June (6 of 6)
Captain Stoakes to secretary Thurloc.
Vol. lix. p. 263.
By every post, since my coming into this harbour, I have given your honour a particular account of what hath been worth your notice. I finde my letters goe and
come safe, so shall not trouble you with a repetition, having in all sufficiently intimated,
how much it will conduce to his highness service I be speedily furnisht with another recruit
of victualls, and all manner of stores be forthwith sent me unto Tholon, it being judg'd
by me the most convenient place, these people being very civill unto us, and wee have
not bin wanting on our parts to returne what we are able. The Kent and Guiny are
come to mee, and had done eminent service, had not they of Leghorne advised the enemy.
They chased five galleys bound for Naples ten leagues backward into port Longona, and
had surprised the Guilder comeing out of Leghorne roade, (a shipp belonging to Monte
Cimili) they being come almost in shott of them, before they made what they were, and
then gott into the mould. It is two post since I accus'd the receit of the instructions your
honour mentions in the seaventh currant; in reference to which, have parted the fleet
equally with capt. Whitston, whom I have dispatcht to the duke of Mercure, who commands the fleet, and is at Aix, five leagues off, to advise him the frigatts are ready to
waite his commands. Uppon his returne, I shall sayle, having taken in my victualls, and
finde it to be but bare three monthes: those now come to me have bin twice as long in
sitting, which I mention, if it be his highness pleasure to continue me abroad any longer,
it were high tyme they were allready comeing to mee, and not depend upon uncertainty
of winde and weather; otherwise we shall be forced to come into harbour to provide
victualls, which will be no small impediment to his highness service, and a greatt burden
uppon my spirit, not to be able to answer what his highness may expect. I beseech
your honour, as you have bin a meanes to take one great burden from me, in relation
to my credit, you would likewise give order I may not want that, which will inable me
to doe service. Uppon the very first certainty of the good news from before Dunkirke,
the fleet made a generall rejoyceing, and we finde we have a second cause, of the taking
of Dunkerke. In my former advised, that with the five frigatts, which I intended for
Leghorne, from thence to Tripoli, and taking Leghorne in my way back to this place;
soe that if your honour thinke fitt, your commands may come that way, as well as this.
In reference to your honour's commands by way of Genoa, I dispatcht two frigatts thither to demand satisfaction for the ship Delight, of which shall give you a further account
from Leghorne, remayning,
Your Honour's faithfull and obliged servant,
Lyme, in Marseilia-bay,
the 29th June, 1658.
Intelligence sent by Mr. Downing, resident in Holland.
Copenhagen, 29th June, 1658.
Vol. lix. p. 221.
The Swedish embassadors having received new orders to insist firmly upon the exclusion of all strangers ships of war out of the Baltic sea; and to declare, that their
troops should not quit the kingdom, till they had contentment upon that point, as an elucidation of the treaty; since for these five days they have not made farther mention thereof,
because they expect an answer from the king of some letters lately sent unto him touching
those affairs, although to-day the embassador of France told the grand-master of Den
mark, that the Swedish embassadors have yesterday received orders again not only to insist
upon the same, but to let them know, that if they will not yield to the same, his majesty
will quit the affairs of Prussia for a time, and endeavour to reduce this crown to reason;
the said embassadors alleging for a ground of their pretensions, that they find amongst
their records of their last treaty of peace, that these were reputed for enemies fleets, which
would enter armed into the Baltic sea, with the consent of the two kings of the north:
whereupon the embassador Beuningen endeavoured to shew, with what injustice they would
ground the interpretation of that treaty by a record, that agrees not with the text; and
that they ought to be contented with the ratification of what had been accorded and
agreed on, and that they could not allow hereof without offending all their allies of England and the United Provinces, with whom they made the last alliance, which would
thereby be much weakened. Wherefore, lest the Swedes should have occasion to force this
crown, it were most expedient to insist upon this point, wherein England and the United
Provinces are so much interested, and not to stand always upon uncertainties, for the
Swedes would never want pretences to usurp the same; besides it would be now decided,
because now the Swede is engaged against Poland, Hungary, Muscovy and Brandenburgh,
it is not likely he will detain his forces here upon no other reasons; and if he had other,
he would not allege them for his not going away; for then the pretension of what is past
in Guinea, which the Swedes began to move, might be made use of for that purpose,
with less offence to strangers. The reasons, which the embassador Beuningen used to hinder this business, easily take place with the Dane; but the reasons, which they use
against the said embassador, have no effect; and after the said threats from the king of
Swedes own hand, I fear the embassador Beuningen's reasons will be less considered, and
that the fear, which those threats cause, as well as the continual complaints of the vexations
and extorsions from the soldiers, committed in the cities and country of Funen, Jutland,
and Holstein, where they totally ruin all the inhabitants, reducing them to beggary.
