united by nature. It was, perhaps, hardly to be expected that under
any rulers such nations—the one rich and powerful, the other poor and thinly peopled—should
live in perfect peace and amity, content with the Tweed and an ideal line through the border
hills as their boundary. But the deadly hatred of the Scots, the hatred and contempt of the
English, were Edward's doing, and they put a stop to all beneficial commerce between the two
countries for centuries [Professor Innes' Preface to the Halyburton Ledger, pp. lii., liii.].
Page xix., line 11, after "Preachers" insert before footnote 2:—Entries appear in the
wardrobe accounts of King Edward I. of payments made in August, 1301, for timber cut in the
wood of Glasgow for the king's engine; on 29th August for waggons hired for the carrying of the
engine to Bothwell; in September for twigs collected for hurdles; and for watching between 28th
September and 11th October [Bain's Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, IV., p. 452].
In his metrical romance of "Wallace," written in the fifteenth century, Blind Harry gives
a detailed account of a fierce fight between Wallace and the English in the streets of Glasgow
about 1300; and in their histories, Andrew Brown in 1795, and Andrew Denholm in 1804,
repeat the story as a fact. It is also referred to as such by Dr. Cleland in his "Annals of the
Town" [pp. 2, 3], and occupies a conspicuous place in some of the other histories of the town
under the name of the battle of the Bell of the Brae. But Mr. Pagan, in his "Sketches
of Glasgow" (1847), explodes it. The circumstances described, he says, "are altogether
irreconcilable with existing records of unquestionable authority; and the silence of all history
on the event compels us to reject the affair as a fable, like nine-tenths of Blind Harry's work"
[p. 6]. Nevertheless Mr. Robert Reid (Senex), in view of the whole incidents and the circumstantial manner in which various points are narrated by different authors, "considers it
probable that a skirmish between Wallace and the English did really take place at the Bell of
the Brae about the year 1300, and that Wallace succeeded in expelling the English garrison
from Glasgow" [Old Glasgow, pp. 70–72]. In his "Glasgow Ancient and Modern" Dr.
Gordon remarks that neither the English historian, Holinsheid, nor our own historians,
Buchanan, Lindsay, or Robertson, have said a word on the subject of this so-called Battle o'
the Brae. At the same time, while regarding Brown's statement as to the number of the
English garrison as a "gross exaggeration," he, on the grounds stated by Reid, concurs in his
view [I., pp. 53–56]. Mr. Pagan's opinion will, it is believed, be generally accepted.
Page xx., between lines 9 and 10, insert:—In 1305 Sir William Wallace was captured in
Glasgow by Sir John Menteith, a Scottish baron. The information which led to the discovery
of his retreat is said to have been supplied by his man John Short. Wallace was seized in bed
by night, and delivered over to king Edward. Menteith was an officer of the English monarch
and governor of Dumbarton Castle at the time, so that, in obeying Edward's order, he
was apparently only performing his duty. Nevertheless his action has exposed him to the
execration of his countrymen. Sir Francis Palgrave has preserved a jotting, probably from
some treasury scrolls, of forty merks having been paid to the valet who spied out Wallace, and
sixty merks to be divided among his other captors. A hundred pounds were paid to Menteith.
Whether the valet thus referred to was John Short does not appear. The captive was taken
to London, through which he was carried on the 22nd of August, and secured in the house of
William de Leyre, a citizen in Farringdon. He was arraigned of treason in Westminster Hall,
and after indignantly repudiating the charge, on the ground that he had never sworn fealty to
Edward, he was condemned to death, and executed at Smithfield on 23rd August [Wyntoun's
Chronicle, II., p. 370. B, VIII., c. xx., 2965–2970. The Book of Pluscarden, II., pp. 175, 176.
Chronicles of Old London, by Riley, pp. 222-247. Memorials of London and London Life, by
Riley, p. 46. Tytler, I., pp. 200, 201. Burton, II., pp. 226, 227]. The sentence appointed
his head to be fixed to London Bridge, and his quarters to be sent to the towns of Berwick,
Newcastle, Stirling, and Perth. Fifteen shillings were paid to John de Segrave for carrying
his body "ad partes Scotiæ" [Documents Illustrative of the History of Scotland, 1286–1306,
II., p. 485]. On 16th April, 1306–7, Sir John Waleis, brother of William Waleis, was hanged
and beheaded; and in the same year two brothers of Robert Bruce were taken in Scotland
and hanged [Chronicles of London (Riley), p. 248].
Page xxii., line 7, after "bishop," insert as footnote, the following:—In August,
1322, Edward II. again invaded Scotland, but the Scots remained north of the Forth, and left
famine to do its work on the invaders while they were still in the Lothians. The result was
that the English army was utterly ruined, and broken and starving had to hurry home,
followed by the Scots, who harassed them in every way. In the following year a truce for
thirteen years was concluded. But two years afterwards, queen Isabella, Edward's wife,
supported by her paramour, Mortimer, and accompanied by her son, prince Edward, afterwards Edward III., made common cause with her husband's enemies. The king, thereupon,
fled, but was taken prisoner in Glamorganshire, and was compelled formally to resign the
crown in favour of his son. He was afterwards murdered in Berkeley Castle on 21st
On the accession of Edward III. he offered to renew the truce of 1323, but the offer so
made was not to Bruce as king Robert, but to Robert Bruce and his adherents. This and
other indignities irritated the Scots, who learned that in 1324 Edward Baliol, the son of the
quondam king of Scotland, had been brought over to England as an illustrious person. The
Scots thereupon determined to terminate the truce by invading England, and Edward made
great preparations for the invasion of Scotland. The Scottish expedition was commanded by
Douglas and Randolph, and they swept the northern districts of England, plundering and
burning. Froissart gives a description of this force and its characteristics [Chronicles of
England, France, &c., chap. xv.]. The English army tried in vain to meet the invaders, who,
after doing their work of spoilation, returned to Scotland, and Edward's army had to be dispersed. On the return of the Scots they organised another expedition to the eastern counties
of England, and began the siege of Norham, when a truce with England was adjusted, and
afterwards, at a Parliament held at York in 1328, Edward granted a document acknowledging
the independent sovereignty of Scotland, and the right of Robert and his heirs and successors
to be its kings [Scotichronicon, XIII., p. 12. Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, I., p. 126].
A treaty following on this document was concluded at Edinburgh on 17th March, 1328, and
was ratified by the English parliament at Northampton in April. It was in consequence
called the treaty of Northampton [Burton, II., pp. 303–305].
On 13th June, 1324, king Robert I. appears to have been in Glasgow, for by a public
act which bears to have been executed by him there he granted privileges to the inhabitants
of Galloway [Acts of Parliament, I., p. 482].
Page xxiii., line 13, after "1335" insert as a footnote:—In July, 1335, Edward III.
of England, accompanied by Edward Baliol, who, on 18th June of the previous year, had
done homage and sworn fealty for the whole kingdom of Scotland, passed through Glasgow
with his army on his destructive progress through Scotland.
—between footnotes 4 and 5, insert the following:—From the English chroniclers, Knighton and Le Baker, says Creighton, we learn that the black death in the autumn of
1349 extended from the northern counties of England to the Scots army in the forest of Selkirk
[History of Epidemics in Britain, I., p. 233], and Lord Hailes states that the great pestilence
which had long desolated the continent reached Scotland. The historians of all countries, he
adds, speak with horror of this pestilence. It took a wider range, and proved more destructive
than any calamity of that nature known in the annals of human kind [Hailes' Annals of
Scotland, II., pp. 270–332]. It again broke out with redoubled violence in 1361, and continued
its ravages throughout the year [Ibid., II., pp. 302–335].
Page xxiv., line 6, after "dynasty" insert:—He held a council in Glasgow on 21st
September, 1384 [Acts of Parliament, I., p. 565].
—line 18, after "burgh" insert:—But three charters granted by him—one on 20th
September, 1382, in favour of Malcolm Fleming, and two on 21st September, 1384, to Sir
William Douglas—bear to have been dated at Glasgow, and the two last in presence of the
privy council. This is not conclusive, however, as to the king having been in Glasgow on these
dates, but, as has been noticed, he held a council there on the latter date [Great Seal Register,
folio edition, 1306–1424, p. 165, No. 24; p. 169, No. 2; p. 173, No. 20. Acts of Parliament,
I., p. 565].
Page xxvi., line 27 of first column of footnote, after "695," insert:—Mr. William
Wallas was physician to James III. in 1478 [The Lennox, by Sir W. Fraser, II., p. 377].
—line 12 of second column of footnote, after "court," insert:—On 24th May,
1491, the lord treasurer's account contains an entry of 10s., paid to Gybbe Browne for riding to
Paisley for James Leyche to Andrew Wod [I., p. 177, pref. cclxxxi.].
—line 14 of second column of footnote, after "Aberdeen," insert:—[X., p. 65];
quoted also in Dr. Dickson's Preface to the Lord Treasurer's Accounts, I., p. cclxxxi. James
IV., (1488–1513), was, according to Pitscottie, "weill learned in the art of medicine, and was
ane singular gud chirurgiane; and their was none of that profession, if they had any dangerous
cure in hand, but would have craved his advyse" [Chronicles of Scotland (Edinburgh edition,
1814), p. 249]. "From this it appears," says Dr. John Gairdner, "that James had physicians
about him—an inference which is confirmed by a passage in a poem by Dunbar, addressed to
the same king, in which the following words occur:—
Sir, ye have mony servitours
And officers of divers cures:
Kirkmen, courtmen, craftsmen fine,
Doctors in Jura and Medicine."
