PREFACE.
The present volume contains an abstract of the official
correspondence transmitted from abroad, for the information
of the English Government, during the reign of Edward the
Sixth. The earliest of the documents here analysed is
written two days after the death of Henry the Eighth, and
the latest in the series must have reached London while it
was yet undecided whether the Lady Jane or the Princess
Mary should be the future Queen of England.
In one important respect this volume differs from the
previous "Calendars of State Papers published by the
authority of Her Majesty's Treasury, under the direction
of the Master of the Rolls." They illustrate the internal
history of one nation, whereas the following pages treat
almost exclusively of our relations with continental powers.
It must be at once admitted that the chief interest of the
reign of Edward the Sixth is domestic, not foreign. The
ministers who presided over public affairs at that time were
too busily occupied at home to find either time or inclination
for engaging in the politics of their neighbours. When these
were discussed at the Council-board they were appreciated
chiefly in as far as they influenced home plans and interests.
The energies of the Government were directed towards
objects exclusively national, and the information forwarded
from abroad was interpreted accordingly. It was different
from what it had been. There was an end to our intercourse
with France, for Francis the First speedily followed to the
grave (fn. 1) his "very dear and well-beloved good brother, cousin
and gossip, perpetual ally and perfect friend, the late King
of England recently deceased." (fn. 2) There was no longer
the dread of a coalition between France and Spain; for the
emperor Charles the Fifth, despite his enormous possessions,
had enough to do to hold his own in Germany. The rupture
with Rome was now complete. Interest flagged in all these
quarters. England, carrying out the idea suggested to her
by her geographical position, isolates herself from foreign
wars and foreign coalitions, and devotes herself, without let
or hindrance, to establish herself upon a basis of her own
choosing.
We should form, however, a very imperfect and therefore
a very erroneous conception of our history during the reign
of Edward the Sixth, did we suppose that because the policy
of the Government was domestic, the governing body was
indifferent to what was passing abroad. We must have the
knowledge of a fact before we can decide that the fact is
unimportant. The ruling body in England did not advisedly
and deliberately cast aside foreign politics; this was brought
about gradually, and was the result of accidental circumstances rather than the logical development of a preconceived
theory. But be that as it may, thus much is certain, that
throughout the whole of this reign there is no lack of foreign
correspondence; correspondence, too, of the most precious
quality. It embodies information which bears the evidence
of having been obtained at much cost and sifted with much
jealousy, which was moulded into its present form with much
skill, and transmitted homewards with much secrecy. The
accredited ambassador and the unaccredited spy plied his
task with unabated address, according to his several opportunity. The result of all this lavish outlay and keen observation lies before us in the following pages. We are admitted,
for the first time since these despatches were written, into
the secret history of nearly every court of Europe. We
are told of events as they occurred from day to day by men
who either were witnesses of what they report, or obtained
it from trustworthy sources. And marvellously full of
interest is the picture which is here presented to our view.
It may perhaps assist the reader to grasp the subject somewhat more easily if he has before him a sketch of the
position of the chief Continental States, and of the attitude
which they assumed towards England.
It is no part of my province to speak of the reign of Henry
the Eighth, neither is a history of that of his immediate
successor required. I undertake no more than to trace the
bearing of one distinct class of documents, out of very
many, upon the fortunes of our nation. And, in considering
these documents from this point of view, it will be found
that the interest which the collection possesses groups itself
more especially round two figures, which stand prominently
forward, Henry the Second, King of France, and Charles
the Fifth, Emperor of Germany. Upon both the one and
the other England looked with suspicion not unmingled
with fear. She was aware that neither of these individuals
loved, and that each might injure her. Each had his own
special ground of dissatisfaction. With Henry there was
the old quarrel of nationalities; France against England.
