This volume of the Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, is in continuation of the previous volume of the same series ending with the year 1668, and comprises six years of our Colonial History, from 1669 to 1674, abstracted from 1,433 documents in the National Collection of the Public Records.
The American Colonies, 11 of which were in course of settlement and development during these six years, and Our Possessions in America, in the West Indies, and in Africa, form the principal contents of this Calendar. There are also many papers which relate to the French and the Dutch West Indies and to South America.
Attention was drawn in the Preface to the last volume of this Calendar, to the valuable collection of "Shaftesbury Papers," relating to the early settlement of Carolina, which was presented to the Public Record Office, by the late Earl of Shaftesbury. About 150 of these "Shaftes bury Papers" are abstracted in this volume, and illustrate very fully the progress of the settlements in Carolina during this period.
By Articles of Agreement signed by all the Lords Proprietors, they undertook to contribute 500l., to be laid out in shipping, arms, ammunition, tools, and provisions for the settlement of Port Royal, and a further sum of 200l. per annum for the next four years (54). A fleet of three ships was, consequently, sent out in August 1669, at a cost
of 3,200l. 16s. 6d. (55), viz., the Carolina, Henry Brayne, master; the Port Royal, John Russell, master; and the Albemarle, Edward Baxter, master (99. I.). The list of passengers on board the Carolina contains the names of some of the most prominent settlers in the new Colony, many of them taking out with them from five to 10 servants, the total number of passengers being 92 (97. I.). The Albemarle arrived three days after the other ships, but broke her cables and was lost on the rocks (124). The Port Royal was also cast away and lost near the Bahamas, but although Florence O. Sullivan, who went out as Surveyor of the new settlement, wrote to Lord Ashley that all were lost but the master and two or three men (250), the "humble declaration of John Russell, late master of the Port Royal" (434), in his circumstantial account of the loss of his ship, records that after beating about for six weeks, and being driven to the greatest extremities, all their people were put safely ashore, by the help of their boat, and ultimately "got transportation" to Bermudas (see also p. 622). Early in 1671, the John and Thomas arrived at Albemarle Point from Barbadoes, with 42 passengers (433, 471. I.), and on 14th August of the same year, the Blessing landed 96 passengers at Ashley River (541, 612, p. 280). Joseph Dalton, a passenger on the Carolina, wrote to Lord Ashley from Charles Town, upon Ashley River, in January 1672 (736), an "essay of affairs in this place" and on the nature and properties of the country, in which he says that 337 men, 71 women, and 62 children or persons under 16 years of age, was the full number of persons who had arrived since the first fleet from England and up to that date, whereof 43 men, 2 women, and 3 children had died, and 16 were absent, leaving a total of 406 then in the colony, 278 of whom were men able to bear arms.
Conditions of encouragement by grants of land and other "concessions" (918) were held out by the Lords Proprietors of Carolina to all who would settle in their Colony, whether from Ireland or elsewhere, likewise to the English Planters in Surinam, who were willing to remove to Port Royal (41), which induced "multitudes," and many "considerable men" (688) from Barbadoes, New England, and other parts, to fit out for Carolina (473). Six hundred industrious people from New York also resolved to settle at Ashley River, the Governor and others being much troubled at the inclination of the people of New York that way (p. 279), and many removed from Antigua "weary of the hurricanes" (1388), and from the Bermudas (p. 278).
On 6th May 1674, further Articles of Agreement were signed by the Lords Proprietors, who then undertook to subscribe each 100l. per annum, for seven years, to supply Carolina with clothing and other necessaries, until the inhabitants, by the product of vendible commodities, were able to draw a trade of merchandise to themselves (1270). Governor Sayle, very soon after his arrival in the Colony, urged upon the Lords Proprietors the want of a godly and orthodox minister "which I and many others have lived "under as the greatest of our mercies" (202), and he strongly recommended one Sampson Bond, of long standing in Exeter College, Oxford, who was "in my late country of Bermudas, under whose powerful and sole edifying ministry, I have lived about eight years past, … and I have written to him to come and sit down with us, which is the most hearty request of the Colony in general." In another letter (246), Governor Sayle again dwelt upon the great want of an able minister in the Colony by whose means, he said, corrupted youth might be much reclaimed, the people instructed, and the Sabbath
and service of God not neglected. The prosperity of the Israelite, Sayle warned the Lords Proprietors, decayed when their prophets were wanting, "for where the Ark of God "is there is peace and tranquillity." The "good, aged, Governor," who was at least 80 years of age, died of a consumption on 4th March 1671, very much lamented "by our people, whose life was as dear to them as the hopes of their prosperity" (433, 474). The Rev. Sampson Bond remained at the Bermudas many years after Governor Sayle's death.
The original or first set of the Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina in 111 articles, a little volume of 75 leaves, bound in vellum, entirely in the handwriting of John Locke, and full of corrections by him, is dated 21st July 1669 (84). The Fundamental Constitutions, known as the second set, and dated 1st March 1670, consisted of 120 articles, which were to "remain the sacred and unalterable form and rule of government of Carolina for ever," but a third set is dated 12th January 1682, a fourth set 17th August 1682, and a fifth and last set 11th April 1698 (157).
All the Lords Proprietors of Carolina did to promote the welfare of their Colony, and the progress of its rapid growth and development, may readily be traced in these "Shaftesbury Papers" by the help of the General Index, which is so constructed that full details will be found of all our other Colonies and Possessions referred to in this Calendar.
The prosperity of Virginia is evidenced in the accounts received from the Colony during the six years of this Calendar. By 1673 twenty regiments of foot had been raised, and as many troops of horse, without making use of any slaves, or few English servants. Virginia yearly raised a greater revenue to the Crown by customs than any
Plantation under his Majesty's dominions, therefore, as "they may justly hope for" so the Governor and Assembly petitioned for a sufficient supply of arms and ammunition, for they had not arms for every tenth man (1118).
Sir John Knight told the Earl of Shaftesbury, then Lord Chancellor, that Virginia paid 150,000l. revenue in customs for tobacco alone imported into England, which would in a few years probably increase to 250,000l., "so that Virginia is of as great importance to his Majesty as the Spanish Indies to Spain, and employs more ships and breeds more seamen for his Majesty's service than any other trade" (1159). The Governor reminded the King that soldiers will not serve for tobacco, because the merchants give them so little for it that a year's salary will hardly clothe them. Locke has noted that corn was worth in September 1674, 150 lbs. of tobacco per barrel (1428).