The doctors must have received their honours abroad, for, says Dr. Gairdner, I can
discover no clear evidence that degrees in medicine were then conferred in Scotland, and if any
there were, they must have been exceedingly few indeed [Sketch of the Early History of the
Medical Profession in Edinburgh, pp. 15, 16]. There are many indications that our Scotch
physicians were in little repute among us for more than a century after James IV. Foreign
physicians were generally preferred. John Hamilton, archbishop of St. Andrews, a man allied
by blood to the royal family of Scotland, engaged in his service in 1547 a young French
physician, whose name was Cassanate, and five years later, his health being still very bad,
brought from Italy, at the suggestion of Cassanate, the celebrated Cardan, whose name is now
better known in algebra than in medicine, but who seems to have effected his cure. Few
Scotchmen could then have afforded the expense; but Hamilton was wealthy, and was also
politically the most powerful man in Scotland. During the few weeks of his stay amongst us,
Cardan was consulted by many distinguished Scotchmen. I find that about the same time
(20th March, 1547) a letter was addressed by the Scotch regent to Edward VI. of England,
requesting letters of safe-conduct in favour of Archibald Betoun (not improbably a relative of
the cardinal who had been murdered the year before) to enable him to travel through England
to France "for counsel and help of medecinars" [Thorpe's Collection of State Papers relating
to Scotland, p. 62]. Queen Mary had a French physician, according to what appears to have
been the usage of the day among those who could afford one [Froude's History of England,
VIII., p. 251]. But in the reign of James VI. both the physicians and the surgeons of the
court were natives of Scotland [Gairdner, ut sup.].
Page xxvii., after line 14, insert:—In the reign of James I. one John Hardyng was sent
to Scotland by Henry V. and Henry VI. of England to obtain certain deeds which were
supposed to confirm the claims of England to superiority over that country. In his chronicle
he described the several places visited by him, and thus refers to Glasgow—
"Next than from Ayre unto Glasgow go,
A goodly cytee and universitee,
Where plentifull is the countree also,
Replenished well with all commoditee."
—[Hume Brown's Early Travellers in Scotland, p. 23.]
Page xxviii., add to footnote 1 the following:—As to market cross, see antea, p. dxxiv.
Bishop Cameron seems to have been the first to regard the palace of Glasgow as a fortress. He
added to it the great tower which afterwards bore his name. It is probable that this important
work was not carried out until after 1437 or 1438, after the death of James I., when the bishop
retired from the chancellorship of the kingdom. This is the tower which was almost the last
portion of the castle to be removed at the final demolition nearly a century ago. It stood to
the south-west of the main body of the structure, and was a quadrangular erection of five
storeys in height, with embattled walls and crow-stepped gables, being in style quite in
keeping with the castle itself [Transactions of the Glasgow Archaelogical Society, I., p. 231].
Page xxxii., add to footnote 2 the following:—The effects of the establishment of the
college, says Gibson (writing in 1777), were very soon obvious in Glasgow; the increase of
inhabitants was great, nor could it be otherwise. The various mechanics and servants that
would be necessary to attend the number of professors and students must have been considerable; the High Street, from the convent of the Blackfriars, to which the Cross is near placed,
were very soon filled up; the ancient road which led from the Common being too distant for
the conveniency of the new inhabitants, the Gallowgate Street was begun to be built; and soon
after this time the Collegiate Church of the blessed Mary (now the Tron Church) being founded
by the citizens, occasioned the Trongate Street to be carried as far to the westward as the
situation of this church. The rest of the city, in its increase, tended gradually towards the
bridge, by the building of Saltmarket Street [Gibson, pp. 76, 77]. As to original streets, see antea, p. dxxiv.
Page xxxiv., between lines 18 and 19, insert:—
On 6th March, 1457, an act of the parliament of James II. was passed for the reformation
of hospitals founded by the king; and the ordinary of the diocese of Glasgow, the laird of
Eliotstone, and the archdean of Glasgow, were appointed to visit the hospitals within the
diocese and cause the foundations to be kept, when these could be found, and when the foundations could not be found, to take an inquisition of the country, and refer to the king for remeid.
This act was ordered to be carried into execution previous to the following Martinmas [1457,
c. 12, Acts of Parliament, II., p. 49].
—add to footnote 1:—This charter was confirmed by another, of date 30th
October, 1628, granted by archbishop Law, with consent of the dean and chapter [Original in
the Archives of the University. Abstract of Charters, part ii., p. 471, No. 187].
Page xxxv., line 3, after "1473" insert as footnote:—Keith states that bishop
Muirhead, who held the bishopric between 1454 and 1473, founded the vicar's choir in the
cathedral, and that on the roof of the north side of the nave the bishop's coat of arms with
the mitre was still to be seen. It is to be observed, however, that in 1293, reference is made to
a "vicar of the choir" [Glasgow Charters, part ii., p. 20], and bishop Cameron, who held
office between 1425 and 1440, arranged for a mass being said by the vicars of the choir
[Archbishop Eyre—Transactions of the Glasgow Archaeological Society, I., p. 479]. He also
founded near to the palace an hospital, which he dedicated to St. Nicholas, and on the
front of it also, over the door, are the bishop's arms [Scottish Bishops, pp. 252–253. See also
antea, p. xlvi.-xlviii.].
Page xxxvi., between lines 11 and 12, insert:—King James III. ratified an act and
decree of the privy council, ordaining all ships, strangers, and others to come to free burghs
only, such as Dumbarton, Glasgow, Ayr, Irvine, Wigton, Kirkcudbright, and Renfrew, and
there make merchandise, and to bring no fish except such as were salted and barrelled,
and no other merchandise save at free burghs—paying their dues, and taking their cockets
thereon [Hamilton's Lanark and Renfrew (New Club Series), pp. 188, 189].
Page xxxvii., between lines 14 and 15, insert:—Sir Thomas Stewart was provost of
Glasgow in 1472 [Cleland's Annals, p. 4].
Page xxxix., line 24, delete "Blackadder" and substitute "Blacader."
Page xl., add to footnote 2 the following:—For some notices of archbishop Scheves see
Professor Innes' Preface to the Haliburton Ledger, pp. lv.-lvii.
Page xlii., line 1, after "suffragans" insert as footnote:—The bishop of Galloway, as
chief suffragan, was appointed vicar-general of the episcopal see during the vacancy [Theiner,
Documenta, p. 505, No. 889].
Page xliii., between lines 13 and 14, insert:—On 17th October, 1488, parliament passed
an act for' "stanching thift, reff, and utheris enormoties," and various lords made oath to
enforce it within their bounds.
The earl of Lennox, Lord Lile, and Matthew Stewart were empowered to apprehend and
punish criminals in Glasgow and other places therein specified, during the minority of the
king [Acts of Parliament (1488, c. 9), II., p. 208].
In the accounts of the lord high treasurer, under date 3rd October, 1488, is the following
entry:—" For three elne and d. (one half) of varyande tartar to be standart to the king when he
raide to the mure of Glascow, price of the elne xviijs; summa iiij to iijs" [Pitcairn's Criminal
Trials, I., part ii., p. 114]. This "tartar" was a rich silk brought from China, through
Tartary, but probably afterwards imitated by the silk weavers of France and Italy [Dr.
Dickson's Glossary to the Accounts of the Lord High Treasurers of Scotland, I., p. 441].
At the same time "xviijs" are entered as paid to the king in Glasgow. The king was then
preparing to besiege the castle of Dumbarton, held against him by the sons of John, lord
Darnley, who, with their father—to whom had been committed the custody of Dumbarton
Castle and the entire government of Dumbartonshire and other districts till the king should
attain majority—had become involved in a treasonable attempt to overthrow the government
[Fraser's Chiefs of Colquhoun, II., p. 24].
King James IV. was in Glasgow in March, 1488–9, on his way from Ayr to Edinburgh
[Lord Treasurer's Accounts, Preface by Dr. Dickson, pp. lxxxvii., 106]. He was again in
Glasgow on 18th July, 1489, riding from Linlithgow [Ibid., pp. xci., 116], and subsequently
in October of the same year, when he seems to have remained for some weeks [Ibid., I.,
pp. 122, 123].
In the decade between 1490 and 1500, the long interval between the Roman world and
modern Europe known as the middle ages was closed, and a series of memorable events
occurred. The conquest of Granada made Spain a christian kingdom; the annexation of
Brittany to France made the latter an absolute monarchy; the invasion of Naples by Charles
VIII. communicated the art and manners of Italy to the nations beyond the Alps; and the
discovery of Columbus and Vasco da Gama opened up a new world [Hallam's Literature of
Modern Europe, part i., c. 3].
Page xliv., line 9, after "ever" insert:—
This exclusiveness on the part of the church in regard to teaching had its counterpart
in the exclusiveness of the merchant burgess in regard to trade [See Professor Cosmo Innes in
Preface to the Hallyburton Ledger, p. 1].
—line 8 of first column of footnote, after "1120" Insert:—[See Statuta Ecclesiæ,
II., notoe, p. 290].
Page xlv., after line 22, insert:—King James IV. was again in Glasgow on 15th May,
1494, on his way to the Isles [Lord High Treasurer's Accounts, Preface pp. cxv., 237]; in
1495, when purchases were made for him [Ibid., pp. cxx., 226, 227]; in 1497, on his way
from Whithorn to Stirling, when various payments made there for him are noted [Ibid., pp.
clxi., 356, 357], and on 22nd February, 1497–8, on his way to Duchal [Ibid., pp. clxiv., 378].
Page xlviii., between lines 3 and 4, insert:—On 25th January, 1501–2, a marriage
treaty was concluded at Richmond Palace between commissioners of Henry VII. of England
and those of James IV. of Scotland, under which James engaged to marry the Princess
Margaret of England, the eldest daughter of Henry. She had entered upon her thirteenth
year in the previous November, and it was stipulated that she should go to Scotland
not later than 1st September, 1503—James undertaking to solemnize his marriage with
her within fifteen days after her arrival [Bain's Calendar, IV., p. 366, No. 1680. See
Contract of Marriage between the Earl of Bothwell as procurator for King James and by the
Princess Margaret. Edinburgh Records (B. R. S.), I., p. 93]. On 10th December James, at
the request of the envoys of Henry, swore, on the sacraments in the cathedral of Glasgow, near
the right hand of the high altar, to observe the treaties of peace and marriage thus concluded.