With Charles there was the new quarrel of creeds; Catholicity against Protestantism. Was it possible for England
to stand against this hostility? Should she fight, or
temporize, or yield? Should she return to Rome, or make
common cause with the Protestants of Germany against
Rome? These are questions which the nation must now
solve, and for the solution of which Europe waited in
anxious expectation. And the value of the following series
of letters lies in this, that they enable us to give a consistent
and precise answer to these questions.
The death of Henry the Eighth left England at peace
with France. The treaty of Campes (fn. 3) was still in force, and
Francis had no wish that it should be interrupted. (fn. 4) The
accession of Henry the Second materially changed the aspect
of affairs. The new ministry by which he surrounded
himself, (fn. 5) to the exclusion of the tried friends whose
guidance his dying father had urged him to follow, entertained a lively feeling of hostility towards England. The
King's opinions were no secret. (fn. 6) He knew that he could
calculate upon the national support if he provoked a war,
and the possession of Boulogne by the English afforded an
excellent pretext. Preparations for its recovery were now
commenced upon a large scale, (fn. 7) and the English were soon
made aware that it must be kept, if at all, by a vigorous
struggle. For this they were not prepared, as Boulogne
was scarcely tenable. It was feebly garrisoned, deficient in
military stores, and its fortifications had fallen into decay. (fn. 8)
The Governor importuned the Council in London for men,
munitions, and money, but none were sent. Henry the
Eighth had left behind him a crippled revenue, despite the
enormous sums which he had derived at the dissolution of
the religious houses. Somerset's expedition into Scotland
had absorbed all the ready money upon which he could lay
his hands; but if he could not fight he might negociate. In
the summer of 1549 Paget was sent into the Low Countries
in the hope that the Emperor might be induced to take
Boulogne under his protection. (fn. 9) The negociation, however, was a signal failure. It was with difficulty that Paget
obtained an interview. (fn. 10) Charles heard all but said little;
he was courteous but cautious, and Paget returned homewards without having accomplished his mission. (fn. 11)
France, meanwhile, pushed on her preparations with
energy, and gave proof that she was in earnest. The recovery of Boulogne united the discordant elements of the
Court; Guises, Bourbons, Montmorencies, all harmonized in
furthering this design. The forts of Newhaven and Blackness were captured without much resistance, (fn. 12) and it was
understood that the town would ere long be invested by
the King in person. An appeal for assistance,—for troops
and money,—was made to the Emperor and the Marquis of
Brandenburg; (fn. 13) it was piteous but ineffectual. War was
declared with France, (fn. 14) but it was little more than an empty
form, for at this very juncture England was convulsed by
the distractions incident upon the overthrow of the Protector Somerset. The new Minister of England, the Earl
of Warwick, wanted money, and he entered into a treaty
with the French for the sale of Boulogne.
The interest of the French correspondence now takes a
different direction, but of this perhaps we have no reason to
complain. It becomes less political, less purely diplomatic,
but not less valuable. The English Ambassador, from
whose letters we derive the greater part of our intelligence,
was Sir John Masone. He accompanied the Court in its
wanderings from place to place,—for Henry the Second led
a most erratic life,—and as the Council at Westminster must
know all that was passing, Sir John was constrained to fill
his letters with lighter matter than was either his wont or
his will. He submitted to the exigencies of his position, and
does not think it beneath his notice to enlarge upon the
familiar topic of the weather. (fn. 15) He has time to chronicle the
doings and sayings of the courtiers, court scandal, and
pageantry. He gives us a sketch of the domestic life of
Henry; and the picture, though necessarily incomplete, has
its interest. Let us examine its details a little more closely.