Convicts sent to Virginia.
The transportation of convicted felons and other prisoners to Virginia was a subject of frequent complaint. It was not unusual for a convict to be discharged from prison on giving security for his or her transportation to Virginia or some other Colony (11-14), and the influx of these felons became so great a grievance that an order of the General Court, held at James City, was issued, setting forth the danger to the Colony caused by the great numbers of felons and other desperate villains being sent over from the prisons in England, "the horror yet remaining of the "barbarous designs of those villains in September 1663, "who attempted at once the subversion of our religion," laws, liberties, rights, and privileges," and prohibiting the landing of any "jail birds" from and after 20th January 1671, upon pain of being forced to carry them to some other country (175). This order was approved by the Home Government, as appears by a despatch from Thos.
Ludwell, the Secretary of Virginia, to Lord Arlington, thanking the Secretary of State, in his country's behalf, for his Lordship's assistance in the confirmation of said order, prohibiting the importation of "Newgateers." "The safety of this country depends upon the continuance of it," wrote Secretary Ludwell, "so many insolent villanies having been committed by men of that sort that greater numbers would hazard the peace of it" (590). There is a notable exception to this condemnation of "Newgateers" in the person of one William Sherwood, who became a respected inhabitant and in a letter to Secretary Lord Arlington's private secretary says, he "cannot" without shame look upon the foul act which was the "cause of his being in Virginia." Williamson has endorsed this letter "one of those who robbed me whom I saved" (564).
Massachusetts and Maine.
The disputes between the Governments of Massachusetts and Maine are the main features in the papers relating to these Northern Colonies, abstracted in this volume, out of which, however, no inconsiderable portion of the history of the several Provinces of New England can be gleaned. The petitions of Ferdinando Gorges to the King and Council (150, 439) throw considerable light on this controversial subject, and led to "New England affairs" being brought before the Council for Plantations (184, 512, 566, 753) who, after a full hearing, ordered that the King should be moved to send Commissioners over, which was agreed to, and Commissioners were accordingly appointed, and their instructions prepared. Colonel Cartwright, one of the Commissioners who had been sent over some years before, told the Council at their meeting in June 1671, that he had sent a narrative of former proceedings in New England to the King at Oxford in 1665. He also informed the Council that the Ministers in New England
having no settled salary would, he believed, be contented if the Government might be changed. He affirmed that the country was healthful and fruitful, and provisions plentiful; that they had store of good horses, and, doubtless, lead and copper mines, and that the number of people fit to bear arms might probably double in ten years. In 1652 they began to coin money with a palm branch on one side, and Salem (their greatest town save Boston) on the other; that they still continued to coin money, but put the date of 1652 upon it, so as not to seem to trespass on the King's prerogative. [N.B.—This is worth the notice of coin collectors.] Their total forces by land were nearly 50,000, viz., Massachusetts, 30,000; Connecticut, 14,000; New Hampshire, 1,800; Maine, 1,000; Plymouth, 1,000, and Providence, &c., 1,000; and he conceived there might be about 200 sail belonging to New England. The "differences in the several Provinces of New England" were, however, no nearer being settled in 1674 (1420) than they had been six years before, excepting as regarded the disposing of lands. "The Massachusetts, though affecting an universal authority, will allow the Proprietors Gorges and Mason, if they had their right to the Massachusetts, power to have free disposing of the land" (1397).
"There is a place," wrote a correspondent of Sir Joseph Williamson's from Barbadoes, "much cried up of late, taken from the Dutch, now called New York" (126), the Governor of which Colony, Francis Lovelace, told Williamson their conveyance [of letters] was so slow, "like the production of 'ellephats' once almost in two years," and that if he did but know in what darkness they live "as if we had as well crossed Lethæ as the Atlantic Ocean," he could not but take compassion and solace them (285). A year later, in October 1671, Governor Lovelace thanks the
Under Secretary of State for that light of intelligence he vouchsafes to favour them with, without which they were in Egyptian darkness. "It is some satisfaction," he says, "to hear what is acted in the theatre of their native country." He then goes on to describe New York as smiling in a hopeful and thriving condition, their harbour being fuller with shipping than ever was known since the discovery was made, but he adds, "a little countenance from their mother would refresh them much" (646). By the following year, however, a spirit of immigration, chiefly among the English colonists, set in, and 200 families were ready to remove to the new and prosperous Colony on Ashley River in Carolina, and 600 industrious people resolved to go thither from New York (664, 746).
Colonel Francis Lovelace had succeeded Richard Nicolls as Governor of New York (under the Duke of York) in August 1668, and it was under his Government that the Colony was retaken by the Dutch on 30th July 1673, either "by treachery or negligence" (1138), with the loss of one man on each side. The Dutch fleet consisted of 20 ships, and the army landed of about 800 men. Only seven of these ships came from Holland, the rest were prizes. They were not exactly privateers, though commissioned by the States to make spoil where they could. They had previously, it seems, brought 100 Frenchmen off from Surinam and burnt it, leaving none there. Governor Leverett of Massachusetts gives a full account to Secretary Lord Arlington of the surrender of New York, which will be found abstracted at pp. 520–525. A full and circumstantial account of the taking of New York, which is not printed in Documents relating to the History of New York (11 Vols. 4to), is to be found in a letter from Richard Wharton, written from Boston to one of his kinsmen. Wharton was owner of large tracts of territory in Maine
and New Hampshire, and he subsequently became a member of the Council of New York, when Major Andros was the Governor. Colonel Lovelace was away in Connecticut at the time, through whose neglect and the treachery of Captain Manning, who was left Commander-in-Chief, New York was surrendered to the Dutch, who had private intelligence of the weakness and disorder of the place. The garrison soldiers were mostly drawn out, the guns dismounted or the carriages rotten or unserviceable, and the people dissatisfied with the oppression of their rulers and ready to revolt, on which invitations and encouragements they were emboldened to bring up their ships against the town, and, finding no resistance, landed about 500 men, who in a straight and long street marched up to the fort, and were saluted with only one gun, and on their approach the English flag was struck and the gates set open, so that without the least dispute or complaint the English marched out and the Dutch marched in to the fort (1144). Many proposals were submitted to the English Government for the "retaking of New York," notably by Wm. Dyre, Sir John Knight, and Lord Culpeper, together with the opinion and humble advice of the Council for Trade and Plantations to the King, which was most probably drawn up by John Locke (1145, 1159, 1164–1166); but neither of these was adopted, for in the following year a formal cession of the whole territory was made to England by the States-General by Treaty, and on 1st July 1674 the Duke of York commissioned Major Edmund Andros his Lieutenant and Governor for his province of New York (1311).