This was done in the presence of archbishop Blacader [Rymer's Fœdera, XIII., p. 43. Bain's
Calendar, IV., p. 399]. In fulfilment of this engagement, which was approved and confirmed
by the pope, the young bride, then in her fourteenth year, proceeded to Scotland with a
splendid retinue, and was met at Newbattle by the king, who conducted her to Edinburgh, which
she entered on 7th August, 1503. The marriage ceremony was performed by the archbishop
of St. Andrews in the abbey church of Holyrood on 8th August [Leland's Collectanea, IV.,
pp. 287–300. Tytler, IV., pp. 26–32]. From this marriage James VI., the great grandson of
the king, was descended, and, as in right of his great grandmother, ascended the throne of
England one hundred and one years afterwards [Burton, III., p. 56].
A notice relative to the will of a poor priest "in extremis laborans ex morte pestifero"
indicates that the plague was in Glasgow in 1504 [Diocesan Registers of Glasgow, Pref. I.,
On 28th August, 1504, archbishop Blacader being about to proceed to Rome obtained from
the king a special license, and a respite and protection to his tenants [Pitcairn's Criminal
Trials, I., part ii., pp. 41*, 42*].
In 1505 Patrick Colquhoun of Glen was provost, and Thomas Hutcheson and David
Lindesay were bailies of Glasgow [Diocesan Register, I., Preface 14].
Page xlviii., after line 17, insert:—On 19th June, 1508, Mr. Martin Rede, chancellor of
Glasgow, who claimed, in virtue of his office, to be master of the grammar-schools of the burgh,
presented Mr. John Rede to them, whereupon Sir John Stewart of Mynto, knight, then provost
of the city, and others protested, and claimed for the magistrates and community the right to
admit Mr. John and the other masters of the schools. Upon this protest both parties referred
themselves to the foundation and letters of Mr. Simon Dalgleish [see p. xxxv., Diocesan Register
of Glasgow, vol. I., p. 427; vol. II., p. 267].
—add to footnote 1:—The chapel and cemetery of St. Roche were conveyed by the
magistrates and council to Adam Wallace and his spouse in 1569, under reservation of right of
burial. See Appendix No. III.
Page I., after line 5, insert:—On 20th August, 1509, the family of Lennox, so long
identified with the affairs of Glasgow, appear to have acquired their first residence in the city
—in the stable green near the cathedral—by purchase from Mr. Adam Colquhoun, rector
of Govan. The purchaser was Mathew Stewart, second earl of Lennox, who was provost
of Glasgow in 1510. It was in all probability this nobleman who, as provost, led the citizens
to the field of Flodden,—not Sir John Stewart of Mynto, who appears to have died a year
before the battle, though historians of the city have represented him as having perished in the
engagement. In this Stable Green mansion, earl Mathew's widow—the lady Elizabeth
Hamilton, sister of the first earl of Arran, and granddaughter of James II., resided three
months after her husband's death at Flodden. And in the same dwelling her unhappy
descendant, Henry Darnley, the king consort, resided with his father during his recovery
from his illness. Here, too, Queen Mary visited him not long before his murder in the Kirk of
Field. The house called Darnley's cottage, which recently stood in the open space to the
south of the ancient site of the episcopal palace, was a modern building [Diocesan Registers
of Glasgow, Preface I., pp. 18, 19]. In consequence of the forfeiture of the estates of Mathew,
earl of Lennox, in 1545, the property reverted to the crown, and was bestowed on John
Hammyltoune of Neilisland in 1550 [Glasgow Protocols, I., No. 55], and on John Stuart,
commendator of Coldingham in 1556 [Ibid., II., No. 299]. With the rescinding of the forfeiture
in 1564, it is probable that the mansion was restored to the earl [Dr. Murray's Rottenrow of
Glasgow (Regality Club), 3rd series, part ii., pp. 57, 58].
—line 15 of first column of footnotes, after "114" insert:—See some references
to the duke of Ross in Professor Innes' Preface to the Halliburton Ledger, p. lvii.
Page li., line 1, after "kingdom" insert as a footnote:—Sir William Fraser declares
that the account of the "escape" given by Lindsay of Pitscottie, and accepted by Pinkerton,
Tytler, and other modern historians, owes more for its reception to its romantic detail than
to its veracity. In marked contrast to these florid accounts "is the simple statement of
bishop Lesley, a historian much more trustworthy." "The simplicity of Lesley's narrative,"
he adds, "recommends its acceptance, all the more that what King James himself says on the
subject confirms it" [See Lindsay, pp. 217–220. Lesley, p. 140. State Papers, Henry VIII.,
IV., pp. 548–557. The Douglas Book, II., pp. 234–237].
Page lvi., between lines 19 and 20, insert:—During the minority of James V., and
the regency of Albany, a powerful faction, headed by the earls of Arran, Lennox, and
Glencairn, and including John Mure of Caldwell and others, sought to drive the regent
out of office. Mure, accordingly, attacked, and on 20th February, 1515, took possession
of the castle of Glasgow, which he occupied for some time in name of Arran. The regent,
however, marched to the city with a strong body of troops, and recovered the castle. On
8th August £15 15s. were paid for bringing from Glasgow to Edinburgh two whole guns and
one broken one [Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, I., part ii., p. 260*]; and on 14th September £13 18s. 8d.
were paid to a carter and his assistants for going to Glasgow with fifteen "cartill makand sixty
horses" for two canons, and for powder and artillery [Ibid., I., part ii., p. 261.* See also entries
of dates 27th October and 4th February, 1515–6 [Ibid., p. 262*]. The archbishop afterwards
raised an action, before the lords of council, against Mure for "wrongous and violent ejection,"
and for restoration or payment of the value of various articles of furniture and other goods
which he had removed, and for injury done to the building; and in March, 1517, the lords
granted decree in favour of the archbishop, and ordained letters to be issued to distrain
Mure, his lands and goods, therefor. [M'Ure's History of Glasgow, pp. 25, 26. Caldwell
Papers, part i., pp. 54–58, which gives full details. Trans. Glasg. Archæolog. Society, I., pp.
233, 234]. In the latter year John, earl of Lennox, a brother-in-law of Mure, again besieged
the castle, but it was relieved by the regent, who visited with his displeasure a French
gunner who had been the leading spirit in its defence against the royal troops [Buchanan's
History of Soctland (1821 edition), II., p. 382, quoted in Glasg. Archæolog. Socy. Transactions
(N. S.), I., p. 236]. Mr. Macgregor, referring to this fact, observes that "it is highly probable
that in the interval between these two sieges the archbishop had subjected the building to
extensive repairs," for it appears from the decree of the lords of council, above referred to, that
the castle "had been broken down with artillery, and that he had been awarded the sum of
ijc merks for the scaithe thus sustainit" [Ibid.]. On 31st October, in the same year also,
Thomas Hunter obtained remission, with consent of the governor and the ratification of the
three estates, for art and part besieging and taking the castle, breaking and taking the king's
artillery and warlike stores therein and for treasonable convocation of the lieges "in feir
of weir" against the castle and town of Glasgow, and the lord governor representing the person
and authority of the king" [Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, I., part ii., p. 234*].
Page lvii., between lines 8 and 9, insert:—In his History of Greater Britain,
published in 1521, John Major or Mair, principal regent of the college of Glasgow from
1518 to 1523, refers to the city as "the seat of an archbishop, and of a university poorly
endowed, and not rich in scholars. This notwithstanding, the church possesses prebends
many and fat; and in Scotland such revenues are enjoyed in absentia just as they would
be in prœsentia—a custom which I hold to be destitute at once of justice and common sense"
[Scottish History Society (edition 1892), p. 28]. He adds, "the blessed Kentigern rests in
Glasgow. In honour of him was founded the church of Glasgow, second to no church in
Scotland for its beauty, the multitude of its canons, and the wealth of its endowments. Not
long time thereafter the chapter of Glasgow had gained so great a fame for wise and weighty
counsel that men of renown among the Westerns were ready in a doubtful suit to place
the whole decision of the same in its hands" [Ibid., p. 86].
Page lvii., between lines 12 and 13, insert:—An entry in the lord treasurer's accounts, of
date 10th June, 1523, seems to indicate that the earl of Lennox was making preparations
for another attack on the castle of Glasgow. It sets forth that an order had been given to
Albany Herald to charge him "to cease fra all gadering and assegeing of the palaice of
Glasgow" [Pitcairn, I., part ii., p. 269*].
—line 13, for "In 1524" read "About or after 1524."
Page lx., line 1, after "church" insert as a footnote:—The erection and endowment of this church was contemplated as early at least as 1523 [Liber Col. N. Domini, pp.
79, 80, 83]. The first deed of erection was executed in the year 1528 [Ibid., pp. 50, 51];
and in the following year the community of Glasgow endowed it with a portion of their lands
in the Gallowmuir [pp. 131, 132]. As to subsequent benefactions, see Dr. Joseph Robertson's
Preface to the Liber Collegii N. Domine, p. xii.
No memorial either of the form or size of the church has been preserved. We know only
that it was surrounded by a burying ground, and that on the west of it stood the Song School.
For more than a quarter of a century after the Reformation the church lay waste; but about
the year 1592 it began to be frequented as a place of worship [Ibid., p. xxxiii].
—line 2, after "gate" insert as footnote:—As to Saint Thenaw's gate see Dr.
Robertson's Preface to the Liber. Col., N. Dom., pp. xxxii., xxxiii.].
Page lxii., line 30, after "regality" insert:—The connection thus formed may have
been that alluded to in a letter by Mathew, fourth earl of Lennox to his brother, Sir John
Stewart, captain of the Scots guard in France, and afterwards lord Aubigny, dated 15th
August, circa 1535, in which, referring to the freedom and privileges of the kirk of Glasgow,
he reminds him that the house of Lennox were both servants to St. Mungo and bound to
defend the interests of that kirk.