When the king here and his commissioners have discoursed with the Swedish embassadors
about the said letter of the king their master, the embassador Beuningen will endeavour to
discover their opinions thereupon.
Berlin, June 29th.
The queen of Poland arrived yesterday here, and was received a league off by the
elector and electrice, with all imaginable respect: to day they have been for the most part
with her majesty, and have had divers debates in the presence of the generals of the army
electoral; it is thought, about the landing of soldiers, that the king of Swede intends
Cracow, 23d June.
The army of the king of Hungary marcheth towards the frontiers of Silesia, and will
encamp near Crossen. The said king's embassadors, in their visits given to the states embassador lsbrants, offer to entertain all good correspondence as charged it to do from their
master. The king of Poland is preparing to go to the dyet at Warsaw, which is to begin 10th of July. In the last audience of the king of Poland, the embassadors of Hungary
have consented, that the succession of the crown of Poland may be granted to the great
duke of Muscovy. The states embassador Isbrants is to accompany the queen of Poland
to Berlin, and after to Warsaw to the dyet, to endeavour to moderate the resolutions
there, that the peace with Sweden may not be desperate, but a good accommodation made,
Brussels, 9th July.
The king of England is expected here, for his baggage and train are already come:
here is news of the taking of Dixmuyden by the marshall de Turenne. There is everywhere so great a fear and consternation, that the country comes in with their goods to
Antwerp for safeguard, and into other cities about. Also I am assured, that a burgomaster of Bruges, having complained to Don John of the evil government and the weakness of the cities of Flanders, for satisfying the contribution, &c. demanded of them, was
for the same so ill used, that the officers there present had hardly power to save his life,
which was one cause, that the said town refused Don John the passage he demanded; and
that the citizens were so enraged, that they could scarcely be hindered from the pillaging
Don John's baggage without the gates.
Dantzick, 29th June.
Upon information that the Swedes attempt to pass the Vistule near Dirsan, and to master
that place, this city hath sent thither provision and ammunition, also 200 or 300 dragoons
of Brandenburgh, who heretofore offered to guard those shores against the Swedes. The
Swedish men of war are still in the road, to take all forbidden merchants goods. The king
of Poland will be suddenly at the dyet at Warsaw, where there will be a peace concluded
with the Muscovite and Cossacs, and perhaps with Sweden.
Berlin, 2d July.
The duke of Holstein hath yielded up to the king of Sweden his claim he had upon
Travemonde near Lubeck, which put them in great fear, and made them increase the
Bruges, 8th July.
The French have put a garison into Furnes, the fortifications whereof were demolish'd by
the Spaniards, which increaseth hereabouts the great fears. The Spaniards have no army,
but have put all their men in garison about the frontiers, which hath put dissention between
the generals Don John and the prince of Condé, both which are now we know not where.
The states begin to think of their safety, desiring to cantonize with the United Provinces.
The French are every day hated more and more, for favouring the heretics; and many
devices there are to render the English odious, especially of their insolences in Dunkirk, of
their sacrileges, taking tobacco in churches, lighting it at the candles before the Virgin and
Christ, &c. It is believed, that Ostend will be lost this year. This city and Gaunt and
Ostend are all shut, and no man to go in or out. Now comes the news, that the English
have taken leave within 20 miles of Brussels; and if half be true, that is reported, the
English have taken above 50 places.
Antwerp, 9th July.
The people run away in great feare from the armies, and think themselves not safe till
they are got into that part of Flanders, that belongs to the states general, whither come 500
carts together with bag and baggage, women, children, cattle, &c.
Copy of a letter feigned to be written from Calais, and printed at Brussels.
After the surrender of Dunkirk, 25. June, the king in his royal robes entered.