The Ambassador finds himself obliged to report in many
of his letters that the King is at the hunting, (fn. 16) and that he
has been so much engaged in visiting, hunting, and
amusements," that it is difficult to obtain access to him
for the transaction of business. (fn. 17) "This Court is all set
upon pastimes," remarks Sir John despondingly; adding
that he sees no prospect of its improvement, since, "between Candlemas and Shrovetide, shall the marriages go
forward with much triumph." (fn. 18) Shortly afterwards he
gives an account how they went forward: of the tiltings, the
processions, and the masks, to which he had been invited,
and of the grand banquet made by the Cardinal of Lorraine. He admits,—and he had been familiar with the
splendour of the Courts of Henry the Eighth and Francis
the First,—that he "never saw a more goodly or a richer
sight. A man would have thought that all the jewels in
Christendom had been assembled together, so gorgeously
were the dames beset with great numbers of them, both
their heads and bodies. (fn. 19)
Of two of these "dames" we are naturally curious to learn
some particulars,—the King's wife and his mistress. Of the
former, Catherine de Medicis, little is said; and the indifference with which she is treated by the Ambassador
shows how little she was regarded by her husband. She is
scarcely ever mentioned, except when she is about to add to
the Royal family. (fn. 20) Much more conspicuous is the figure of
Diana of Poitiers, the King's mistress, who, although she
has lived fifty years in the world, still retains her influence
over the Monarch of thirty. "The Duchess of Valentinois,"
for that now was her title, "ruleth the roast," observes Sir
John Masone, rather bitterly, (fn. 21) for he knew that her influence
was hostile to England, and that it was all-powerful with
Henry, who spent much of his time in her company. (fn. 22) "The
King leaves to-morrow for a house of the Duchess of
Valentinois, and will be absent about twelve days," is
the report of July. (fn. 23) In September "the King intends to
remain some days at Anet," (fn. 24) that "wonderful fair and
sumptuous house belonging to Madame Valentinois,"
which had been built for her by Philibert Delorme. Here
Masone had an interview with Henry in March 1553. After
his audience with the King "Madame Valentinois commanded that collation (as they term it), should be prepared for me in a gallery, and that afterwards I should
see all the commodities of the house, which were so
sumptuous and princelike as ever I saw." (fn. 25)
These pleasure excursions of Henry threw the administration of public affairs into the hands of others. The chief
of these self-appointed ministers was the Constable Montmorenci, whose influence, judging from the present correspondence, was greater than is generally supposed. It was
necessary to refer to him for the transaction of business of
every kind. (fn. 26) The precise meaning of certain of his expressions formed the subject of anxious correspondence between
the English Council and their representative at Blois. (fn. 27) He
professed a friendly spirit towards England, (fn. 28) in which, however, he was opposed by the Guises, the growing influence
of whose faction did not fail to attract the notice of Masone.
The Scottish Queen," he writes, "desireth as much our
subversion, if it lay in her power, as she desireth the
preservation of herself. Mons. de Guise and M. d'Aumale,
and the Cardinal of Lorraine, partly at her egging, and
partly upon an ambitious desire to make their house
great, be no hindrance to her malicious designs." (fn. 29) In the
same letter he remarks, "The credit of the house of Guise
in this Court passeth all others; for, albeit the Constable
hath the outward administration of all things, being for
that service such a man as hard it were to find the like,
yet have they as much credit as he, with whom he is constrained to sail, and many times to take that course that
he liketh never a bit."
Towards the end of the French correspondence the Ambassadors, Masone and Chaloner, are constrained to enlarge
upon the inconvenience to which they were subjected by the
irregularity with which they received payment of their
salaries. At best their allowance was inadequate to meet
the ordinary expenses of their position, and it was falling
further and further into arrear. France, as they discovered
to their cost, was an expensive country to live in, (fn. 30) and the
erratic life of the King, who flitted from castle to castle,
from palace to palace, entertaining and being entertained at
each, and lavishing his money wherever he went; all this
increased their outlay. Charges were accumulated and
prices rose wherever the Court established itself. (fn. 31) France
was prosperous and wealthy, while England, exhausted and
poverty-stricken, was fast sinking in public estimation.