In 1527 Hector Boece thus refers to Glasgow:—"The principal town of Clydesdail is
Glasgow, the archebischoppis seat; quhair ane nobill kirk is doteit richlie in the honour of
Saint Mungow, and biggit with grit magnificence. In Glasgow is ane general universitie
[gymnasiam publicam] and study of all liberal science" [The Bounds of Albion: Scotland
before 1700, by Hume Brown, p. 80].
In the same year Jeremiah Russell and John Kennedy were burned in Glasgow for
adhering to the principles of the Reformation. Gavin Dunbar, archbishop of Glasgow, and the
bishops of Dunkeld, Brechin, and Dunblane, were present at the trial, and agreed to the
sentence, which was read in the Metropolitan church on the last day of February [Wodrow
Collections (Maitland Club), I., p. 72].
Page lxii., insert as footnote 6 before "In virtue":—Robert Lord Maxwell also was
appointed bailie and justice-general over the lands, baronies, and regalities of the abbeys of
Dundrennan, Tungland, Sweetheart, Holywood, the provostry of Lincluden, and the preceptory
of Trailtrow [Book of Caerlaverock, by Sir William Fraser, I., p. 175].
Page lxv., add to footnote 1 after "Hammermen":—In the accounts of the lord high
treasurer from 1515 to 1542, the following entry occurs under date 18th September, 1532,
"for a lute with the case and a dozen of strings bought in Glasgow, and sent with Troilus
to the king's grace in Inveraray, xls." [Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, I., part ii., p. 278.*
Scotland before 1700 by P. Hume Brown, p. 37].
Page lxvii., between lines 10 and 11, insert:—On 8th October, 1541, the laird of
Bishopton and others were dilated of convocation of the lieges and invasion of Andrew
Hamilton, provost of Glasgow, for his slaughter and other crimes specified in the letters
[Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. I., part ii., p. 361*].
— after "through" in the last line insert:—On hearing of the negotiations
with Henry, the king of France in 1543 sent over to Scotland the earl of Lennox, who had been
brought up with him, to induce the governor and estates to adhere to the old alliance with
France, and not to enter into engagements with England which would be prejudicial to it.
Finding, however, that his representations were not successful, he claimed for himself the
office of governor and tutor to the infant queen, as being the second nearest heir to the crown,
and afterwards raised forces to oppose Arran [Leslie, pp. 173, 174]. In pursuance of this
change of policy, and with a view, doubtless, to ingratiate himself with England, Lennox
proceeded to Dumbarton castle, of which he was governor, to meet five ships from France,
containing fifty thousand crowns of the sun in gold which had been sent by the king to the
governor for the defence of Scotland. That sum having been paid to him, under the belief
that he represented the interests of the governor, he appropriated it [Lesley, p. 175. Burton,
III., p. 220]. An arrangement between them was, however, subsequently effected, but
within a few days was broken by Lennox, who proceeded "with men and all kinds of
munition" to Glasgow, where he was joined by the earl of Glencairn and a number of
barons and gentlemen of the Lennox. Arran, aided by Lord Boyd, collected a force and
immediately followed, and the supporters of Lennox, including, says Leslie, "the haill
burgesses, communitie, and abill kirkmen of the citie," took up a position on the muir of
Glasgow, about a mile to the east of the city, to oppose the approaching forces of the governor.
There the two parties met, and after a fierce struggle, the supporters of Lennox gave way,
with heavy loss. Among the badly wounded of the Lennox party was the laird of Minto,
then provost of the burgh, and a large number of prisoners were captured. Following up his
victory, the governor entered the town and besieged the castle and steeple, which were
rendered to him. Sixteen of the defenders were hanged at the market cross, the city was
given up to pillage, and, says Leslie, "war not the speciall labouris of the lord Boyd, quha
maid ernist supplicatione to the governour for sauftie of the same, the haill toun, with the
bischoppe and channonis houssis, had been alluterly brint and destroyit." Lennox, who had
gone to the castle of Dumbarton before the fight began, then tried to effect an agreement with
the governor, but seeing little hope of succeeding, he tendered his service to Henry, which was
accepted, and afterwards entered into a marriage contract with the lady Margaret Douglas, the
king's niece [Leslie, pp. 175-178. See p. lxxx.].
Page lxvii., add to footnote 4:—This decree was confirmed by a charter of James VI.,
under the great seal, dated 8th July, 1596 [Great Seal Register, p. 247, No. lxxxiv.].
— insert as footnotes, line 12, after "1542" (fn. 9) ; line 13, after "queen" (fn. 10) ; and
line 25, after "right" (fn. 11) :—
Page lxviii., line 2, after "animosities," insert as footnote:—On the death of James
V. in 1542 the Scottish nobles were divided into two factions, one of which seconded the
intrigues which were immediately set on foot by Henry VIII. for bringing about a marriage
between the infant queen of Scotland and his son, prince Edward, while, at the same time, it
appeared obvious that he was determined, in any event, to vindicate his title to Scotland as
Lord Superior of that kingdom. Having had in his pay a considerable party in Scotland who
had bound themselves, by written obligations, to further his views, and who did not hesitate
to give similar obligations to Arran, the Scottish regent, binding themselves to concur in
the defence of the realm against the old enemies of England, to support the liberties of Holy
Church, and to maintain the true Christian faith.
Another party of the Scottish nobles (the earl of Huntly being one of them) rather looked
towards France for a husband to their queen, as well as for aid to enable them to resist the
warlike measures of Henry. On the death of this sovereign, his aggressive views were adopted
by the Government of his son, Edward VI., and a considerable force, under the Protector
Somerset, invaded Scotland in the summer of 1547, and defeated the Scotch army, led by
Arran, on the field of Pinkie in the following September. The condition of the country after
this disaster was deplorable, and more especially when we consider that the greater part of the
nobility had entered into the service of England, given hostages for their fidelity, and sworn to
secret articles which bound them to obey the orders of the Protector. [These facts appear
from original letters and other documents preserved in the State Paper Office, first noticed by
Tytler, vol. V., pp. 17, 38. Miscellany of Spalding Club, IV., p. 35, et seq.].
— between lines 4 and 5, insert:—This was succeeded in the following year
by another invasion under the same leader. Kelso, Melrose, Dryburgh, Roxburgh, and
Coldingham were destroyed, the castle of Caerlaverock on the Solway was captured, and the
country was subjected to an amount of destruction to which, in the words of Burton, "there
was no parallel even in the remorseless ravages of border warfare" [Hamilton MSS., II., pp.
360–371, 372. The late Expedicion. Dalziell's Fragments of Scottish History. Proceedings
of Society of Antiquaries (Scotland), I., pp. 272–276. Burton, III., pp. 240–248].
Page lxviii., line 15, after "her" insert as footnote:—Acts of Parliament, II., p. 481.
— line 19, after "queen dowager," insert as footnote:—This was Mary of Lorraine,
daughter of the duke of Guise, and second wife of King James V. His first wife was
Magdalen de Valois, eldest daughter of Francis I., king of France. Queen Magdalen only
survived her marriage six months, and after a few months James married Mary, known as Mary
of Guise, then widow of the duke of Longueville.
— between lines 23 and 24, insert:—In 1545 archbishop Dunbar, with consent of the
chapter, appointed James, earl of Arran, protector and governor of Scotland, and his heirs,
to act as bailies and justices of all the lands of the barony and regality of Glasgow for
a period of nineteen years, with power to hold courts, &c., but forbade them to appoint
or remove officers without the consent of the archbishop and his successors. This grant
was declared to become void if the earl should violate its terms [Hamilton MSS., p. 221,
On 7th June, 1545, the privy council met in the castle, and both the queen dowager,
Mary of Lorraine, and the governor of the kingdom, were present. At this meeting an
act was passed ordaining French money to be accepted in Scotland for specified Scottish
equivalents; and the provost and bailies were ordained to cause all manner of stuff
within the town, such as flesh, bread, and ale, to be sold at certain prescribed prices to
the French army, which, under the command of Gabriel de Lorges, Sieur de Montgomery,
had arrived in Scotland to aid in the defence of Scotland against the English. No higher
prices than those thus specified were to be exacted, under pain of death and the punishment
of the magistrates as oppressors of the lieges [Privy Council Register, I., pp. 2, 3]. Another
meeting of the council, queen dowager, and governor, was held in the city on the 11th of June
[Ibid., I., pp. 3, 4].
Page lxx., between footnotes 9 and 10, insert:—David Lyndesay and Andrew Dunlop
were bailies of the burgh in 1547–8[Glasgow Protocols, I., pp. 1, 2].
Page lxxi., footnote 1, after "Gordon" in first line, insert—brother of the earl of
Huntly [Leslie, p. 242. Wodrow's Collection, I., part i., App. 475–504].
Page lxxii., after line 4, insert:—John Hall and Andrew Dunlop were bailies of
Glasgow for the year 1548–9 [Glasgow Protocols, I., pp. 2, 3]. John Mure, Andrew Mure,
and John Hall were bailies for 1549–50, in which year also reference is made to John Wan
as bailie [Ibid., pp. 4-14]. In 1550–51 Andrew Dunlop and John Mure were bailies [Ibid.,pp. 23–32].
In a letter from the earl of Rutland to Eleanor, countess of Rutland, his mother, dated from
the English camp at Stichel, on 8th August, 1549, he mentions that there was a great plague
in Edinburgh, and that in consequence the governor had gone thence to Glasgow, "and there
dothe keep a parliament" [Appendix to Twelfth Report of Hist. MSS. Commission. Duke of
Rutland's Papers, p. 42].