King Charles 1st.
Sir Thomas Temple, in letters to Secretary Lord Arlington (24, 25) describes in detail his purchase of Nova Scotia for the sum of 16,260l., of which he was for some years the resident Governor, but was, in August 1669, commanded by
Charles II. forthwith to restore to the French King, in pursuance of the Treaty of Breda (95), and he hopes God may inspire his Lordship's heart to do a charitable deed to a friendless person in distress, "a rare thing, I confess, at Court." In a letter to the King, written 18 months later (384), he recounts "the whole truth of his heart" and his own sad condition consequent upon the King's commands to surrender his country to the French, which he says is annexed to the Crown of Scotland, as the records in Edinburgh Castle show, and is of infinite more value than St. Christopher's. He beseeches the King to take his 12 years' faithful services into consideration, and points out his reason for first coming to Nova Scotia, which he says George Kirke, the Master of the King's House, can testify. Sir Thomas Temple describes his design more fully in his letter to Secretary Lord Arlington, written two years before his said letter to the King, wherein he says that the true reason of his coming into those parts was to fly Cromwell's fury for having laid a design for his late Majesty's escape when he was at his trial, which Mr. Kirke, if he be alive, will inform his Lordship, Sir Thomas, had very nearly effected, having made a brother of his, Colonel Edmund Temple, for one night, Captain of the guard of the King's person. This coming to Cromwell's ears, Sir Thomas was privately advised by his kinsman, the then Lord Fienes (in great favour with Cromwell), to absent himself till the times might be more propitious, and his good friend and uncle, old Lord Say, then advised and assisted him to purchase Nova Scotia. This "design" for the escape of Charles 1st, which it will be remembered is graphically depicted in a popular novel of the present day, is undoubtedly an historical fact, otherwise it is scarcely probable that Sir Thomas Temple would relate the circumstance to Charles II. and to his Secretary of State.
Another interesting reference to Charles 1st will be found in Jo. Newington's address, written in 1670, to Jas. Drawater, merchant, at Jo. Lindupp's, at the Bunch of Grapes, in Ship Yard, by Temple Bar (282). Newington says all the news he can write about is that one Hugh Peachell, who has lived in Barbadoes almost 20 years with many persons of good esteem, and lately with Colonel Barwick, has gained much money, yet it was observed none thrived less than he. That falling sick some three weeks since he was much troubled in his conscience, but would not "utter himself" to any but a minister, who being sent for, Peachell acknowledged himself to be the person that cut off the head of King Charles, for which he had 100l. He received such comfort as the divine, one parson Leshley, could afford him, and, with much seeming penitence, died in a quarter of an hour. "This I may report for a real truth," Newington says, "and think that one Mr. Hewel, condemned for the same and now in Newgate, would be glad to be acquainted with this."
The controversy as to whether Newfoundland should be an English Colony under a "settled government" or be used simply as a station for the great fisheries carried on there, which is the subject matter of numerous papers in the previous volume of this Calendar, is brought to a conclusion in this volume. The arguments for a settled government tendered by Captain Robertson to the Duke of York, together with his Reply to the Answer of the West Country Gentlemen to his own proposals about Newfoundland, will be found abstracted Nos. 368, 369. But the address of the merchants, owners and masters of ships, and the inhabitants of the western parts to the King prays for "additional powers about the Newfoundland fishing only." They declared that in process of time loose persons stay
in the country, who tend to destroy the trade and are useless in all respects. That in consequence the fishermen's houses are torn down, timber is burnt, and the seamen are debauched, and the French, in their seamen and shipping, by their fishery, do much increase. Upon this address the King issued an Order in Council directing all parties concerned to give their attendance at the Board, when they were fully heard, and his Majesty's Council for Plantations were ordered to consider the best ways and means whereby the fishing trade in Newfoundland may be regulated, advanced, and protected and secured from foreigners, and managed for the increase of seamen and the advantage of his Majesty and his subjects. The Council thereupon made their report to the King upon the whole matter in controversy, and offered, as their opinion and advice, that his Majesty, by way of addition to his former charter, should grant certain rules and orders for government of the said fishery. That all his Majesty's subjects should enjoy the freedom of taking fish in any of the rivers in Newfoundland provided they submitted to the orders established for the fishery. That no stranger should be permitted to take bait or fish, and no inhabitant to burn or destroy any wood or plant within six miles of the sea shore, nor take up any stage before the arrival of the fishermen out of England. And that masters of ships were to bring back all seamen and others, and none to be suffered to remain in Newfoundland. Fines and forfeitures were to be levied upon all offenders, and encouragement given to the inhabitants of Newfoundland to go to Jamaica or other foreign plantations. The King, by an Order in Council, approved this report, and the Attorney-General was directed to prepare a Bill for his Majesty's signature to pass the Great Seal accordingly (362. I.–V.).
The imposition of an additional duty on sugar was the subject of heated debates in both Houses of Parliament during the Session of 1671, and a "full account of all passages in this business" was transmitted by a Committee of the "Gentlemen Planters [of Barbadoes] in London to the Assembly of that island" (519). This Committee "applied themselves" to the Council for Plantations, as well as to several leading members of the House of Commons, to show how ruinous any additional duty on sugar would be to the settlement of Barbadoes, nevertheless the Bill passed the Commons. The Committee then put in their Addresses to the Upper House, knowing the Lords "to be unconcerned and of more discerning judgment than the generality of the Commons," and undoubtedly would have had the same [ill] success as in the Commons had not the Governor of Barbadoes, William Lord Willoughby, who was then in London, and one of the Committee, with great efficacy convinced the Lords of the mistake the merchants were "running them upon." So the Lords returned the amended Bill to the Commons who "flew into a heat," voted the Lords had no right to abate of any aid granted to the King, and both Lords and Commons adhering strictly to their privileges, the King prorogued Parliament. A full account of this debate will be found in the Lords' Journal [Vol. XII., April 12–22.]