Henry's courtiers had many unpleasant stories about "the
buying and selling of offices in England, the decaying of
grammar schools and the universities, with many other
enormities, which they shew one another, printed in
English books, and set forth by English preachers." (fn. 32)
Masone was at first urgent and facetious, then he became
urgent and impatient, at last he grew urgent and querulous,
but each change of expression, each turn of mind, was disregarded at home. His allowance was five marks; his daily
expenses were double that sum; he must borrow, and that
at the rate of forty per cent. besides interest, in consequence
of the depreciation of the currency. (fn. 33) (fn. 34) He had an attack of
the gout; he was confined to his bed; his body drooped, so
that he feared he would never see the end of the winter, a
great part of which he fears will be spent in journeying. He
would gladly die, if it might be, among Christian men. (fn. 35) As
the season advanced matters grew worse. Christmas was
expensive, New Year's tide extravagant. Between these
two festivals he writes in these terms to the English Council:—that he has exhausted his credit in England, sold all
his own plate, and shall shortly be driven for very extremity
to do the like with the King's. (fn. 36) The Council replies that
orders have been issued for the payment of his "diets;" (fn. 37)
but these orders were also disregarded. "The Treasurer
maketh none other answer, but that he hath no money.
I would to God I could be excused with the like answer
to my steward here!" (fn. 38)
From France we naturally pass to Scotland. For centuries
the interests of the two countries were closely identified, (fn. 39)
and the bond of union was hostility towards England.
If the English crossed the channel and invaded France
the Scotch crossed the Tweed and invaded England.
Things were tending to some such issue when our correspondence opens, for Henry the Eighth bequeathed a Scot
tish war to his successor on the Throne. The Protector,
Somerset, acting upon the policy of the late King, endeavoured to bring about the union of the two realms by the
marriage of the young Queen Mary Stuart with King
Edward, (fn. 40) and he addressed a letter to the Scottish nobility,
in which he endeavoured, by mingled threats and promises, to induce them to carry out this favourite project.
The scheme was most unpopular in Scotland, and it was
opposed on a double ground. The Catholic party, headed
by the Queen Dowager Mary of Guise, opposed it upon
religious grounds, and the national party resented it as
subversive of their independence as a distinct kingdom.
The result is well-known; it was the sanguinary conflict
of Pinkie, fought upon Saturday, 10th September 1547.
The defeat which the Scottish arms there sustained only
widened the breach with England, and at the same time
strengthened the traditionary alliance with France. The
young Scottish Queen was no longer safe in her own realm,
and she was removed into France. There was a growing
attachment between the two realms; it must be watched,
and, if possible, checked; at least the English Ambassador
resident at the French Court must report all that he sees
and hears upon a subject so important to the interests of his
own country.
One thing he soon discovered; the Scottish spirit was
not broken by defeat. "In one point,"—says Masone,
writing of those Scotsmen whom he had met at the French
Court at Blois,—"in one point they all agree, that the English
by their will, shall not have one foot more of ground in
Scotland than they had before the war, unless they have
the whole." (fn. 41) The Council at Greenwich was of the same
way of thinking; they had defeated their neighbours in the
North, but they had not subdued them; "however anxious
they were to be upon friendly terms with the Scots, the
latter will always provoke a breach of the peace." (fn. 42) There
was an unsuspected vitality about this petty northern kingdom, which surprised and irritated Ambassadors as well as
Generals. The Scottish navy was powerful enough and enterprising enough to interfere with the commerce of England.
The Mary Willoughby and other Scottish ships of war lie
at Newhaven, and issue at every tide for the interrupting
and spoiling of the English merchants who traffic that
way, being supplied with all munitions of men, victuals,
and ordnance when they need them. Another Scottish
vessel called the Great Spaniard lies at Dieppe, pursuing the same course, and is aided by France." (fn. 43) A large
Scottish ship, "with much ammunition, and eighty men and
a lord," had arrived at Lubeck upon the same mission.