— footnote, second column, line 18, after "studies" insert:—The editor of
Wodrow's Collection (Maitland Club), I., part i., App. 501, remarks that the statement
by Keith, followed by others, as to archbishop Gordon having resigned his benefice to his son
is erroneous. It arises, he says, probably from an accidental substitution of 1576 for 1567. But it is added that, although Keith may not have stated correctly the mode in which
Gordon preserved the benefice to his family, the fact is unquestionable that it continued in it
for many years after his death, and, when it did emerge from it, was in such a dilapidated
condition that, according to Spottiswood, it was scarce remembered to have been [Keith,
p. 280. Wodrow Notes, pp. 501, 502].
Page lxxii., footnote, second column, line 31, after "appointment" add:—He was then
only in the twenty-seventh year of his age—an age not sufficient, according to the canons of
the church, for holding the dignity of archbishop, but he received from Pope Julius III. a
dispensation, and was consecrated at Rome in 1552 [Reg. Epis. Glasg., II., pp. 566, 567].
Page lxxvi., between lines 14 and 15, insert:—In 1551-2 John Mure and John Hall
were bailies [Glasgow Protocols, I., pp. 33–47], and in 1552-3 David Lyon and David Lyndesay
were bailies [Ibid., pp. 48–55].
In 1553 the Friars Preachers of Glasgow claimed for the precincts of their place or convent
"preuilegeis of sanctuarie and girthe, at the least for recent and sudden crymes," affirming
that these privileges had, from time beyond the memory of man, "been sua reverentlie
observit that it was nevir yit violat be ony manner of persoun." But in respect that the friars
were unable to produce any written grant of the immunities which they claimed the court of
session pronounced decree against them [Statuta Concilii, II., note 262, where the subject is
Privileges of gyrth, or sanctuary, similar to those ineffectually claimed by the friars
preachers of Glasgow, were enjoyed by various religious houses. Thus, on 18th March, 1315,
king Robert the Bruce conferred the privilege of sanctuary on the church of Luss and on an
area extending three miles around it. Upon such grants Sir William Fraser makes the
following observation:—The privilege of Gyrth, or Sanctuary, was the protection afforded in
certain places from the implacable resentment entertained by private parties against civil and
criminal offenders, who, in times when there was no regular police, and when the executive
Government was feeble, might otherwise, without their case having received an impartial investigation, have fallen victims to personal violence. In times of that description such sanctuaries
were exceedingly useful, from the protection which they afforded to offenders until they had
undergone a judicial trial. They accordingly long existed amongst almost all nations. The
Jews had their cities of refuge, and the horns of the altar of their temple, where criminals
might claim security. The Greeks invested their idolatrous altars with the like privilege. The
Romans instituted asylums whither slaves might temporarily escape from their irritated
masters. Scotland also possessed its sanctuaries. Here, as in other nations, the Church of
Rome provided in its abbeys, churches, shrines, and altars, safe retreats for malefactors and
debtors, and it was only at the Reformation that ecclesiastical sanctuaries were swept away.
The sanctuary afforded to debtors at Holyrood house, as being the chief residence of royalty,
was a privilege which had its origin at a late period [The Chiefs of Colquhoun, by W. Fraser,
II., p. 58].
Since the paragraph in the text was printed a commission under the great seal by
queen Mary, with the consent of James, duke of Chatelherault, earl of Arran, as bailie
principal of the regality and barony of Glasgow, dated 12th February, 1554–5, has been
discovered in the General Register House, Edinburgh. That document empowered
Robert Heriot, John Abercromby, Robert Crichton, and Thomas Kincraggy, to hold one
or more courts of the bailiary of the regality of Glasgow within the Tolbooth of Edinburgh,
and to call before them all persons having interest, for the purpose of taking cognition
regarding a complaint brought before the privy council by James, archbishop of Glasgow,
setting forth:—That he had belonging to him, by disposition of the Lord, the city and
burgh of Glasgow, and the privilege granted long ago by the queen's predecessors, kings of
Scotland, to the bishops of Glasgow and their successors, archbishops of the same, with power
to elect the provost, bailies, and other officers of the city, and of putting in and putting out or
expelling, at their own will or good pleasure, the provost and officers. That, in accordance with
that privilege, the archbishop and his predecessors had been in peaceful and continuous
possession of the election and nomination of the provost of the city, and also of the election
of the bailies, by the election of two persons whom he and his predecessors for the time
judged expedient to be bailies, beyond or outside the number of certain persons of themselves, who used to be presented or nominated by the old bailies and councillors of the
city, or the greater part of them, who for the time, and in the year immediately
preceding, were exercising the office. To that effect they were wont to be presented
and nominated at the feast of Michaelmas, for a space beyond the memory of man—or, at
least, for sixty, fifty, forty, thirty, or twenty years preceding the said feast immediately
last past; at which feast John Mure and Andrew Dunlop took upon themselves to be bailies of
the city, and ministered therein at divers courts without the consent of the archbishop, and in
virtue of their pretended election and nomination by John Stewart of Mynto, David Lyon, John
Stewart of Bogtoun, William Watt, William Hall, William Lindesay, Robert Cochran, William
Roger, William Heriot, Matthew Heriot, Mr. John Hall, Michael Lindesay, Robert Mure,
Andrew Mure, John Wilsoun, John Rob, John Martyne, John Wan, Archibald Blackburne,
Archibald Mure, William Donaldsoun, James Grahame, David Lindesay, Archibald Lyoun,
James Wilsoun, Henry Burrell, William Hegait, Patrick Myllar, Thomas Andersoun, Thomas
Lymburner, John Rankyn, William Lowdean, Thomas Spang, John Boyd, Mr. David Wilsoun,
and other pretended citizens and indwellers of the city, who were pretending that they held
office, and had then only been of the council in the year immediately preceding; that so John
Mure and Andrew Dunlop did unjustly and violently usurp the office of bailiary; and, in like
manner John Stewart of Mynto and other pretended old councillors took upon them to elect
and admit Mure and Dunlop as bailies, without their election and nomination by the archbishop,
nor as elected or, as it is commonly called, "lited," presented, and nominated to him for election
as bailies by the provost and those who were bailies and councillors in the year immediately
preceding; that by such action the archbishop had been despoiled of the possession which he
and his predecessors had of the election of the bailies; that Mure and Dunlop would not desist
from the exercise of the office of bailie, nor would the other persons desist or cease from the
election and admission of the bailies and others afterwards, without the archbishop's consent,
election, and nomination, unless they were compelled. The commission then set forth that, in
respect it was not expedient, for various reasonable causes, that action for remeid should be
prosecuted before the bailie principal of the archbishop or his deputes in the city of Glasgow,
the queen had granted her commission as above set forth. On the back of this commission a
notarial instrument is endorsed, setting forth that the commissioners so appointed were sworn
in presence of the Lords of the Council, at Edinburgh, on 25th February, 1554–5.
It appears from the instrument printed in part II. pp., 119, 120, that the archbishop
nominated the bailies at Michaelmas, 1553; but the commission above narrated shows that in
the immediately following year the town council made the election themselves. That disputes
existed between the archbishop and the town council as to the elections is indicated
by the abstract of the decree by the lords of the privy council, dated 10th December, 1554,
printed part ii., p. 121. The decree itself is not now extant, so that it is not definitely known
whether the election of magistrates was one of the "privileges and liberties" referred to in the
abstract. If it was so, then the result of the royal commission, issued in February following,
seems to have been that the archbishop's claim to nominate the bailies was sustained, and that
practice was followed in subsequent years.
Page lxxvi., between footnotes 1 and 2, insert:—The mill known as "Archie Lyon's
mill" stood on the site occupied for some time by the Clayslaps mill, within what is now
known as the Kelvingrove Park, and was originally given in rental as a waulk or fulling
mill to Donald Lyon in 1517 by the first archbishop Beatoun [Rental Book of the Diocese,
1509–1570, I., p. 75]. This rental right was renewed on 10th August, 1554, as is stated in
the text, by the second archbishop Beaton to Archibald Lyon, the son and successor of Donald,
who died about 1537 [Abstract of Charters, Appendix, p. 18, No. 324]. In virtue of this
title, Archibald, on 16th November, 1569, obtained the decree referred to in the text; and
subsequently, as therein stated, the magistrates and council acquired Lyon's right to the mill,
and, in November 1588, a feu charter from the commendator of Blantyre of the mill, on which
charter they were duly infeft. This acquisition is referred to in an act of the town council and
deacons of crafts of 31st October, 1588, which sets forth that it behoved them either to take the
mill in feu or "to tyne the same, and incure grit expenssis, labour, and pley thairthrow, in the
law and otherwayis, and that they and the commoun guidis of the toun, maid and debursit be
thame throw the occasioun of the last pest being in the toun, and vtheris grite stentis and
chargis cumit vpon thame samyne, quhairthrow the commoun guidis is nocht able to releif the
samyn, and that the compositioun of the myln man be instantlie haid, and vthir chargis [with
quhilk] they are burdenit, and als throw this present pest appeirand, quhilk as they trewlie
suppone will surmount to the sum of sex hundreth pundis money quhilk the said toun throw
occasionis foirsaidis ar unable to furneis at this present; thairfor they all, with ane consent,
condiscendit and aggreit to get samekle silver as may perfurneis the samyn to latt forth and
sett in feu to sik personis, burgesses and indwellaris of Glasgow, as thai can aggrie with,
samekle of their east and west commoun landis of thair communtie leist hurtful, and that best
may be spareit in baith or ane places as salbe appointit on, for samekle interes siluer as may
satisfie the said sowme and yeirlie dewtie that may be haid thairfoir, efter the sicht and consideratioun of the saidis provost, baillies, and counsall, as they can aggrie thairupon" [Council
Records, I., pp. 120, 121].