The English are masters thereof to the cost and shame of France, and to the irreparable prejudice of religion, since that those traitors to God and their king seem to be there
introduced and establish'd by our ministers and generals for no other end but to ruin intirely the place; for there is no excess nor insolences imaginable, which they commit not to
the despising of the Catholic faith; so that the prosanation of churches, and all sorts of
sacrileges, the cruelties towards all churchmen, the ravishing of nuns, and all sorts of
villainies are there practised with all liberty; and these insidels brag in letters written into
Holland, that they will turn the most holy places of that town into stables for their horses
and other cattle; so that this success, for which our side make trophies, produces nothing
but horror and abomination, and makes all France expect no better fruit from the policy
of a particular person, who governs it by the only rule of his own ambition and own interests, these barbarians testifying as much by their pride and threats, that they already
made towards our places, and by their ill usage to refuse our entrance into their town, and
to the very wounded, that go from Berg thither to be dressed, and their not suffering the
marshal of Turenne, who hath served there with so much care and punctuality, to enter,
unless himself alone, and that seldom, and with as many precautions as one could use to a
declared enemy. Finally it is now too manifest, that our minister can avoid the reproach
of having in this business occasioned the butchery of a great number of our best soldiers,
and exposed all the rest, even to the king's own person, to extreme danger, to banish religion, and go himself from that place, and to establish the most horrible impiety, that ever
reigned amongst men; and it is not to be doubted, but he that suffereth himself to be so
easily led by his own will, will draw down upon France all the curses, and the most
severe judgments, that heaven hath prepared for its greatest enemies.
Cologne, 4th July.
It is reported, that the conclave of electors is dissolved, the strangers let into Franckfort
again, and the election put off for 6 weeks; that the king of Hungary, weary of waiting,
will be gone and join his forces to fall presently upon the Swedes, who have refused to
receive the Brandenburgh embassador; but there are no letters of credit, that confirm
this news concerning the electoral college.
Lockhart to secretary Thurloe.
Dunkirke, July 9th, 1658. [N. S.]
Vol. lix. p. 265.
May it please your Lordshipp,
I have received your lordshipp's by captain Guy, and am more sensible of his highness goodnesse to me, in his putting so favorable constructions upon my weak endeavors in his service, then I can expresse; but the language my gratitude can speake is,
that I shall, by the assistance of God, add as much of paines, care and diligence, to all my
endeavors in his service, as is possible for me: I may say I have no more of faithfullnesse
and zeale to give; for since I have had the honour to be imployed in this businesse, I have
layd owt the little stock I can pretend to have of these, without any reserve.
My lord, you take notice of the act concerning religione, and the clawse in it oblidging
his highness to confirme not only what is mentioned touching the liberty of the Romish
religione, but the articles with the towne. That businesse was carried in much confusione;
the cardinal feared a mutiny that day, and was forced to find imployment for most of the
cavallrie out of the camp; and their was then no articles signed save those to the garisone,
which I did see, which have, as I said before, only one article relaiting to the towne.
Mr. Talon, after I had been two nights in the towne, broght me the large ones to the
bowrgoise; and he with some of the magistrates, that came along with them, desyred I
might sygn them. I was then going to court, and said I would speak to his eminence in
it, to whom I declared my mynd truly in it; and, as I conceave, he was satisfied; for I
never heard more about it; only I must observe by the way, that when Mr. Talon
broght me these articles, they had been in that confusione at Mr. Turenne's signing of
them, as, instead of signing the last sheet, he had signed the middle, and so they were
forced to carry it back againe to be new signed. But, upon the whole, I take the boldnesse humbly to offer it to his highness, that upon the account of his being uncleare, which
of these articles are meant in the treatty, and upon my informatione, that I did not see
the large articles signed, till after I had been two nights in the town, and that even then,
because of a mistake, they were forced to gett them new signed; he demurrs the ratificatione of that act, till such tyme as I cleare the abovesaid particular with his eminence.