Dr. Wotton had ascertained from a spy that they had on
board a newly invented preparation, a sort of Greek fire,
intended for destroying the English ships, and he thereupon
recommends very special caution. (fn. 44) Both France and Denmark aided Scotland in this annoying warfare. The latter
dispatched thirty ships, well supplied with men and victual,
there, "being entertained by the French King, with
hope that his brother shall marry the Scottish Queen,
though the said King intendeth nothing less indeed."
So far from this design having originated in France it had,
at one time, been entertained by Henry the Eighth, who
saw in it not only the means of thwarting the designs of
Francis the First, but also of forming a Protestant alliance in the North of Europe. (fn. 45) It was from France,
however, that the danger was chiefly apprehended. Thirty
great ships armed, and twenty galleys at the least, were
about to be dispatched at one time, (fn. 46) and troops, horse and
foot, had been seen on their road to the coast to embark for
Scotland. (fn. 47) Intelligence yet more alarming was forwarded
from Strasburg, where it was current that the French King
was pressing for the conveyance of 10,000 soldiers into the
same country. (fn. 48) A portion of the army had arrived at their
destination, others were speedily to follow, and the plan of
the ensuing campaign was already decided. (fn. 49) England was
constrained to avert the impending danger by negociating,
and the peace which was now concluded with France
suspended further warfare.
Mary of Guise took advantage of this cessation of hostilities to proceed into France, where her presence excited
the apprehension of the English Ambassador. The object
of her mission was unmistakable; it was to foment discord
between France and England. Her misfortunes invested her
with much personal interest, and the growing influence of
her family, all hostile to England, augmented the danger. (fn. 50)
Preparations were made, early in July 1550, for her
arrival. (fn. 51) Having obtained a safe conduct from the English
Government (fn. 52) she embarked, and was expected to land at
Dieppe. The christening of the child, to which the French
Queen had lately given birth, was delayed until her arrival,
as the King was anxious that she should stand as godmother. M. de Guise, with the flower of the nobility, went
to Dieppe to meet her. She entered Rouen, on 25th
September, with a large retinue of Scottish gentlemen, and
was received with much honour, the King himself joining in
the demonstration. (fn. 53) Taking advantage of her position in
the Court, in which "she bore the whole swing," she kept
up the ill-feeling of France towards England. "The
Scottish Queen," writes Masone, "desireth as much our
subversion, if it lay in her power, as she desireth the
preservation of herself, whose service in Scotland is so
highly taken here as she is in this Court made a goddess.
Mons. de Guise and M. d'Aumale, and the Cardinal of
Lorraine, partly at her egging, and partly upon an ambitious desire to make their house great, be no hindrance
of her malicious desire." (fn. 54) The King consulted with her
upon State affairs, and would give no "resolute answer" to
the proposals of the English Ambassador until he had ascertained her opinion. (fn. 55) The same amusing correspondent
presently assures us that "the Dowager of Scotland maketh
all this Court weary of her, from the high to the low,
such an importunate beggar is she for herself and her
chosen friends. The King would fain be rid of her, and
she, as she pretendeth, would fain be gone." "He was
assured by the Receiver-General of Brittany (who wished
that Scotland were in a fish pool) that since the beginning
1,900,000 francs had been sent thither out of his own
receipt and of the receipt of Guienne, and how much
else had passed he knew not." (fn. 56) She lingered in France
until the end of October 1551, upon the 22d of which she
landed at Portsmouth, having been escorted thither by
ten French ships of war. We have, in one of these letters, a
detailed account of her landing in England, her progress
from house to house in her road to London, her reception
at Hampton Court, her voyage down the Thames, and her
dinner with his Majesty. She departed northward on
November 6, the King having previously written to the
sheriffs of the various counties through which she would
pass that due honours be paid to her; and two gentlemen
were appointed to attend her throughout her whole journey,
to see things conveniently and agreeably served." (fn. 57)
During the residence in France an incident occurred
which brings before us another Queen of Scotland, the
beautiful and unfortunate Mary. In April 1551 a conspiracy to poison her had been detected, the culprit being
an archer of the guard, who escaped into Ireland. The
Queen Dowager fell suddenly sick upon the opening of
those news to her. The design was supposed to have been
devised by some of the discontented Scots, (fn. 58) but it is difficult to conceive what the object was, except to pave the
way for the union of the two realms in the person of the
youthful Edward. The whole affair is mysterious. "The
Scot that should have poisoned the young Scottish Queen
arrived here yesterday," writes Masone from Angers, but
we do not learn that he was punished, or indeed that any
investigation into the truth of the charge took place.