Page lxxvii., footnote 3, add:—A similar feu charter was granted by the commendator
to the town on 17th November, 1591. A few months previously the commendator had obtained
a confirmation of his own right from the king, after the latter had attained his twenty-fifth
year, and the feu charter of 1591 was probably intended to fortify the title of the town by
communicating to it the benefit of this confirmation [Abstract of Charters, part ii., p. 453,
Page lxxvii., after line 14, insert:—The disappearance of the earliest volumes of the
records of the convention of burghs makes it impossible now to discover when Glasgow first
sent representatives to the meetings of that body. But the earliest extant records show that
they attended the conventions held at Edinburgh in 1552, 1555, 1567, 1570, 1574, 1575, and
subsequently. On these occasions the city was represented sometimes by one and sometimes
by two persons.
Other circumstances also show that in the first half of the sixteenth century Glasgow held
a recognised though subordinate place among the burghs of Scotland,—sharing in the national
burdens borne by them, and taking part in the deliberations of the estates to which it sent a
commissioner in 1546 [Acts of Parliament, II., p. 471]. But its contributions to national grants
commenced at an earlier date, for, in 1535, when Edinburgh contributed £833 to a grant by
the three estates to James V., and Dundee £321 17s. 6d., Aberdeen £315, and Perth £247 10s.,
Glasgow contributed £67 10s. [Convention Records, I., p. 514]. In a subsequent extent for
supplying and sustaining the west and middle borders, Edinburgh contributed £666 13s. 4d.,
Dundee £337 9s. 7d., Aberdeen £252, Stirling £67 7s. 6d., and Glasgow £54 [Ibid., I., p. 518].
In 1550 again a contribution of 2,454 crowns of the sun was levied for furnishing the embassy
to the emperor for peace, and towards that amount Glasgow paid 64 crowns, while Edinburgh
gave 600, Dundee 304, Aberdeen 226, and Stirling 60 [Ibid., I., p. 519]. Six years later
£666 13s. 4d. were contributed by the burghs towards a grant to the queen, and of
that sum Glasgow paid £13 10s., while Edinburgh gave £168 13s. 4d., Dundee £84 7s. 6d.,
Aberdeen £63, and Stirling £16 16s. 10d. [Ibid., I., p. 522]. So towards meeting disbursements
on account of the burghs in 1556 to the amount of £2,188 14s. 8d., Glasgow contributed
£44 17s. 6d., while Edinburgh contributed £541 13s. 4d., Dundee £274 4s. 1d., Aberdeen
£204 15s., and Stirling £54 14s. 8d. [Ibid., I., p. 523]. In like manner, when in 1557
Edinburgh contributed £2,550 as its proportion of an extent of £10,000 leviable from all the
burghs for the expenses of queen Mary's marriage to the Dauphin, Glasgow paid £202 10s.,
Dundee £1,265 11s., Aberdeen £945, and Stirling, £152 13s. 6d. [Ibid., I., p. 526]; and in 1583
Glasgow paid £37 16s. 2d. towards the expenses of an ambassador to Denmark, while
Edinburgh gave £466 13s. 4d., Dundee £236 3s. 2d., Aberdeen £176 8s., and Stirling
£46 19s. [Ibid., I., p. 530]. Towards subsequent contributions for national purposes, as well
as for the general requirements of the burghs, Glasgow is also found to have been a regular
contributor—the amount of its contributions being no doubt determined by its importance at
the time, relatively to that of the other burghs, royal and free.
To this matter the royal commissioners on Scottish municipal corporations also refer in their
report of 1835. Under the earlier charters of the burgh, they say, confirmed and enlarged by
others of later date, the admission of Glasgow to the mercantile privileges of a free burgh had
brought the burgesses within the liability of contributing a share of the general and public
taxations incident upon burghs royal, and in principle had entitled them to send commissioners
to parliament. How soon the trade of Glasgow became of such importance as to subject them
to the actual payment of any share of taxations does not appear; but certain it is that no
notice of a commissioner for Glasgow appears in the books of parliament earlier than the year
1546. From that period the prosperity of the city had so rapidly increased, that before the
close of the sixteenth century it is ranked in the burghal tax rolls as the fifth in order, although
its share was still very far below those of Edinburgh, Dundee, Perth, and Aberdeen [Municipal
Corporations Report, 1835. Glasgow, II., p. 5].
So long as Glasgow enjoyed its connection with the cathedral and its ecclesiastical
hierarchy, and all the advantages which that connection conferred, it seems to have been
content. Such foreign trade as was open to towns on the seaboard or on navigable rivers was
denied to it, save to a trifling extent. The Clyde was a shallow stream, which could be crossed
on foot at low water miles below the town, and the passage of anything else than boats was at
all time obstructed at Dumbuck ford and other shallows above Dumbarton. But the citizens
chafed under these natural disadvantages, and in 1668 acquired about twenty-two acres of
ground adjacent to the village of Newark, as a site for a town and harbour to be called PortGlasgow. This enterprise was sanctioned by a charter from the crown, which erected the port
to be built into a free port, and that charter was confirmed by parliament in 1669 [Acts of
Parliament, VII., p. 648]. But the inconvenience, expense, and loss of time occasioned by
having their harbour so far distant from the city, and of having the cargoes forwarded by
lighters, led to their effecting improvements on the navigation by straightening and deepening
the channel up to Glasgow, and forming piers and a harbour in the town. For that purpose
large powers were vested by successive statutes, beginning in 1754, first in the magistrates and
council of the city, and afterwards in a body of statutory trustees, of which the lord provost is
ex officio chairman, and consisting of nine members elected by the town council, two by the
chamber of commerce, two by the merchants' house, two by the trades' house, and nine by shipowners and ratepayers. By these trustees the channel of the river has been deepened and
improved along its whole course, so as to admit of the passage of ships of the largest class, and
piers, docks, and all the appliances of a great port for export and import have been provided.
The city has also become a great railway centre, and by these means and the development of
mining and manufacturing enterprise in and around it, Glasgow has progressed by leaps and
bounds into a position of first magnitude.
Page lxxviii., before line 1, insert the following:—David Lyon and Michael Lindesay
were bailies of the burgh on 10th February, 1555–6 [Great Seal Register, 1580–1593, p. 206,
—between lines 13 and 14, insert:—On 16th April, 1556, queen Mary granted
a letter, under the great seal, at Stirling, to the crafts of Scotland, by which, on a
narrative of privileges and liberties conferred by her predecessors on the craftsmen of the
burghs and cities in Scotland, in abatement of which the act of parliament 1555, c. 26 [Acts of
Parliament, II., p. 497] had enacted (though nothing had since followed upon the enactment)
that no deacons should thenceforth be elected in burghs, but that the magistrates and councillors should appoint the best and most skilful in their respective crafts, who should be called
visitors, and be elected annually at Michaelmas, and that no craftsmen should bear office in
burghs save two, to be annually chosen into the town council; that the effect of this statute
had been to cause everything to be done more carelessly than formerly among craftsmen, and
that, being desirous to restore what had previously been granted, and to prevent dissensions
among merchants and craftsmen in burghs, she, by that letter or charter, granted dispensations
to all craftsmen of burghs and cities within the kingdom from the provisions of that act, which
obstructed the liberties and privileges formerly enjoyed by them; and she restored to them the
power of having deacons, with a right to vote in the election of officers of burghs, and of
electing craftsmen of every craft within burghs, who should audit the accounts of the common
good along with the other auditors thereof, should make lawful ordinances relating to their
respective crafts to the preservation of good order among the craftsmen and the maintenance
of divine service at the altars; and should have right to navigate and exercise merchandise of
all kinds within and without the kingdom [Registrum Magni Sigilli, Book 33, No. 192.
Great Seal Register, 1546–1580, p. 235, No. 1054. Convention Records, 1597–1614, pp. 469–472].
Page lxxviii., line 16, after "barkers" insert as a footnote:—Crawford in his sketch of
the Trades House says—Regulations for the cordiners and barkers in Glasgow existed before 1460,
and were confirmed by the town council on 27th June of that year" [p. 24]; Macgregor, in his
History of Glasgow, repeats the statement [p. 152]; and Campbell, in his History of the
Cordiners (1883), states that on 27th June in the same year they petitioned the town council
for, and obtained its approval of, certain regulations for their management and guidance [p.
14]. These statements and others to the same effect are errors founded on an incorrect copy
of the seal of cause of 27th June, 1569 [Abstract of Charters, No. 346], the date of which copy
is erroneously given as 1460. Mr. Campbell prints the incorrect copy [p. 243], and also the
seal of cause of 1569 [p. 251].
—add to footnote 2:—This tax seems to have been imposed on the merchants
and craftsmen by stenters appointed for the several bodies. Thus 12 were appointed for the
merchants, 5 for the smiths, 3 for the bakers, 2 for the cordiners, 4 for the tailors, 2 for the
skinners, 4 for the weavers, 4 for the masons, 4 for the mealmen and maltmen, 3 for the coopers,
and 3 for the fleshers [Gibson's History, pp. 79, 80].
Page lxxix., line 25, after "daughter" insert as footnote—2Diurnal, p. 50.
Page lxxx., line 11, after "dauphin" insert as footnote:—By the terms of the marriage
contract between Mary and the dauphin he was to have the title of king of Scotland, and this
was approved by the Scottish Parliament on 29th November, 1558 [Acts of the Parliaments of
Scotland, II., p. 506].
— add to footnote 3:—Genealogical History of the Stewarts, by Andrew Stewart
(1798), pp. 242, 243.
Page lxxxi., between lines 18 and 19, insert the following:—Gibson in his History
states that in 1559 the magistrates were chosen and the council appointed by the provost and
bailies [p. 82]. Mr. Adam Wallace, James Fleming, and John Mure were bailies for 1559–60
[Glasgow Protocols, part ii., p. 71–4].
— line 22, after "them" insert as a footnote:—Wodrow Collections (Maitland
Club), I., part i., p. 18.