This, if the French ambassador presse his highness signing, will be, I thinke, no ill answere, and will, in the meane tyme, keep his highness in that freedome, as to the libertie
he gives to the Romish Catholicks, that all the favors they meet with must be held of
grace rather then right, tho' the grownd of his highness waving the foresaid act must be
pretended to be upon the scruple concerning the articles, which I hope I shall be able to
revell and perplexe, as the ratifying of that act shall fall to the grownd. The declaratione
herewith sent, which I have emitted lately, hath a clause in it, ordaining the keeping of the
Lord's day to all the inhabitants of the towne, and discharging any personall punishment
to be inflicted upon, or pecuniall mulct to be levied upon any inhabitant of this place, who
shall follow his ordinary vocatione upon the days ordinarly called holy-days, doth a little
offend the priests: fyve of them have taken leave upon it; but I have satisfied the magistratts concerning it. And indeed your lordshipp would have admired to see the posture
this towne was in last Lord's day: not a shop open, nor any thing that was undecent to
be seen. The holy-days, as the bigotts alledge, beginn alreddy to be very much prophaned:
indeed I must say, that the temper of the generallity of the people heare is douce and
tractable; I am confident a 100 French wowld be more unquyett and unmanageable then
the whole body of this towne. I have ordered the magistrates to cause make a pulpitt in
the town-house, which is a roome, that openeth with a great porch upon the market-place:
the roome is not much lesse than the chappel at Whitehall, and more publick then the
parish-church here. I intend to use that place for our assembling together, till a Protestant church can be built. I have alreddy marked the grownd, where it is to be built, and
have buried lieutenant-colonel Fennick, and some other of the chief officers their. I am
informed by some, who e'er long will, I hope, make publick professione of that tenth
they have hitherto out of feare concealed, that their is a Flemish minisher near Hunscott,
who doth privately preach, and sometymes administer the sacrament in the night. I have
gott one here, who hath undertaken to lett him know I desire to speak with him. If I can
perswade him to stay here, he shall want no encouragement; for besydes that he might
procure me a good correspondence with the Protestants in the countrie, I would make him
preach once or twice a week in Dutch, which, I hope, may have good effects amongst the
inhabitants. I am informed also, that some of our souldiers goe to mass, and have ordered
their being enquyered after. I intend to prosecute them, as those who keep intelligence with
the enemie, and am sure they will doe so, if they meet with opportunity; neverthelesse, I
doe not mean to punish them otherwayes, then by putting some publick disgrace upon
them, and so exclude them the garrisone.
His highness desyers concerning Mardick were answered yesterday. I have received
the place, and have perswaded two companies of the French guards to stay a day or two
with the 4 companies I put there yesterday. I sent for one of the 4 regiments, that are
with the major-general, to come back to me here; and was a little troubled to find, that
when it should have arryved yesternight, their came two letters, one from Mr. Turenne,
and another from the major-general, giving me reasons, why at present a regiment cowld
not be spared. I have writt a civill letter to Mr. Turenne, holding forth to him the need
I have of that regiment, and have begg'd his excuse for my sending a positive order to
the major-generall for it: till it come, I am forced to keep all these four regiments at every
other night's duty, and ame not able to carry on owr working save a little about the breach
and counterscarp of this place. If the cavalry were aryved, I should make the soldiers
worke apace for their 10 d. per day; and now I mention the horse, I begg that his highness may allow them all back and breast, and carabines; and if his highness could spare 12
1500 corslets for our pikemen, I would accustome them to weare them, when they mount
their guards, and at all other reviews: a stand of 500 pickes well armed, with headpiece and corslett, will be a very terrible thing to be seen in these countries. I feare the
king's sickness will occasion the court's removall from this place, before any contributione
be settled by way of treatty or agreement: but we shall not suffer much by it; for at
present, by reason of the armyes being here, little or nothing can be levyed. I have given
protections to some few poor people for their cowes, and when the poor sowls come to
ask what contributione they should pay, (when, God knows, they needed rather a little
charity to help them to some bread to preserve them from starving) I told them all the
contributione I would demand at present was, that they would pray for the protector of
England; for which they thanked me with tears, and falling down upon their knees.
So soone as the horse come, and the armies are retired, I hope I shall, (if no agreement
be made for contributione) by the Lord's assistance, be able to raise rather more then will
come to our share, if devyded, then lesse. I am of the opinione, that provisions for the
forces at Dunkerk and Mardick will be made heare cheaper then in England. I am sure,
when I deale with these, that pretend to have broght over provisions owt of love to
us, and upon his highness incouradgement, I find them more unreasonable then any
other. I have taken a shipp's ladning of coales from major Burton, which he sayeth came
over by your lordshipp's order; and, as he pretends, the pryce is made at 40 shillings
per chaldron; and the unloading them in bylanders, (for he would not come in to the
harbor) and carrying them from the bylanders to the cellars, will come to some 2 shillings per chaldron more, besydes that he payeth no custome at the harbor; and I ame
offered by others, to furnish as many coals as wee need, for 26 or 27 shillings per chaldron.