The King was not "over well pleased" with the loss of his Bill (for laying an additional duty on foreign commodities) "which was occasioned wholly by the dispute on sugar." There are many papers on this subject abstracted in this Volume, all of which may readily be referred to by means of the General Index. Certain it is that the representations of the Gentlemen Planters of Barbadoes of the ruinous effects any additional imposition would have upon the chief produce of that island were
strictly accurate inasmuch as there is evidence in a petition from the Assembly to the King in Dec. 1671, that through the apprehension of customs on sugars being increased, upwards of 4,000 inhabitants within three years had deserted the island, many being led through great encouragement to settle in foreign plantations (674. I.)
William Lord Willoughby.
William Lord Willoughby, Governor of Barbadoes wrote for the last time to the Council for Plantations on 7th March 1673 (1044). At a meeting of the Council on the 5th of the following month it was announced that the Governor's "indisposition of health" had caused him to appoint Sir Peter Colleton Deputy Governor and President of the Council (1065, 1068). Governor Lord Willoughby "lay sick" only a few days and departed this life on 10th April 1673 (1098, 1104). Sir Peter Colleton announced the death of the Governor and his own appointment as Deputy Governor and President of the Council to the Privy Council in England, and at same time enclosed detailed statements of the inhabitants and the public stores in the island, as well as lists of the most eminent planters and the number of acres possessed by each one (1101. I.II. III.). By these statements it appears that the population of Barbadoes in 1673 was 21,309 whites and 33,184 negroes, but as a report was current that these lists were taken in order to a tax on negroes, Sir Peter Colleton was of opinion that one-third of the negroes was not given. Of the white population, 8,435 were women, and 3,600 boys, of which one-half may be English, and the rest Scotch, Irish, French, Dutch, and Jews. More than half the estimated number of negroes were boys and girls, while the women numbered nearly 1,700 more than the men, the numbers being 11,914 women and 10,236 men. All the names of the most eminent planters in Barbadoes will be found on pp. 496–7, with the number of acres possessed by each planter, which
range from 200 to 1,000 acres, the average number hell by each planter being 300 acres.
In connexion with Barbadoes there is a curious specimen of spelling in a letter from a Quaker, one Lewis Morris, to Secretary Lord Arlington (635). The diction is unique and so characteristic that it has been printed verbatim et literatim. We may, while on the subject of letter writing, refer to the Earl of Shaftesbury's letter "to his very affectionate friend, Sir John Yeamans." As the last line is in Locke's handwriting, and the letter book from which it is taken contains many letters in his handwriting though all were sent in the name of his employer, the Earl of Shaftesbury, it may be inferred that this volume was Locke's letter book and that the letter in question was written by the Great Philosopher. It is a masterpiece of composition, and has been printed in full (861). It is well known the deep interest that Locke took in the settling of Carolina, which is fully evidenced in the "Shaftesbury Papers" as the contents of this Calendar show, but it has never been suggested that he contemplated a visit to what might be called in those days "that distant region." Yet he must have thought of doing so sometime in the year 1673, which we gather from a letter addressed to him at Lord Shaftesbury's residence in little Exeter House in the Strand (1103). In this letter Sir Peter Colleton tells Locke that he has been long expecting to hear news from him from New England, and Lord Willoughby and himself had projects of taking Carolina in their way (from Barbadoes) and visiting Locke there. But, adds Sir Peter, it has pleased God to dispose things otherwise. Lord Willoughby is dead, Locke in employment in England, and himself tied by the leg with an office in Barbadoes until the King pleases to release him. Locke was appointed Secretary to the Lords Commissioners for Foreign Plantations on
14th October 1673, with a salary of 500l. per annum, and his 10 years' experience of Colonial affairs, especially as regards Carolina, must have materially added to his usefulness at that Board.
Twenty-two years later he was appointed one of the Lords Commissioners, and it is worthy of remark that several literary and scientific men of this and a later period were rewarded with seats at the Board of Trade and Plantations, to mention only, besides Locke, the names of Waller and Newton. Pepys was made Secretary to the Admiralty, while Addison became Under Secretary of State, and Steele held the office of Commissioner of Stamps, besides other appointments.
At the close of the year 1668 Jamaica was in a very thriving condition, and growing rich by privateering and the produce of the country, and the Governor, Sir Thos. Modyford, had the character of. a prudent and obliging person (Cal. 1661–8, No. 1892). Six years later, in 1674, Governor Sir Thos. Lynch reported to the Home Government that the island had improved to a marvel, and the people were as contented as Englishmen could be (1389). A survey had been made of Jamaica in 1670 by "the extraordinary diligence" of Thos. Tothill, the King's Receiver-General, which showed that at that date there were above 209,000 acres granted by patent to the inhabitants, there being 717 families, estimated at about 15,000 persons, and the prosperity of the island is evidenced in an abstract of the commodities produced. There were 57 sugar works, producing yearly 1,710,000 (? lbs.) weight of sugar, 47 cocoa walks yielding 180,000 lbs. of nuts, and 49 indigo works, producing 49,000 (? lbs.) weight of indigo per annum, besides pepper, salt, and other products. No island abounded in cocoa more than Jamaica, "and the profit is such that if it keep up the moiety of
the price it will be of far more gain to the planter than indigo, cotton, ginger, or sugar." Great stock of cattle, 60 tame cattle had in six years increased to 6,000, and sheep, goats, and tame hogs in plenty, "so that all danger of want is past, and in a short time they hope to furnish the ships homeward bound" (270, 271, 375).
The revenue of Jamaica in the year 1670, arising from duties on wines, spirits, &c., quitrents, and fines and forfeitures, was 1,870l. per annum, while the necessary disbursements for support of the Government, which included 1,000l. salary to the Governor, 400l. to the Deputy Governor, 200l. to the Major-General, and 80l. to the Chief Judge, and other salaries, amounted in all to 1,960l., and with incidental expenses for the fort, to nearly 3,500l. (264. I.).
Governor Modyford's Answers to the Queries of the Lords for Trade and Plantations, abstracted pp. 302–307, contain a complete history of the island, and show besides the numbers of ships under the command of Admiral Morgan, those which arrived at and traded with the island, the "trained bands," with names of the captains and number of privates, which were in all 2,386 men and officers, also a horse regiment with 222 men and officers, the "establishment of Jamaica," which was settled in 1663 at 2,500l. per annum, and the ammunition, guns, and stores, and how disposed of.