Page lxxxii., line 5, after "1560" insert as a footnote:—At this time the bishop's
palace in Glasgow appears to have been occupied by French troops, for a letter from the
duke of Chatelherault, the earls of Argyle and Glencairn, and lord Boyd, to the duke of
Norfolk, dated 21st March, 1560, refers to an accident to these troops by an explosion of
gunpowder [Col. of State Papers (Scotland), by M. J. Thorpe, I., p. 36].
Page lxxxiii., line 12, after "her" insert as footnote:—
Privy Seal Register, XXX., p. 42. Diurnal, p. 66. Laing's Knox, II., p. 267. Principal
Lees' Lectures on History of Church of Scotland, II., p. 365.
— line 25, after "them" insert as footnote:—Soon after the Reformation,
says Cunningham, the protestant church claimed as her proper inheritance the whole
lands and tithes of the Roman clergy, to be applied to the maintenance of preachers,
the education of the young, and the support of the poor. This equitable claim was never
conceded by a nobility anxious to appropriate to itself the wealth of the hierarchy; but in 1561
it was arranged that the papal incumbents should be allowed to retain two-thirds of their
benefices for life, and that the remaining third should be appropriated partly for the
support of the protestant preachers, and partly to meet the necessities of an impoverished
court. The commissioners appointed to allocate the stipends of the new ministers proved
niggardly, and the small pittances which they assigned were so irregularly paid, that the
church, though wielding great power, was sunk in abject poverty. To rectify this grievance,
often and loudly complained of by the general assembly, the regent Moray, in his first
parliament, gave to the church the power of appointing its own collectors of the thirds, made
its claim prior to all others, and declared this was to endure only till the church should come
to its proper patrimony—the teinds. The finances of the ministers were considerably improved
by this measure; but the regent Morton, when he came into power, managed to persuade the
assembly to resign the collection of the thirds into his hands, with the promise that he would
assign to every minister a sufficient stipend out of the tithes of his own parish—a thing most
ardently desired; but the ministers soon found that they had been deceived, that the stipends
were not improved, and that one minister was frequently obliged to take the charge of four, five,
or six parishes, assisted by readers paid at the rate of fifty or sixty merks. The avarice of
Morton had done this, and it lost him the good will of the church, which might have served him
in his hour of need.
Things remained long in this state; hundreds of parishes were unprovided with ministers,
and hundreds of ministers were but poorly paid. The assemblies were continually grumbling;
the king was frequently promising; scheme of adjustment after scheme was proposed, but
proposed only to be abandoned. Meantime, the recovery of the church's patrimony was
becoming every day more hopeless. The great majority of the parishes had been gifted in
Roman Catholic times to the bishoprics and abbeys. As the Roman abbots died out, lay
commendators were generally appointed in their stead, and many of these prevailed upon the
king to convert their titles into heritable rights. After a time when men's minds had got so
accustomed to plunder that they could do it without a cloak, the decent form of appointing
commendators was given up, and the king, by virtue of his royal right, and with reprehensible
prodigality, gave large grants of the church's revenues to his nobles. These lucky men were
styled lords of erection. They generally received their grants under the burden of the thirds
which had been appropriated to the ministers; but this specific burden was sometimes discharged on the vague condition that competent stipends should be provided out of the teinds
for the ministers of the parishes out of which they were drawn, and sometimes on no condition
at all [Connell on Tithes, I., p. 182]. We have seen how several of the bishoprics were held by
courtiers, who drew their revenues, and employed a stipendiary tulchan to do the work
[Cunningham, I., pp. 500, 501].
Page lxxxiii., first column of footnote, delete from "transfer" to "possession," both
inclusive, and substitute "renounce the office of bailiary and justiciary, which he had obtained
in 1545 [p. lxxxi.], with a view to the same being restored."
— line 9 of second column of footnote, add:—Gordon's Scots Affairs, I.,
p. 39. In this year Mr. John Willock was made superintendent of the west, and
at the assembly of this year was termed superintendent of Glasgow. Wodrow supposes
he had his residence there, and ordinarily preached and dispensed ordinances during
his stay in Scotland till about 1567. "I question," he adds, "if the city had any
other minister save him. Were I to guess, then, where I have no information, I would
suppose Mr. Wemyss came from Ratho to Glasgow sometime after Mr. Willock's going to
England, and when any expectations of his return were over" [Life of Wemyss—Collections
(Maitland Club), II, part ii., p. 3. See Sketch of his Life, Fasti Ecclesiæ Scoticanæ, part iii.,
pp. 375, 376, and the several authorities therein cited. Also antea, pp. clxxvii., clxxviii].
Wodrow states that "by the influence of the family of Lennox, and other persons popishly
affected, the town of Glasgow came not so early into the measures for Reformation as several other
towns in the nation" [Life of David Wemyss—Collections (Maitland Club), II., part ii., p. 3].
In the library of the catholic bishop of Edinburgh is a rental book of archbishop Beaton of
the possessions belonging to the see of Glasgow, from 4th September, 1509 to 1569—a folio book
on paper in the original binding, with straps and buckle [Historical MSS. Commission, vol. I.,
p. 121]. This rental book was published by the Grampian Club in 1875, uuder the editorship
of Mr. Joseph Bain and Dr. Charles Rogers. It was then under the charge of Dr. Strain,
by whom it was entrusted to the editors [Dioces. Reg., Pref. p. 22].
Page lxxxv., between lines 28 and 29, insert:—In 1563 there was a great dearth,
approaching to a famine. The price of the boll of wheat was £6; the boll of bear was six and
a half merks; the boll of meal, four merks; the boll of oats, fifty shillings; an ox for the
plough, twenty merks; a wedder, thirty shillings [Gibson, p. 83. Denholm, p. 56].
Queen Mary was in Glasgow on 3rd July, 1563. She had been in Dunipace on the previous
day, and on the 4th was in Hamilton [Privy Seal Register]. On the 8th, 12th, 13th, 14th, and
25th she was again in Glasgow [Ibid.].
— line 30, after "year," insert as footnote:—The parliament held in Edinburgh
on 4th June, 1563, granted a commission to the Earl of Murray and eight others to cognosce,
visit, and consider the patrimony and rents of the colleges, and to report the result to the queen
and estates [Acts of Parliament, II., p. 544].
Page lxxxvi., add to footnote 1 the following:—The condition in which these friars
preachers were placed after the Reformation is indicated by the narrative of a charter, dated
13th November, 1560, granted by Andrew Leche, prior, and John Law, superior of the order,
in favour of John Graham, son of James Graham, burgess of Glasgow, and Isobel Livingstoune,
his wife, setting forth the dispersion of the order and the aid rendered to the friars in their
extreme necessity by John Graham, without which aid they could not have sustained life. They,
therefore, granted in feu to him and his wife the great tenement occupied by him, with the gardens
belonging thereto—the cemetery thereof excepted—to be held by them and their heirs, of the
friars, for payment annually of four merks, subject to the provision that if the friars were afterwards reponed, and their order restored, they should be reinstated in the gardens, but that the
tenement should be retained by John and his successors for payment of three merks annually.
[Great Seal Register, 1546–1580, p. 449, No. 1790]. This charter was confirmed by queen
Mary by charter, under the great seal, on 27th April, 1567 [Ibid.].
Page lxxxviii., line 5, after "retreated," insert as footnote:—
The queen was in Glasgow on 30th August, 1565, and on 1st, 4th, 4th, 6th, 7th, 8th, and
10th of the following month of September [Privy Seal Register].
— between lines 12 and 13, insert:—On 22nd December, 1565, the privy
council passed an act setting apart, inter alia, the thirds of the bishopric of Glasgow for the
furnishing and sustentation of the queen's house [Privy Council Register, I., p. 412].
— On Saturday, 9th March, 1565–6, Rizzio was murdered, and accounts of the
murder are given in Laing's Knox. II., pp. 521, 522. Calderwood's History, II., pp. 313–315.
Spottiswood, II., pp. 36–38. Melville's Memoirs, pp. 147–149. Diurnal, pp. 89–91.
— line 16, after "December" insert as footnote:—Diurnal, p. 103. Birrell,
p. 6. Laing's Knox, II., p. 536. The 15th of December is given by Spottiswood, II., p. 41; the
18th by Pitscottie (1725), p. 219; the 15th of November by Laing, Knox, II., p. 536; and the
22nd of August by Balfour, I., p. 335.
— add to footnote 3:—Dr. Cleland describes this house as situated on the
east side of the lane called Limmerfield, a little south from the site of the Barony church
recently removed, and states that a part of the south wall of the house was preserved
when he wrote (1832) [Statistical Tables, p. 235. See also Denholm's History (1804), p. 125].
Colquhoun referred to in this footnote as rector of Stobo was rector of Govan at this time
[Antea, p. dxxxiv.].
Page lxxxix., line 11, after "sick bed" insert as footnote:—With that object she left
Edinburgh for Glasgow on the 20th of January [Diurnal, p. 10. Birrell, p. 6]. According to
Drury she reached Glasgow on the 22nd.
—line 13, after "month" insert as footnote:—Cecil's Diary gives the 30th of
January as the day on which the queen and he arrived in Edinburgh [Anderson's Collections,
II., p. 272]; Birrell the 31st [p. 6]; and the Diurnal the 1st of February [p. 105].
— line 18, after "city" insert as a footnote:—"Maitland of Lethington,"
by Skelton, II., pp. 195–200.
—between footnotes 2 and 3 insert:—Sir John Stewart of Mynto was provost
for the year 1565–6 [Great Seal Register, 1580–93, p. 207, No. 680].