It is the same thing in all other provisions, that he or any body else sends, upon pretence
to serve the publick, and accomodate the army. I shall go abowt the buying of wheat
and rye, to make bread for the present subsistence of the forces, and shall keep the
months provisione of biskitt in store, least at any tyme, either by seege or otherwayes, we
should be putt to a pinch; and once in a yeare, the maggazine of bread, I mean the
month's biskitt for 4000 men, must be renewed, and the old given owt, and rebaitted of
the soldiers pay; but before the old stock of biskitt so laid in be meddled with, the new
stock to the same quantity must be first in store; and so this place will never want six
weekes provisione of bread, which is the staff of man's life. If I find the butter and cheese
may be kept without spoyling, I shall lykewise save it; but I think, for provisions that
are not to be made use of save once in a year, all cheese, or at least salt beese and bacon,
or pork in liew of the butter will be best. My little purse of money hath many issues,
and will not hold out long. I shall much desyer, that when money comes, the soldiers may
be as much taken of provisions as may be, and left to make their own marketts; it will
keep cownts more distinct and cleare, and will be more satisfactione to the soldiers. I find
the wheat here, regulatted according to the pryces in the forementioned declaratione or
order, will amount to about 40 shillings per quarter: the wheatt is very good, but if any
can be sent much cheaper, I cowld wish some good quantity were bought for the use of
this place. I send your lordshipp a coppy of some instructions I have given to the committee of officers. I find that my looking to the gross and generall of things doth his
highness work here better, then if I should amuse myself about every particular. Poor
colonel Drummond died yesterday. I am going to give order for his buriall, and am not
without hopes, that before many weeks passe, my letters shall not give your lordshipp the
trouble of such tedious stories, as now you are importuned with by,
May it please your Lordshipp,
Your most humble and obedient servant,
My lord, I hope e'er long the pryces of all things mentioned in the declaratione or
order may be lessened: they are now as low as can be. If I have not put the vallues of
money as it ought to be, I shall alter it according as your lordshipp shall order me. I
imagine, if his highness would countenance a volentary contributione in England, Scottland and Ireland, for the reliefe of the poor oppressed Protestants in Flanders, his highness purse might be spared, and money might be raised to build one or two Protestant
churches; and enough might rest to doe any charity, that were requisitt for the encouradging of these poore people to settle here: but I submitt this to your lordshipp's judgment
as to the mooving of it. I have, as I was closing this, received a letter from the cardinall, that the danger of the king's sicknesse is over, and their is greatt hopes of a speedy
Extract of a letter, writ from a confiding friend at Cologne, dated the 10th of July, 1658. [N. S.]
Vol. lix. p. 271.
For this time the faithful affection, which I bear to the state of the United Netherlands, hath put me upon to advise you, what I heare and see clearly to come to pass,
that the design of the Swedes and their allies is to straiten the said states to deprive them of
their commerce, and, if it were possible, wholly to ruin it; which may be clearly gathered
and seen, not only by their progress in Flanders, but also that the Swedes endeavour to
make themselves absolute masters of all the east seas. Besides all this, I am informed by a
good hand, that the Swedish troops lying upon the Elbe, in the country of Sauwenbergh,
and thereabouts, being 5 or 6000 strong, have a design to join with the duke of Newburgh,
to make themselves masters of Gulick, which is a place so situated, that the state of the
United Provinces may be thereby very much incommodated, as formerly happened,
which I thought good to signify unto you in these few lines.
Commander Ferentz to the states general.
Sas Van Gent. the 10th of July, 1658. [N. S.]
Vol. lix. p. 273.
H. and M. Lords,
I COULD not omit, according to my duty, to advise your high and mighty lordships,
of the alteration of affairs, which hath happened in these parts since the taking of Dunkirk, and the loss, which the Spaniards have suffered in their army. Don John, as for
his own person, is at Bruges with his train. The prince of Condé is with some troops in
the north, about an hour's march from thence, so that the whole body approacheth this
way. There is a great confusion between Don John and the four members of Flanders, and
in the last assembly between Don John and some of the commissioners of Flanders: some
blows have past, and calling of bastard; so that the whole country is here in a disorder
and confusion. And now, in regard the armies draw this way, I desire your high and
mighty lordships to give order to reinforce this garrison; for I have already men enough
to stand centinels, and the out-works are very ill provided. Now, in regard something may happen at this conjuncture of time, which may put me upon the defence of
this place, I shall not be able to do therein what the service of the state doth require,
unless your high and mighty lordships be pleased to give order about it.
Major-general Morgan to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. lix. p. 279.