At the period to which these letters refer little interest
was felt respecting Ireland. It was regarded as a foreign
country, its inhabitants held as scarce better than savages;
it took no part in the politics of the nation, its existence was
tolerated only as a necessary and unavoidable evil. Masone
had a short remedy for the annoyance which Ireland caused
his master Somerset, and he probably expressed the sentiment
of his countrymen when he exclaimed, "These Irish wild
beasts should be hunted down." (fn. 59) It was his belief that
the French King had serious thoughts of invading that
kingdom and making it his own. (fn. 60) Masone became nervous
and irritable: he complains that he has Ireland "every
day in his dish;" he has heard that the noblemen
there, with the majority of the people, are ready to give
themselves to a new master; an emissary has told his
friends that he doubteth not to see the French King
shortly to bear the crown of Ireland," and that he hopes
to bring jolly news" when he returns at the end of Lent. (fn. 61)
Here the intelligence fails us, and we have to seek elsewhere for its continuation.
One great Continental power has hitherto been unnoticed,
the greatest in territorial extent, and yet weak because of
that very extent of territory,—I mean the vast dominions
in Germany, Spain, and Flanders, represented by the Emperor
Charles the Fifth. The present correspondence exhibits the
declension of his power; it is breaking down from a want of
cohesion; it is a conglomeration of various people who have
no bond of union, political or national, civil or religious.
They are brought together by an accident, they cannot
coalesce, the principle of repulsion is at work, not that of
attraction. It is difficult to trace Charles through the
tortuous policy by which he hoped to find the solution of
the difficulties which surrounded him; doubtless he had
some theory by which he expected to extricate himself, but
it does not come out clearly in the letters which are here
opened to our inspection. He appears to have acted rather
according to the pressure of circumstances than with refer
ence to a preconceived system; this much at least is certain,
he baffled the expectations of those persons who watched
him most narrowly. The news of the day is chronicled as
it occurred; interviews, treaties, battles, conferences, are all
recorded, but they do not help us to understand the Emperor,
the bearing of the whole upon the general period is to be
understood only by retrospect.
Thus, then, are placed upon the stage the chief actors
in the drama which is about to be represented. Each has
his rôle, and each proceeds to play his part according to his
several ability. My duty ends when I have introduced them
to the spectator; he must judge of them singly and collectively from his own point of view. To anticipate his
judgment, to decide for him beforehand where he shall
praise and where he shall blame, would be simply impertinent. Having, to the best of my ability, given him, the
means of forming his own opinion, I leave him. But before
doing so, a few miscellaneous remarks upon some subjects
not devoid of general interest, which admit of illustration from the following pages may not be deemed out of
place.
Literary history may glean some information from this
correspondence. A curious letter from Carne to the Lord
Protector, contains the opinion formed by the writer upon
the scholarship of "the most learned and most honest men
in the Low countries," (fn. 62) with a view doubtless to their
establishment at the seats of learning in England. Sir John
Borthwick forwards a copy of Saxo Grammaticus, "who,
considering his time, precels all his contemporaneans and
conteraneans in the Latin tongue," and he begs that the
volume may be presented to his Majesty. (fn. 63) We have some
literary gossip about Ascham, (fn. 64) Paulus Vergerius, and
Bucer. (fn. 65) The history of the "Interim," its authorship,
publication, reception, and success, is here brought out with
considerable detail. (fn. 66) "Wavering Doctor Smyth," formerly
regius professor of divinity at Oxford, who has printed at
Paris, "a slanderous book against the Archbishop of Canterbury," sues for permission to return to England, (fn. 67) but
his delinquencies are notorious, and cannot be overlooked.
Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, is also introduced;
he is deprived of his bishopric, "and in his disobedience and
obstinate refusing of the King's Majesty's mercy and favour,
showed not only a wilful pride, but also a cankered heart of
an evil subject." (fn. 68) "He railed upon his judges," say the
Council, "sought to defame the whole estate of the realm,
and on the whole showed himself a subject utterly given to
disquiet." (fn. 69) Here, however, no one is so prominent as Cecil,
who, amid his multifarious duties, found time to interest
himself in the collection of a library. Copies of Euclid,
Machiavelli, of the New Testament in Greek, (fn. 70) and l'Horloge
de Princes, with several others mentioned in these letters,
were collected at Paris for transmission to him at London;
but Sir William Pickering was so disgusted with the binding
of the two volumes first mentioned, that he burnt them
both. (fn. 71) He employs another correspondent at Bruges, to
procure for him certain "figures," which cannot be obtained
there, but which may probably be found at Antwerp. (fn. 72)
Cecil's well known love for genealogical researches, here
exhibits itself. (fn. 73) We now find the young King of England
recognized as the patron of literature; books are dedicated
to him, and their authors forward presentation copies. (fn. 74)
We have already seen that Masone, while Ambassador in
France, complained bitterly at being compelled to borrow
money from the agents, and that he paid for it a rate of
interest so excessive, that we might imagine his case to be
exceptional. It was not so, however, as we gather from
the experience of others, who were reduced, by the nonpayment of their salaries, to adopt the same ruinous expedients. Carne, writing from Bruges, then a great commercial city, assures the English Government, that he had
to pay 100 marks for 100l. sterling; "the exchange is
so ill." (fn. 75) An agent, resident at Antwerp, makes a merit
of procuring 100,000l. at 14 per cent. interest, remarking
that the Emperor himself pays, even to his own subjects, as
much as 15, 16, and often 18 per cent. (fn. 76) The Council at
London endeavoured to borrow money at 12 per cent., (fn. 77) but
after considerable negociation they failed, 13 per cent. being
considered the minimum rate. (fn. 78) The credit of England was
upon the wane; doubts were expressed as to the ultimate
repayment of the sums so advanced; (fn. 79) and ere long Sir
Thomas Chamberlain writes from Brussels, "here is no
money to be gotten, and that that is, only at 25 per cent. (fn. 80)
The pressure upon the borrower was equally heavy in
France; Masone, if he borrows, must do so at 40 per
cent., beside interest, in consequence of the depreciation of
the currency. (fn. 81) Nor was the sum so borrowed always
paid in cash, the truck system prevailed even thus early; (fn. 82)
while, on the other hand, we find the Protector Somerset
anxious to discharge a debt, by sending out of England
large quantities of lead and bell-metal. (fn. 83) This high rate of
exchange and accommodation arose from various causes,
one of which was the great danger in transmitting cash,
and bills were not then generally introduced. The sea
was swept by privateers, who were little better than
pirates, (fn. 84) and who plundered without scruple, and without
discrimination of friend or foe, every vessel which came in
their way; and land carriage was equally perilous, and
therefore most expensive. (fn. 85)
In a collection like the present, purely diplomatic in its
object, it is scarcely to be expected that we should be made
acquainted with any matters which partake of a domestic
character. Yet here and there such illustrations occur, and
the manners, customs, dresses, and amusements of our ancestors, as they are incidentally noticed by these grave correspondents, are not without their interest. I am prevented,
however, from entering upon this subject, by the consciousness that my introduction is exceeding its due bounds, and
I must satisfy myself with this general statement.