One John Style, a fellow student with Lord Arlington at Christ Church, continues in this volume his correspondence with the Secretary of State, with letters of considerable interest. He had been a resident in Jamaica since 1665 [1023, previous Vol.], and wrote on most matters that concerned the island, which he affirmed would maintain more people than England (7). He complained of the great number of "tippling houses," and that there were not more
than 10 men resident to every licensed house that sold strong liquors, and of the wickedness of those who called themselves Christians. "Were the most savage heathens here present," wrote Style, "they might learn cruelty and oppression, the worst of Sodom, or the Jews that crucified our Saviour might behold themselves matched if not undone" (138). As opposed to this we have the Governor's statement that the King was "piously pleased" to pay five ministers 100l. each until a law for the maintenance of the ministry was passed. In 1671 Mr. Howser, "a Switzer," Mr. Maxwell, a Scotchman, Mr. Lemmings, an Englishman, and Mr. Zellers, another Switzer, all orthodox men of good life and conversation, preached every Sunday; but Mr. Pickering is dead, and there is none to supply his place, "but, alas," writes Governor Modyford, "these five do not preach to one third of the island, and the plantations are at such a distance that it is impossible to make up congregations, but they meet at each other's houses as the primitive Christians did, and there pray, read a chapter, sing a psalm, and home again, so that did not the accessors to this island come so well instructed in the articles of our faith, it might well be feared the Christian religion would be quite forgot" (p. 305).
Jamaica was divided into 15 parishes, but "many a parish had as yet no church" at the close of the year 1671, when the Governor said that he could not give any account of the number of the dead, as few were brought to the parish church to be buried (p. 304). Within a year, however, this state of things was altered, for the Council of Jamaica, in September 1672, ordered that in all parishes where there were ministers either the parson or sexton was to keep a true account of all burials and christenings, "which has been much neglected," and once
a year deliver it to the churchwardens to make entry in the parish book; and that in all parishes without ministers, and where the inhabitants live at such distances from the parish church that they cannot conveniently bury there," and possibly the rites of burial are not used," all masters of families be obliged in such cases to give account of the death and birth of any in their families to the next Justice of the Peace, and he to deliver it to the churchwardens, who are to enter it as aforesaid, so that a certain record be kept throughout the island for the future (933).
Gambling in Jamaica.
Gambling seems to have been a crying evil in Jamaica. "Through the immoderate use of unlawful gaming many mischiefs daily arose," both in maintaining idle and disorderly persons and in coercing and debauching many young gentlemen and others to the loss of their time and fortunes, so that few escaped a prison or being made servants in a very short time. In order to put a stop to these abuses it was ordered by the Council of the island that all persons keeping public-houses of gaming, or permitting it, should, on conviction, be fined 10l. or more, that common gamesters should pay double the money they had won, as well as those winning money at any game by fraud or false dice, and that bonds, bills, and promises to pay money lost at play or in betting should be utterly void; but "it was not intended," by this Order of Council, "to restrain masters of families and others known to be men of at least 2,000l. estate in the island from innocent diversion in said games" (645). The remarks in a paper addressed to Governor Lord Vaughan some years later are appropriate to this subject. Public manly sports, says the writer, instead of cards, dice, and tables, should be brought into fashion among the young gentry, as riding at the ring, tilting on horseback, shooting, running, wrestling, and the like, and prizes should
be given to the victors by way of encouragement. A good collection of books should be gotten at the public expense, and disposed "in the most conspicuous places" for such of the gentry as are studious to read, since there is nothing more ridiculous than ignorance in a person of quality. That idleness be utterly discountenanced as unworthy of a man and most unworthy of a gentleman, and certainly the father of expensive vices, and the undoubted mother of poverty and shame. That penalties be set on men's vices, especially upon swearing, "that unpleasant, unprofitable piece of irreligion," and upon intemperance, that shame of society, so that at least it may be brought to the state it was formerly, when those that were drunk were drunk in the night. That Government would do well to make the laws few and plain, and the execution certain and severe. If the law be good it ought to be executed, if ill, repealed. Besides the laws designed for the redress of immoralities must receive their true value from the example of the Court. Shame is a greater restraint upon vice than penalties or pain itself, therefore the Governor ought to begin the reformation at his own house (1425).
Governors of Jamaica.
During the six years comprised in this volume, there were three Governors of Jamaica. Sir Thomas Modyford was recalled in January 1671, having been Governor seven years (377). A petition to the King to continue him Governor, which was numerously signed, was read by the King in Council, but rejected (331). He was sent home a prisoner and committed to the Tower, because of his proceedings with the Privateers, and giving them commissions and encouragement to attack the possessions of Spain, in the West Indies. We are told that the Privateers gave him 20l. for every commission, "which, in all, may amount to about 400l.," and all their presents and his
gains by them, directly or indirectly, Charles Modyford said, never exceeded 500l. The King's fifteenth of prizes, brought in by Privateers, amounted to 600l. or 700l., but were expended on fortifications (573. I.). The considerations which moved Sir Thos. Modyford to give his consent for fitting the Privateers of Jamaica against the Spaniards, and showing how his Majesty's interest may be strengthened in the West Indies by coming into a nearer friendship with the Buccaniers of Hispaniola, with his reasons why Privateers should not be discontinued in the West Indies, and many other propositions presented to the Privy Council, are abstracted in this volume, and furnish a full and complete record of his conduct in relation to the Privateers (276–281 and 577–578).
Sir Thos. Lynch arrived Governor in June 1671 (552), and in August following he sent Sir Thos. Modyford home a prisoner on board the Jamaica Merchant, wrote a full account of his proceedings by that ship to the Secretary of State, and enclosed an elaborate report on the present state of the Government of Jamaica, this 20th August 1671 (604), which was followed by a further report to the President of the Council for Plantations, two months later (640).
When Lord Vaughan was appointed Governor of Jamaica, in April 1674 (1258–9), the Earl of Carlisle had been first nominated, the Council consisted of 12 persons, all of whom are named in his Draft Commission (1251), and the Assembly of 19 members (1233). Captain Brayne, refusing to stand for an Assembly man, was committed to prison without bail during pleasure (1224). The last abstract but one in this volume is of a map of Jamaica, showing the boundaries of the parishes as fixed in 1674, and also the mountains, harbours, rivers, islands, &c. The churches are also delineated, and many houses
and plantations are numbered (1432). A full description of the Great Seal of Silver is given by Governor Lynch at p. 250, who made several Orders in Council for the better regulating the delivery of letters, which was complained of as "a grand mischief" to every person or merchant, as any man opens as he pleases, stiffless (i.e. without ceremony), and it was urged that. the establishment of an office for receipt of all letters, both coming in and out, "would well satisfy the people" (331, 633, p. 268).