Page xci., between lines 13 and 14, insert:—Reference has been made on page lxv.
to the infeftment of Thomas Fleming, vicar pensioner of Glasgow, and his successors, as
trustees under the foundation of Mark Jamesone in a tenement and orchard in Stable
Green, the rents of which were to be applied to the purposes therein set forth, dated
5th November, 1539 [Glasgow Protocols, III., No. 1,318]. On 9th September, 1556,
Fleming, with consent of James, archbishop of Glasgow, and of Sir Mark Jamesone,
vicar of the choir, liferenter of the tenement and orchard above referred to, granted that
property in feu to David Rollok of Kincladie and Marion Levingstone, his spouse, and to
Robert Rollok, their son and his heirs, for payment of (1) £5 to be distributed according
to Sir Mark Jamesone's foundation; (2) 42s. 10d. to the vicars of the choir for prayers for the soul
of John Paniter; (3) 8s. to the rector of Glasgow primo; (4) 5s. to the regent or masters of the
pedagogy; and (5) 4s. 2d. to the poor of the hospital of St. Nicholas, extending in whole to £8
[Notarial Copy of Charter in the Archives of the City. Abstract of Charters, p. 22, No. 340].
And on 26th March, 1567, Sir Mark Jamesoun, designed vicar of Kilspindie, as executor of John
Paniter, designed master of the singing school of the metropolitan church of Glasgow, executed
a deed of foundation by which he provided for the yearly payment of £5 from the houses and
orchard above referred to, to be applied as follows, viz.:—£3 to the poor in the fore almhouse,
called St. Nicholas Hospital; 20s. to the poor men of the back almhouse of that hospital; and
20s. to the leper hospital at the south-end of Glasgow Bridge [Original in the Archives of the
Corporation. Abstract of Charters, p. 22, No. 340]. On 4th September, 1581, this deed was
ratified by Mr. Robert Rollock, then owner of the property, and was recorded in the books of
the presbytery of Glasgow on 31st March, 1590, to remain ad perpetuam rei memoriam, and to
be patent to the poor. See also charters by king James VI. under the great seal, dated 14th
July, 1625 [Great Seal Register, 1620–33, p. 302, No. 828], and 28th October, 1625 [Ibid.,
p. 319, No. 886. Abstract of Charters, p. 73, Nos. 529, 531].
In the parliament held at Edinburgh in April, 1567, an act was passed on the 19th of
that month, in which it was set forth that the queen, since her arrival in Scotland, had
attempted nothing contrary to the estate of religion which she found publicly and universally standing on her arrival, in which religion its professors might assure themselves "to
be in full suretie thairof." The queen, therefore, with the advice of the three estates,
abrogated and annulled all laws, acts, and constitutions, canon, civil, or municipal, contrary
to the foresaid religion and professsrs thereof, and further took all her good subjects
under her sure safeguard, protection, and defence, against any sovereign authority, power,
jurisdiction, and pursuit, ecclesiastical or temporal; willing her subjects to dwell in perpetual
security and quietness throughout the realm. And she undertook, at a convenient time,
to take further order in all other points concerning the estate of religion as might best
serve for the glory of God and the common weal of the realm [1567, c. 2, Acts of Parliament,
II., pp. 548, 549]. This act has been variously commented upon by Buchanan, Spottiswood,
Keith, and Calderwood, and has been discussed by Lord Hailes in chapter x. of his Remarks
on the History of Scotland, III., pp. 75, 80].
Page xci., line 15, after "Bothwell" insert as footnote:—3 See Lord Hailes' Notes on
Bothwell [Annals of Scotland, III., pp. 80–85], Lord Elibank's Observations on these Notes
[Ibid., p. 146], and lord Hailes' Answers [Ibid., pp. 158, 159].
—line 16, after "murder" add as footnote:—4 Maitland of Lethington, by Skelton,
II., pp. 201–211
Page xcii., line 1, after "life" insert:—It abolished the pope's authority in this country
(§ 3); annulled all acts of parliament made against God's word and for the maintenance of
idolatry in all times past, and ratified the confession of faith (§ 4); abolished the mass (§ 5);
declared the kirk as then established to be the only true and holy kirk of Jesus Christ within
the realm [1567, c. 3, 4, and 5. Acts of Parliament, III., pp. 14–23].
— line 22, after "Argyle," insert—to whom she had granted a commission as
lieutenant-general of all her forces [Orginal Commission, dated at Hamilton, 13th May, 1568, in
Argyle Charter Chest. The Lennox, by W. Fraser, II., p. 437]; but the earl, on the march
from Hamilton to Langside, having been suddenly seized with severe indisposition, was unable
to lead her forces [Fraser's Caerlaverock, I., p. 522]. Another account states that at the
beginning of the fight he swooned, it was said, "for fault of courage and spirit" [Foreign
Calendar, Elizabeth, VIII., p. 457], and a third that he had an epileptic fit [The Earls of
Cromartre (1871), II., p. 496].
Page xcii., add to footnote 3:—Birrell's Diary, pp. 14, 15. Chambers's Domestic
Annals, I., p. 52.
— add to footnote 4:—In the Diurnal of Occurrents the queen's army is stated at
5,000, and that of the regent at 3,000 [p. 130].
— add to footnote 6:—Notes on the Battle of Langside, by Alexander M. Scott,
F.S.A.Scot. [Trans. Glasg. Archælog. Socy., I., pp. 281–300].
The story that after the battle of Langside the regent Moray, in partial recognition
of the service rendered to him by the citizens against the forces of queen Mary, agreed,
at the request of Mathew Fauside, deacon of the baxters, to grant the incorporation
right to construct a mill on the river Kelvin for grinding wheat, and that in virtue of
the grant so made, mills were erected by them, as stated circumstantially by M'Ure
in 1736 [p. 219]; corroborated or repeated by Gibson in 1777 [p. 84]; by Cleland in 1817
[Annals, pp. 12, 13]; by Crawford in 1858 [p. 26]; by Macgeorge in 1880 [p. 168]; by
MacGregor in 1881 [pp. 87, 88]; by Ness in 1891 [History of the Incorporation of Bakers, pp.
1–4]; and by most of the other local historians—has given rise to considerable controversy.
The main facts and arguments on either side were fully set forth and discussed in a correspondence between Mr. Joseph Bain, Dr. David Murray, and Mr. James Ness, which appeared
in the Glasgow Herald in May, June, and July, 1893. So far as can be gathered from the
documentary evidence now available, it would appear that in 1568 the regent Moray was not in
a position to grant either a charter or rental right to the mill, as archbishop Beaton was at that
time in legal possession of the temporalities of which it formed part. It may, however, be—
though no confirmatory evidence of the tradition has hitherto been put forward—that in anticipation of the forfeiture of the archbishop's estates, the bakers obtained from the regent a
promise to grant the mill so soon as it should revert to the crown, just as Partick mill was
promised three years afterwards by the regent Lennox to Captain Thomas Crawford, of
Jordanhill, in reward for his services in the capture of Dumbarton castle. Perhaps the best
snpport to the tradition is afforded by a document in the city's archives, exhumed in connection
with the present work, and of which neither the local historians nor the newspaper correspondents were aware. This is an extract of a decree of the court of the barony and regality of
Glasgow, held on 16th November, 1569, in the tolbooth of the burgh, by Sir John Stewart of
Mynto, bailie depute of the barony and regality [Postea, p. 24, No. 349]. This extract narrates
the complaint of Archibald Lyone, owner of the mill next higher up the stream, in which he
set forth that the baxters by "bigging wp of ane dam to thair mylne newlie biggit be thame
upone the wattir of Kelvyne, benetht the said Archibaldis mylne, hes causit the said
Archibaldis mylne to be in bak wattir, stoppand the passage of the wattir fra the said
Archibaldis mylne." This would seem to indicate that the bakers had erected their mill about
the time of the battle of Langside, with the permission of some one whose right to give it was
not challenged. But there is nothing to show from whom that permission was obtained.
Page xcvi., add to footnote 6:—Birrell's Diary, p. 18.
Page xcvii., line 1, after "Scotland" insert as footnote:—Birrell's Diary, p. 20.
Denholm's Glasgow (1804), p. 59.
—line 14, after "it" insert "4"
—add to footnote 1:—Privy Council Register, II., p. 214. In April, 1570, Elizabeth
sent a strong force under the earl of Sussex into the south-western parts of Scotland, and in
the following month a similar force under Sir William Drury into the south west. The former
did much havoc in the Merse and Teviotdale, harried and burned Hawick and Branxholm,
besieged and took Hume Castle, made inroads afterwards into Dumfriesshire, and plundered
the town of Dumfries. The latter ravaged Lanarkshire and Linlithgowshire, and did much
injury to the retainers of the Hamiltons and of the lords Fleming and Livingstone. Simultaneously with these operations the king's party in Scotland took active measures against the
adherents of the queen in the north, attacked and took the town of Brechin, and put to death
its small garrison.
In the following May the castle of Glasgow was subjected to a siege, when its garrison was
but ill prepared for the defence. The earl of Lennox was governor of the kingdom, and as the
castle was held in his interest, the Hamiltons and other partisans of Queen Mary thought that
by seizing it they would strike a blow at his power. The garrison consisted only of twentyfour men, "a few raw soldiers unprovided of necessaries," according to Buchanan; but they
were able to hold their own against their assailants. Failing to surprise the little force, the
queen's party endeavoured to batter down the walls, but they were driven back with loss.
The siege was raised by the approach of Lennox with a mixed force of Scots and English
[Trans. Glasg. Archæolog. Society, I., pp. 240, 241].
—add to footnote 3, after "110," on the second line, as follows:—Captain
Thomas Crawford was a younger son of Laurence Crawford of Kilbirny. His career is sketched
in Fraser's Chiefs of Colquhoun, I., p. 91. See Bnchanan's History (Aikman's edition), II.,
pp. 595, 598. Balfour's Annals, I., p. 354. Tytler's History, VI., p. 153.
While in his ninth year, James VI. wrote Captain Crawford, acknowledging the "gud
service done to me from the beginning of the waris aganis my onfrendis, as I sall sum day
remember the same, God willing, to your greit contentment," and he subsequently ratified
this assurance by holograph notes (1) dated at Falkland on 5th September, 1584, and (2)
dated at Linlithgow, 23rd March, 1591, after he had attained majority [The Lennox, by
Sir William Fraser, vol. II., p. 354].