Upon the 7th instant, marshall Thureine with his armie came before Dirkesmew;
and upon the 9th instant, all the French foote, and his highness's 4 regiments, under
my conduct, were ordered to be drawne up before the towne, just as the summons was
sent in: but the enemie perceiveinge, that the whole army was about towne, sent forth
commissioners to treat for the surrendring thereof, which accordingly was concluded on
in an houre and a halfe's time; and about 2 of the clock in the afternoone, the enemie to
the number of 4 or 500 horse and foote marched forth; and marshall Thureine had the
towne surrendred to him. It is not as yet knowne, whether it will be kept as a garrison or
not: it is a very fine place. The enemies armie flyes from us into obscure places; and all
the countrie people mightilie dejected, retiringe themselves into woods and boggs, sayinge
that they nowe see all Flanders will be lost in a little time. There is a rumour, that some
of these chiefest townes, as Gaunt, does refuse any of the Spanish army to enter in. Marshall
Thureine was pleased to acquaint me last night, that he does not intend to remove for some
daies farre from this place, untill he heare somethinge of the kinge's recoverie, who lies
sick at Callais of a highe violent feaver. Since our comeinge before the towne, wee have
had great booties of cattle brought into the armie, to the number of at least 2000. It is a
very strait countrey, all full of rivers and narrowe passages; and it is not much to be admired, that the enemie does not stand us, they haveing not much above 1000 foote, besides these garrisons; neither can they make any more. If these victories bee vigorously
prosecuted, it will almost ruinate the Spaniards interest in Flanders this yeare. I shall add
noe more at present, but that I am,
Your very humble servant, &c.
Camp before Dirkesmew,
10th July, 1658. N.S.
H. Cromwell, lord deputy of Ireland, to secretary Thurloe.
30. June, 1658.
In the possession of William Cromwell esq;
Dunkirk being (as you say) very considerable for bigness, I suppose the gaining
it was not your main end, but a means to such an end, as may answer the great charge
of keeping such a place. I am sensible, that by having it we are not like to be infested
so much with pyrates, nor the Dutch so apt to seek occasion to quarrell. But I make a
question, (if you stay here) whether that security will not prove a dear purchase. You know
better then I what the French mean that inland place 3 miles from Dunkirk, whether it
must be got for us, that we may have a contribution country; or whether they intend to
possess it to limitt our influence there, and the maintenance of our force to our own purse
here. I like well your comprehensive principle, to do good, justice, and right to all;
but I think such as would lay a burthen promiscuously upon all the old cavalieer party, do
not own that rule; and I wonder those, who can dispense with it, do not rather advise by
a total ruin to secure that party, then provoke and necessitate to a perpetuall enmity such,
in whose hand you leave power enough to destroy you, when you have made their cause
just, which nevertheless I do not think an adequate remedy; for I suppose the most considerable party of the late king's interest are the sons of such cavaleers as are now dead, or of
such as have formerly been of your party, and by your narrowness not obliged, or thrust,
or kept out from a compliance with you. How will you provide against these ? I like the
test by an oath much better, because it may be comprehensive of all; but to what shall
men swear ? Have you any settlement? Does not your peace depend upon his highness
life, and upon his peculiar skill, and faculty, and personall interest in the army, as now
modelled and commanded ? I say, beneath the immediate hand of God, (if I know any
thing of the affairs in England) there is no other reason, why wee are not in blood at this
day. Will you only abjure the late king's family ? I, all competitors for empire, and
even commonwealth's-men, will concurr in this advice, and judge they have lost no
ground. The wife men were but 7. It seems you have made them 9; and having heard
their names, I think myself better able to guess what they'll do, then a much wiser man;
for no very wise man can ever imagine it. I heartily thank you for your freedom with me;
for I deal truly with you. I use none towards any person but yourself, and therefore
cannot expect it from any other. I remain
Your very affectionate and faithfull servant,
H. Cromwell, lord deputy of Ireland, to lord Fauconberg.
30th June, 1658.
In the possession of William Cromwell esq;
As you have gained his highness and these nations a good reputation abroad by your
late negotiation into France, so you have preserved it by the handsome reception of
the ministers of that king here. I am sorry it could not be purchased at a less rate than
the price of your health. I thank God, my indisposition is over. I shall be very impatient, till I hear the like of yours. 'Tis well we have made sure of Dunkirk. Methinks our
design should not end so; but if your lordship's shrewd conjecture about Winingsberge hit
right, Monsieur will put water into our wine. I hope your lordshipp and my sister do not
intend any long stay in the north; though where-ever you are, I know you will be service
able to his highness's interest; yet I shall suffer a great disappointment in the want of that
useful correspondence, by which your lordship hath obliged me. I am, &c.
H. Cromwell, lord deputy of Ireland, to lord Broghill.
30th June, 1658.