Henry Morgan and the Buccaniers.
It was in consequence of the receipt by Sir Thos. Modyford of a commission from the Queen Regent of Spain which the Governor of Curacoa sent to the Governor of Jamaica, in which her Governors in the West Indies were commanded to make open war against his Majesty's subjects, and because the Spanish Governors granted commissions and were levying forces against the English, that it was ordered by the Council of Jamaica that a commission be granted to Admiral Henry Morgan to be Commander-in-chief of all ships of war belonging to that harbour, and to attack, seize, and destroy the enemy's vessels (209). Admiral Morgan had been 11 or 12 years in the Indies, and, "from a private gentleman by his valour has raised himself to now what he is." He and his old Buccaniers knew every creek, and the Spaniards' mode of fighting, and be a town never so well fortified, and the numbers never so unequal, if money or good plunder be in the case, they will either win it manfully or die courageously. One of the first places taken by Capts. Prince and Harris was Granada, in the river of Nicaragua, without any considerable loss, when each man shared between 30l. and 40l. (293). Governor Modyford told Secretary Lord Arlington that but 120 men entered the town undiscovered, and by their usual wiles got the best of the town prisoners, plundered till noon, which they say
yielded but 7 lbs. in silver and 12l. in money per head, which is nothing to what they had five years since, but the town is much decayed, and the principal men gone to Guatemala, as being more secure. A singular challenge from Signor Pardal, "the vapouring [Spanish] Admiral of "St. Jago," to Admiral Morgan, was nailed to a tree near the west point of Jamaica, but Pardal being soon after found by Capt. Morrice, he was attacked in a bay at the east end of Cuba, and killed by a shot in the throat (310, 310. I. II.) On their way to Panama, the Buccaniers took Providence, where they found 300 men in garrison, who yielded next day, but only 60 slaves and 500l. in plunder (483, 494). Admiral Morgan had previously taken possession of Rio del Hacha (359).
Taking of Panama.
There are several accounts of the taking of Panama (483, 504–506, 542), but Admiral Morgan's "true account and relation of this my last expedition against the Spaniards" is the fullest and the best, and shows there was hard fighting and great slaughter before they got possession of the city. Finding that Chagres Castle blocked the way, it was determined to attack it, which was done by Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Bradley, with 470 men, who, after fighting in the trenches from 3 till 8 the next morning, stormed the castle. The enemy refused quarter, which cost them 360 men, while Bradley's loss was 30 killed and 76 wounded, himself amongst the number, who died 10 days after. Leaving 300 men to guard the castle, they started up the river with 1,400 men in seven ships and 36 boats. The enemy had set on fire their first entrenchments before quitting them, "as they did all the rest without striking a stroke." The Admiral was there forced to leave his ships and boats, with 200 men to guard them, and to betake the rest of his men to the wild woods. They routed the enemy two
miles from Venta Cruz, a very fine village, where all goods are landed and embarked for Panama; but this, as all the rest, was found to be on fire and the enemy fled. They began their march next day, the enemy constantly galling them with ambuscades and small parties, so they had to march four abreast. At length they reached the desired place, where they saw "a good parcel of cattle and horses," which served all their men, and came in sight of the enemy, with 2,100 foot and 600 horse. Next morning Admiral Morgan drew up his men "in the form of a tertia." The vanguard of 300 men was led by Lieut.-Col. Lawrence Prince, the main body, 600 strong, by Major John Morris, the right wing by Morgan himself, the left by Col. Edw. Collier, and the rearguard of 300 was commanded by Col. Bledry Morgan. One Francesco de Harro charged with the horse so furiously that he could not be stopped till he lost his life, upon which the horse wheeled off and the foot advanced, but met with such a warm welcome and were pursued so close that the enemies' retreat came to plain running, though they worked a stratagem seldom heard of, that is attempting to drive two droves of 1,500 cattle into their rear. In the city they had 200 fresh men, two forts, all the streets barricaded and great guns in every street, but instead of fighting commanded it to be fired and blew up the chief fort, which was done in such haste that 40 of their own soldiers were blown up. In the market place some resistance was made, but at 3 o'clock they had quiet possession of the city, although on fire, with no more loss in the day's work than five killed and 10 wounded, and of the enemy about 400. They endeavoured in vain to put out the fire, but by 12 at night all was consumed but two churches and 300 houses in the suburbs. "Thus was consumed the famous and ancient city of Panama, which was the greatest mart for silver and gold
in the whole world, for it received all the goods that came from Spain in the King's great fleet and delivered all the gold and silver that came from the mines of Peru and Potozi." Here they stayed 28 days, making daily incursions on the enemy for 20 leagues without having one gun fired at them "in anger," though they took 3,000 prisoners and kept cruising and fetching prisoners who had fled to the islands. They marched back with all their prisoners to Chagres Castle, where the plunder, amounting to 30,000l., was divided, the castle fired, and the guns spiked, and then began their voyage to Jamaica, where some are arrived and the rest daily expected. The reason there was no more wealth was, the prisoners said, because they had two months' notice and had laden two great ships of 350 and 700 tons with money, plate, gold, and jewels (504). At a meeting of the Council of Jamaica, Admiral Henry Morgan received "many thanks" from the Council, after hearing a relation of his voyage for the execution of his commission, and they approved very well of his action therein (542. I.). But Morgan's proceedings were severely condemned by the English Government, and he was sent home prisoner, and a pamphlet containing a relation of "the late attempt upon Panama "was by the King's warrant ordered to be suppressed (1061). Sir Thos. Modyford had told the Council for Trade that there was much reason for a standing force of Privateers, or somewhat equivalent, to give Jamaica seasonable intelligence and to be prompt to resist the first attempts of an enemy, the island being "circled with enemy's countries" (p. 303). Governor Lynch computed the Buccaniers to be near 3,000 strong, themselves say above 4,000, in 1671 (p. 247). The following year Henry Morgan was sent to England a prisoner on H.M.S. Welcome by Sir Thos. Lynch (p. 323), Lawrence Prince
"one of the most famous of the Privateers," being appointed by Lynch, Lieutenant in one of the King's ships, "so that the Spaniards should see they were willing to serve his Majesty" (p. 299). To speak the truth of Morgan, wrote Governor Lynch to the Secretary of State, he's an honest, brave fellow, and has both Sir Thos. Modyford and the Council's commission and instructions, which they thought he obeyed and followed so well that they gave him public thanks, which is recorded in the Council books (p. 299). Major Banister also told Secretary Lord Arlington that Admiral Henry Morgan was sent home to appear, as it is suspected, on account of his proceedings against the Spaniard. He said he did not know what approbation he might find in England, but that in Jamaica he received "a very high and honourable applause for his noble service therein," both from Sir Thos. Modyford and the Council that commissioned him, and Major Banister hoped he might without offence say, "he is a well deserving person and one of great courage and conduct, who may, with his Majesty's pleasure, perform good public service at home or be advantageous to Jamaica if war should again break forth with the Spaniard" (789). The disappearance of the "Admiral" from the scene of his many exploits was followed by a general break-up of the whole body of privateers towards the close of the year 1672, if Governor Lynch's report to the Council for Plantations is to be relied upon, where he says planting in Jamaica is heartily and successfully intended, and to his own wonder, and he hopes to their Lordships' satisfaction, he has reduced all the Privateers, so that now there is not one English pirate in these Indies, unless some few in French vessels (954).