Before concluding this division of my subject I would
direct attention to two valuable series of letters, one of
which illustrates the mining operations of the period, (fn. 86) and
the other its agriculture. (fn. 87)
Here, then, I bring to a close my remarks upon the correspondence which is contained in the present volume, so far
as it illustrates the period of history which falls within the
short reign of Edward the Sixth. I would caution the
reader, however, against supposing that I have been able, in
these introductory observations, to place before him a full
abstract of the information to be gathered from the work
itself. I have done nothing more than indicate its general
bearing, the course in which it runs, and the direction at
which it seems to point. I may be permitted to remark
that though the character of the volume may be described
as diplomatic and historical, yet its interest is not limited to
these terms. It takes in a wider prospect; for there are few
subjects of general importance for the illustration of which
some information may not be gleaned from the documents
now for the first time submitted, in a connected form, to the
inspection of the inquirer.
And now, in conclusion, I have a few words to say as
to the system upon which I have acted in compiling the
following sheets.
It has been my wish to follow, as far as possible, the
excellent example of M. Gachard. I have employed the
very words and style of the writers so far as these, without
losing their force, or jarring too much on our modern modes,
can be adopted; and where the narrative, or certain
peculiar expressions, might be impaired by condensation,
I have quoted such paragraphs at length, with the mere
correction of the orthography. "It is with antiquaries,"
says Peck, (fn. 88) "almost a piece of religion, to keep up to the
very letter and spelling of the copy they write after, no
matter however odd it is;" but, while striving to preserve
the characteristics of the originals, I have had in view the
public, and not dillettanti.
In such instances, where the correspondent, writing by
ear, has obscured the precise word, I have inserted within
brackets the proper spelling; e.g. "Mireposey" [Mirepoix],—"Edym" [Hesdin],—"Hellisame" [Hildersheim],
—"Shantony" [Chantonnay].
I have taken care to preserve the name and occupation of
the humblest individual mentioned; for these, apparently
worthless, may not be unserviceable to the genealogist.
The days and hours of their starting and arrival, as well as
the route taken by the "posts," or couriers, are duly recorded; and the rapidity of communication so indicated will,
in some instances, appear surprising when the accidents and
arrangements of travelling three centuries ago are compared
with those of the present day. The prices of commodities,
value of money, atmospheric changes, &c., are equally retained: no grain in the sands of time is unworthy of note.
In like manner, the private letters from the Ambassador,
or agent, to "his assured friend Mr. Secretary," will, it is
presumed, be not the less attractive, as exhibiting the
personal disposition and mental idiosyncracy of the writer.
Therein may be perceived the brisk temper of Pickering, the
dry humour of Masone, and the querulous quaintness of
Morysine; while of others the pliant politics will appear in
the immediately succeeding reigns, of which similar Calendars are in progress. Such letters, biographically viewed,
have their own value, and diversify the constant iteration of battles, subsidies, espionage, doubts, rumours, and
fears.
The abstracts of such letters, as I am aware, have been
already printed fully in works generally accessible, are intentionally brief, and reference is made to the volume where
they may be seen. In two instances, by reason of their
interest, I have noticed, in their proper order, letters apparently now no longer in the State Paper Office, but which
were to be found there in the time of Lord Hardwicke,
who selected them for publication as illustrative of the reign
of Edward the Sixth. These, from Morysine and Ascham,
occur at page 222.
The letter from De Selve, which forms an addendum at
page 290, instead of being inserted in its due place, was
found, at the very time when the proof of the sheet was
delivered to me, while assorting those relating to the reign
of Queen Mary, now on the eve of being sent to press,
among which it had been assigned to the year 1556.
The valuable series of papers respecting Calais and
Boulogne, abstracts of which are given in the Appendix,
was not placed in my hands until the greater portion of this
volume had been completed at press.
W. B. Turnbull.
3, Stone Buildings,
Lincoln's Inn,
30 November 1860.