In the possession of William Cromwell esq;
I must now really complain of your lordship's long absence from London, having
not heard from you in four or five posts, being thereby much more in the dark, than you
would have suffered me to be. I am informed, your lordshipp is visiting your friends this
summer season. I am 10th to envy your liberty, and would content myself with the expectation, that ere long a parliament may call you to London. I wish no mischief be
done there in the mean time. The subjects in the county of Cork have made an address
to his highness, with a numerous subscription, which I have sent over with others of the
like nature to his highness. This letter must run the gantlopp so often, before it reach you,
that I think 'tis best for me to conclude here. I remain, &c.
An information concerning frier Rely.
The last of June, 1658.
Vol. lix. p. 277.
On the 7th of this month fryer Rely showed me a letter from one Daly a priest,
who corresponds with him, declaring that he receaved from M'Loghlen a copie of
the proposals, sent from the king of Scotts, and instructions likewise from him to the said
Daly, to conferr with, and shew the said proposals to such persons as he thought fitt, and
therein to be very discreete; which accordingly he did to 3 persons, whome he thought
fitt for that designe, viz. captain Henry Croston, major Burck, and captain Bryn
M'Donogh. These now last-mentioned would but in a manner hear what he proposed to
them, saying, that the clergie ever was and should be the destruction of this poore nation,
and that they themselves had noe more relation to the king of Scotts then to my lord
protector, and words to that purpose; but Croston did embrace his motion, and desired
him to assure M'Loghlen, that if he had seene or understood any possibilitie in the kings
of Spaine or Scotts, or any Christian prince in the world, to send a considerable army into
this nation; that by God's helpe be able to secure by sap'sall, or otherwise, the most
considerable garisons in the county of Slygo, out of which Daly did date his letter, on account of all the premisses Daly sent to M'Loghlen.
On the 16th of this month I was with fryer Dromgould, who tould me, that in 2 or 3
dayes before, there landed here out of three severall vessels three clergymen, whereof
two were Jesuits, and the other a Dominican fryer: the names of two of them were Fitzgerald and Costulogh, the other's name he forgott. The same day above-mentioned, they,
and the Jesuit Walker, did post out of towne; and, as Dromgould conceaves, they went
to meet M'Loghlen: what their occasion were, he doth not as yet know.
The 19th of this month, Dromgould shewed me a letter, dated at London the 12th of
the same, declaring that the French had noe reason to rejoyce for their victory over the
Spaniard near Dunkerk, which left the English, who were there; and that there were
twenty thousand horse and foote comeing downe from Jermanye to assist the Spaniard, by
whose meanes, next to God, these nations should be soone rid from heresy and slavery;
and in this letter he compares the French to the month of March, beginning like a lyon,
and ending like a lamb.
The 28th of this month, Dromgould tould me, That M'Loghlen should be soone here,
or hereabouts; and that he heard he is to goe into Spaine; and sayes, he hopes soone to
know what he hath done in his journey, and to what end he goeth.
Colonel Bamfylde to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. lxi. p. 234.
According to your lordshipp's commands, I had before this tyme endeavoured
to have waited on you aboute the business I lately proposed to you, but that your
lordshipp's indisposition, and the thronge of businesse, which I beleeve you have at this
tyme on your hands, have prevented mee; soe that I have once more taken the boldnesse
to represent to your lordshipp, that if a league with the landgrave of Hess, and the rest
of the Protestant princes in Germany, can be of advantage to his highness service, and
theyr raising of forces upon the designe (which I knowe is nowe in agitation) of joyninge
with the duke of Niewburgh, I can make it appeare, that I can bee serviceable to you
therein. If there are any thowghts of your makeing a further progress in Flanders, I suppose there will not need many arguments to enforce the usefulness of this proposition, as to
your imediate interests; or if you have resolved to content yourselves with what you
already stand possessed of, it will bee of great advantage to your allyes: besides this, I
am now capable of giveing your lordshipp a perfect account of all proceedings at the
present diet at Franckfurte, by the means of the ambassadours of the landgrave of Hess,
and of the elector Palatine and others. In fine, I am sure, that I am much more able to
serve your lordshipp there, then I have ever bin in any place or business, since I had the
honour to bee known to you; and for my fidelity, I should thinke you may bee secure of
it, even from your owne knowledge, of the condition I stand in with the king and his
party, which you were pleased to say you had discovered in many intercepted letters; but
it is a thing soe visible to all mankinde, whoe know any thing of theyr assayres, that I am
confident it is not doubted: soe as haveing abandoned them, and being entirely lost with