There were at least 10,000 planters and inhabitants of St. Christopher's before the French invasion in 1666, which reduced them to about one-third, when it was calculated
two-thirds of the land formerly possessed by English was uninhabited (292). For the more speedy replanting of which it was the advice of the Council for Plantations to the King in 1674 that such malefactors as are by law to be transported may be sent to St. Christopher's (879), and the Governor entreated the King to send Englishmen out of prisons for small debts for defence of the island, "because it cannot defend itself but by English" (p. 291). St. Christopher's had been taken by the French in April 1666, but by the Treaty of Breda, France engaged that restitution should be made of the English part. Many difficulties arose before the actual restitution took place, to determine which Commissioners were appointed on three several occasions, in February 1668, March 1670, and March 1671, and the final "Act of Surrender" to England was dated 5/15 July 1671 (583–585). The negotiations on both sides, which were long and complicated, may all readily be referred to by means of the Index, and the Report of two Conferences of the Council for Plantations with Sir Charles Wheler, who was then Governor of St. Kitts, contains a full account, in 12 pages, of all that had taken place (977).
The Colony of Surinam, which had surrendered to the Dutch fleet in February 1667, was retaken by Lieut.-Col. Henry Willoughby and Sir John Harman in the following October, and became once more an English possession, but, as we have seen in the last volume of this Calendar, it was again given up to the Dutch in 1668, in accordance with certain Articles of the Treaty of Breda. Disputes arose respecting the restitution between the Dutch Governor and the English settlers, and the King appointed Commissioners for the settlement of these disputes and for bringing off his Majesty's subjects, their families, and estates from Surinam (320–325), though the "perverseness"
of the Dutch Governor forced Major Bannister to leave above half the English and those who had the best estates in the Colony (485). Soon afterwards Governor Vorsterre sent home a dismal account of the state of the Colony after Major Banister had taken off two ship loads of English. He says, by death and sickness, the number had fallen to 200 men only, and there were 50 or 60 sick, and they have nothing to eat but rotten bacon, peas, and "gruts" (920). Finally, in October 1674, in consequence of an Article in the Treaty of Westminster, wherein his. Majesty had taken particular care that his subjects in Surinam should have liberty to depart whenever he should send for them, and three years after Major Banister had left Surinam, the Council for Trade and Plantations reported to the King that three ships should be forthwith made ready to bring off the 300 English still there, with 1,100 or 1,200 slaves, besides household stuff. These numbers were made up (by Locke) of 20 persons who had sugar works and 675 negroes, and of 26 persons who had provision plantations and 382 negroes, besides several poor people, who may have 60 or 70 negroes, so that there may be about 300 Christians, male and female, the total being 1,397 (1249, 1364, 1368, 1375, 1427). Advices received at Jamaica by Governor Lynch computed the number of English left in the Colony at very much less. He wrote home that there were not above 40 English at Surinam, the ill climate and illusage having killed the rest; that Major Bannister left 100 there, and of all he brought thence to Jamaica there were but four dead (p. 624). We find, by an agreement for the sale of two plantations in Surinam, that 1,600 acres of land sold for 600,000 lbs. of muscovado sugar (1380).
The Royal African Company.
The Company of Royal Adventurers trading into Africa, having sustained great losses during the late wars, treated
with certain persons to enable them to pay their debts and became suitors to the King, to accept a surrender of their propriety and privileges, and to make said persons a new Corporation for carrying on the trade. The King himself was an "Adventurer" for 5,000l. (426). His Majesty therefore on 27th September 1672, granted a Charter of Incorporation to the "New Royal African Company," who were to enjoy all privileges in the City of London as fully as any company of merchants heretofore established by patent (934). An account of the limits and trade of the Royal African Company shows that their limits began at Sallee in South Barbary, near Tangier, and ended at the Cape of Good Hope, where the East India Company's limits take place. This "account" contains a particular relation of their several factories, where they were situated, and the trade carried on by each. The "slaves" were sent to all his Majesty's American Plantations, which could not subsist without them, and other commodities were brought into England, the gold coined in his Majesty's Mint, and all other goods always sold publicly at a candle (936).
In a list of ships freighted by the Royal African Company, with the names of their commanders, the places to which they were bound, and the number of negroes they carried, by far the largest number of negroes was sent to Jamaica, which received seven ships with 2,320 negroes; five ships carried 1,720 negroes to Barbadoes; two ships, 650 negroes to Virginia; and three ships took 530 negroes to Nevis (1215). The price of negroes was fixed at 17l., or 2,400 lbs. of sugar, in Barbadoes and in Surinam (341, 1132. II.), but "found not that good acceptance by" the planters as was hoped for," although Sir Thomas Lynch, the Governor of Jamaica, wrote in January 1672, that three days ago 400 negroes were bought at 22l. per
head, and he believed 1,500 would have sold (p. 316). Therefore in a declaration of the Duke of York, Governor, and the rest of the Royal African Company, in December 1672, they resolved and declared that they would deliver negroes from 12 to 40 years old at 15l. per head at Barbadoes, at the Leeward Isles at 16l., at Jamaica at 17l., and at Virginia at 18l. per head (985). Many died on the voyage, which is not surprising when one reads that Captain Tallers had them three months on board, that they were almost all starved and "surfeycatted," as he fed them with little else but musty corn (946). According to Sir Charles Wheler, Governor of the Leeward Islands, there were at the close of the year 1671 some 1,500 negroes in Antigua and Montserrat, worth near 40,000l. (678). Charles Modyford reported to Secretary Lord Arlington in January 1670, that there were at that date 2,500 negroes or slaves in Jamaica (144), while four years later, in 1674, in a paper presented to the Council for Trade and Plantations, Barbadoes is stated to have been "managed" with 5,000 English, who had purchased 70,000 negroes (1244).
Murders, robberies, and other outrages on the King's subjects were not of unfrequent occurrence by "outlying" or runaway negroes, and the murder "in cold blood" of five Englishmen was the cause of the Council of Jamaica issuing very stringent orders against these "rebel" negroes. No person was to travel two miles from home without being armed, or to give clothes or victuals, or parley with such traitors and rebels, but on the contrary, he was strictly enjoined to shoot, and, by all means possible, endeavour to destroy them, and the wives and children of those killed were to become the property of the slayers (179, 181, 844). Orders were also given by the Council of Jamaica that all masters and overseers, under a penalty of 5l., were to keep their negroes within
their own plantations, and permit none to leave without a ticket with their numbers and names, and the merchandise they carry, and "it shall be lawful for any person to take up and whip any negroes found out of their master's plantations without a ticket, and return them to their masters without respect to their distance from home" (1020). The King, in a Proclamation dated 25th November 1674, prohibits all his Majesty's subjects, except those of the Royal African Company, from trading to any of his plantations for negroes, on pain of his Majesty's highest displeasure and forfeiture of "said commodities" (1393). An Act passed in Barbadoes making negroes real estate 1214). One Nicholas Blake, a planter there, writing to Williamson in November 1669, says not a month ago he had a negro woman who was delivered of a child with five fingers and a thumb on each hand (126). Sir Peter Colleton recommended that negroes in Barbadoes should be clothed with dimity of the manufacture of that island, and that in no trade should any negroes be employed except as artificers to the masters of sugar works on their own plantations (357).
When Governor Sayle arrived at Ashley River in 1670 he was carried ashore by the Indians, who gave the stroking compliments of the country, and brought deer skins to trade with, for which they gladly took knives, beads, and tobacco. "A pretty sort of bread" made by the women and hickory nuts were brought. When Sayle came to the hut palace, the King took the Governor on his shoulders and carried him into the house in token of his cheerful entertainment, where they had nuts and root cakes, and water, "for they use no other liquor." while there, the King's three daughters entered the palace, all in new robes of new moss, which they are never beholden to the tailor to trim up, with plenty of beads of divers colours
about their necks. Governor Sayle could not imagine that the savages could so well comport themselves, coming in according to their age, saluting the strangers, and stroking them (255). Henry Woodward, in giving "a faithful relation of his Westoe voyage, begun from the head of Ashley river," to the Earl of Shaftesbury in December 1764, describes his reception by a concourse of some hundreds of Indians, dressed up in their antique fighting garb, through the midst of whom he was conducted to their Chieftain's house, which, not being capable to contain the crowd that came to see him, the smaller fry uncovered the top of the house to satisfy their curiosity. The Chiefs made long speeches, intimating their own strength, and, as Woodward judged, their desire for friend ship with them. Their town consisted of many long houses, the sides and tops of which-are of bark, and upon. the tops of most are fastened long poles with "the locks of hair" of the Indians they have slain at the end.They are well provided with arms and ammunition, trading cloth, and other things from the northward, for which they truck skins, furs, and young Indian slaves. A young Indian boy was given to Woodward (1422). In Major-General Wood's relation of his discoveries across the mountains, "to the south or west seas," -during two years of travel, upon which Locke has made many marginal notes, he gives graphic accounts of several tribes of Indians which he and his party visited, and many strange adventures are recorded by him in 14 pages of narrative (1347). All the names of the Indian emperors, kings, princes, sachems, and chiefs, as well as the different Indian tribes mentioned in this volume, will be found in the General Index.
There are in this volume references to several maps of the Colonies in America as well as of the West Indies. Sir
Peter Colleton writes to "his honoured friend John Locke" that Mr. Ogilby is printing a relation of the West Indies, and wishes to get a map of Carolina, and he desires he will ask Lord Ashley for the maps of Cape Fear and Albemarle, so as to draw them into one with that of Port Royal, and he will wait upon his Lordship for the nomination of the rivers, &c. And Sir Peter adds, if Locke would draw up a discourse to be added to this map in the nature of a description, "such as might invite people" without seeming to come from us," it would very much conduce to the speedy settlement of Carolina (715). The Sieur Sanson published two maps of Carolina some years after Ogilby's map was printed, in which the several counties and some of the rivers and capes are named after the Lords Proprietors, viz., Albemarle, Ashley, Berkeley, Clarendon, Carteret, Craven, and Colleton. John Ogilby was appointed cosmographer to Charles II., and supplanted Sir William Davenant as Master of the Revels in Ireland; he was also the originator of "Paterson's Roads." His "Advertisement" at the end of this volume contains some of his contributions to cosmography and a list of the several atlases he was engaged upon. His map of Africa was published in 1670, America in 1671, and the first part of Asia in 1673, but his Description of the British Monarchy, referred to in his "Advertisement," was not published until 1675, under the title of "Britannia: a description of the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales." All these maps are to be found in the British Museum. Ogilby died in 1676, and was buried in St. Bride's Church, Fleet Street.
Augustine Hermann obtained a grant from the King in 1674 of the privilege of the sole printing of his map of Virginia and Maryland for 14 years, on the ground that he had been for several years engaged upon this
map, which consisted of four sheets of paper, and that it was "a work of very great pains and charge, and for the King's special service" (1210). John Seller held the appointment of hydrographer to the King, and his chart of the sea coast from the Land's End to the Cape of Good Hope is to be found with a dedication, in Latin, to the Royal African Company, abstract No. 937. His "English Pilot," published in 1671, Atlas Maritimus in 1675, and Atlas Celestis in 1677, are all in the British Museum.
Many names of places mentioned in this Calendar and on the old maps above referred to, are no longer to be found in modern atlases or gazetteers. It will be sufficient to quote one or two, as others will be noticed in the General Index, where are cross references to avoid inconvenience to the reader. Surinam is now merged in Guiana, while Hispaniola, or San Domingo, is called Hayti.
It is again my pleasing duty to express my best thanks to my colleague, J. E. Ernest S. Sharp, Esq., for his valuable assistance.
W. NOEL SAINSBURY.
9th April 1889.