them, I cannot tell, for whome I should bee suspected of falsehood to you. So as, if you
are pleased to beleeve me soe horrid a wicked a creature, as that noe vows nor obligations
can holde mee firme to your service, and that I am soe greate a foole as to betray my own
interest, it cannot much avayle me to use either further arguments or perswasions to gayne
your beliefe. All I shall say more is, that it's reasonable to imagine, that you muste have
somebody in Germany to doe your businesse; and that the knowledge I have of those
parts, the interest which is visible I have with some of the most considerable persons, together with the French and Dutch tounge, render me as capable of serving you as another;
and if you shall please to favour me with that imployment, and to support me in it for a
year or thereabouts, I beleive I shall all that time soe make my fortune amongst these
princes, as not to be further troublesome to you. But if your lordship be resolved to
abandon mee, for whom I have lost all the world, I shall beseech you to let mee know
by this bearer, what I am to truste to; and that, if you will not favour mee, that you will
not bee my enemy, if I seeke by some other meanes to deliver myself from that distress,
under which I am likely to perish; which will be a great obligation to,
Your lordshipp's moste humble and moste obedient servant,
The examination of Henry Mallory gentleman, prisoner in the Tower of
London, taken before the right honourable John lord Barkstead, lieutenant
of his highness's Tower of London, and one of the justices assigned to keep
the public peace of the said county.
Vol. lviii. p. 326.
Who faith, that he this examinate was taken as one of those that were of the party
intended to rise in the county of Sussex for Charles Stuart; and after examination
by the lord Goffe and Mr. Scobell, to whom he gave an account, what he knew in that
business, he was committed to a soldier in King-street, and from thence to St. James's,
where he remained about a month; and on the saturday before doctor Hewett and Mr.
Mordaunt were first brought to trial, Mr. Stapley the elder came to this examinate's
chamber, and told him, he had been with my lord Goffe, and came to consider with this
examinate of the evidence, that he and this examinate was to give against Dr. Hewett;
and till then, this examinate faith, he knew nothing of his being intended for a witness
against Dr. Hewett, or any other person; and the said Mr. Stapley said nothing at all
to this examinate of Mr. Mordaunt. And this examinate further faith, that some time
before Mr. Stapley aforesaid came to this examinate, he this examinate found a note
laid in his chamber, by whom he knows not, neither knows by whose hand it was written,
the scope of which note was to terrify this examinate from being a witness for the spilling
or shedding of blood: That the same saturday night, that the said Mr. Stapley was with
this examinate, there was left in this examinate's chamber a sute and cloak; and in the
breeches there was wrapp'd up 50 l. in money, with a note, directing him this examinate
to go to a house in Blackfriers to lodge in; and says he knows not who left the said
money and cloaths, neither ever had any speech with any body of cloaths, money, or
lodging, or of his escape; but faith, he told my lord Goffe or Mr. Sherley, for aught he
knows, 'twas the woman that came to him at Blackfriers: That the monday night following, he this examinate made his escape, and went to the house at Blackfriers, as
the paper directed him; and faith, that there came a woman several times to him at
that lodging, once bringing him linen, another time to advise him to go beyond sea,
and another time to take care and keep close in his quarters: and faith, the reason why
he conceived that woman was of Mr. Mordaunt's family, was, because the discoursing
with this examinate about the trial of doctor Hewett and Mr. Mordaunt, the said woman
sometimes called the said Mordaunt master; but faith, he knoweth not who she was
neither did he ask her name. And this examinate further faith, that the said woman
came to him the day after Mr. Mordaunt's trial, and brought him a note written in small
characters; and as this examinate conceives, was written by a man of judgment, but
neither subscribed nor superscribed; but it began, Sir, that worthy action tending very
much to the preservation of Mr. Mordaunt's life; and also faith, that by that paper he was
advised to go beyond sea, and remain there, and assured there should be 50 l. per annum
duly returned him during his life, in what place soever he was; and faith, there was
more in that paper, that he doth not remember; and the reason why he cannot give any
better account of this paper, which gave him that assurance, is, because he tore it within
half an hour after he had received it; and also faith, that the said woman or maid told
him this examinate, that all, that was promised in the said paper, should be made good;
and that there was a person going over, with whom he should go; and that he would
be ready within two or three days; but the said woman did not name that man, neither
does this examinant know who it was; and saith that he, this examinant walking from that
lodging in Black-fryers to Thames-street was apprehended, and saith he cannot declare any