Preface
The sixteenth century will ever be a marked era in the
history of Europe, both in a military and diplomatic point
of view; and the few years to which this volume refers were
not the least stirring in regard of those movements in field
and cabinet, which called into action the genius of so many
illustrious warriors and statesmen. Of those events which
engaged their energy, such as the disturbed state of Italy,
the quarrels of Pope Paul the Fourth and the Emperor
Charles the Fifth, the embroilment of Henry the Second
with the house of Austria, from which resulted the defeat
of the French by the Spaniards at S. Quentin, (fn. 1) a blow in
some measure compensated by the capture of Calais; of
all these the documents herein abstracted present a tolerably
fair general outline. They contain the essence of the entire
Foreign correspondence of England during the reign of Queen
Mary, as preserved in the State Paper Office; whereof the
first bears date seven days after her Majesty's accession,
prior to that circumstance being known by the correspondent of the individual who sought to bar her rightful claim
to the throne. The plan adopted in the compilation is
similar to that of the former calendar appertaining to the
rule of King Edward the Sixth.
I should be exceeding my duty if, appointed to the
specific charge of forming a calendar, I were to make any
remarks beyond those which strictly relate to the papers
themselves. It is therefore only necessary to point out a
few of the more noticeable ones and the occurrents recorded
in them; premising, that as a considerable space is occupied
by "intelligence" from Rome and elsewhere, by this word
is to be understood the information conveyed by the spies,
or "espials" as they were then termed, in the service of the
respective envoys or agents abroad.
The correspondence of Sir John Masone, while resident
at the Court of the Emperor Charles the Fifth, continues to
supply the same attractive gossip as his despatches did when
he occupied the like position at that of Henry the Second
of France. He is described by Camden as having been "a
man of learning and gravity, but a great devourer of
church-lands," which doubtless accounts for his forcible
comments on a preacher who, he is informed, "beateth the
pulpit jollily in England for the restitution of Abbeylands." (fn. 2) Among other such property, he possessed those
of Abingdon, under the shadow of whose walls his infancy
was spent. But whatever may be thought of his appetite for
ecclesiastical domains, his aspirations, while communicating
the extensive naval preparations of Denmark, will meet with
a hearty response at the present time. "I would wish,"
says he, "that our navy were looked upon in such sort,
as the world might at the least see we mind not to
suffer it to decay; for, if any mischief be intended,
let us be sure our ports shall either first or last be
therein." (fn. 3)
Two letters from Sir John Cheke to Petre and Masone, (fn. 4)
depict strongly his feelings during exile; and the interest
taken by the latter in Cheke's family, surely tends to relieve
him from the insinuation of Ponet and Strype that he had
betrayed his friend, even although he had become "under
Queen Mary a strong Papist," like his equally pliant
colleague, Wotton. Their family connection, besides, makes
the charge less probable; as Masone's appeal to her Majesty
on their behalf shows,—what has neither been noticed in the
life of Cheke by Strype, nor in the memoir of Masone in the
Biographia Britannica,—that Lady Cheke's mother, the
"good widow Hill," had taken our Ambassador for her
second husband. (fn. 5) Cheke's description of Venetia in his time,
if correct, is by no means flattering. "He is here in a country
much esteemed in opinion, of which yet being somewhat
unskilled, he cannot judge certainly without rashness, else
at first sight he would say that neither for private order,
nor yet common behaviour, is it anything to be compared
to their own supposed barbarous country. Courtesans in
honour, haunting of evil houses noble; breaking of
marriage a sport; murder, in a gentleman, magnanimity;
robbery, finesse if it be clean conveyed,—for the spying is
judged the fault and not the stealing; religion, to be best
that best agreeth with Aristotle de anima; the common
tenant, though not in kind of tenancy, marvellously kept
bare, the gentleman, nevertheless, yet bare that keepeth
him so; in speech cautious, in deed scarce; more liking
in asking than in giving. The farther they go into Italy
it is said to be the worse." (fn. 6)
The like pecuniary incommodities appear to have been
experienced by the English Ambassadors in this as in the
former reign, if we may judge by the letters of Masone, who
now, as then, is grievously afflicted. Early his complaints
commence: "If he hears not shortly of some aid of money
out of England, extremity will drive him to make his
refuge to her Majesty, who, he trusts will either call him
home or else see him so furnished with her allowance, or
at least with his own, as he may be able to continue the
place in such a sort as to her honour is requisite." (fn. 7) Six
weeks later, offering to Petre "his hearty thanks for the
short receiving of his money," he declares that "whensoever
it shall come it is already spent, . . . so as he sees
the estate of an ambassador, that of himself is not able to
bear the brunt, is come to be most miserable." (fn. 8) Writhing
in financial agony he at length appeals to head-quarters, and
humbly desires her Majesty to pardon him for writing
something of his own case. An unmeeter man in all
respects for her Majesty's affairs could not be; this from
the outset he had declared, but since, notwithstanding,
she had commanded he should serve in this place, he
doubts not but her meaning was he should be furnished
from time to time of so much as it liked he to appoint
him as well as if he had been much fitter. How that
has been answered since his coming hither the Lords of
her Majesty's Council can tell. He has often written
for their aid, and knows by report their good mind to
help him, yet it has not liked the Lord Treasurer so to
understand the matter, as either their entreating or any
intolerable lack could move him to help Masone in
time either with the diets appointed to him for this place
or with his fees in the Exchequer, wherein in effect
stands his whole living, till by borrowing a good piece
thereof was run out in interest. Seeing this ordering continues without hope of amendment, he is driven to make
his moan to her Majesty, and most humbly, prostrate on
the ground, desires aid and remedy at her hands, or else
that she will revoke him and appoint one to the room
who may be better able to bear the brunt, which goodness he shall esteem as a sufficient recompense for all
the service he may do to her life-during. For, rather
than to continue the life he has done, sithen his coming
hither, still in lack and misery, and alway constrained
to live by borrowing, selling, pledging, and credit, which
is so far spent as he is scant able to redeem it, he
assures her Majesty death were to him much lever." (fn. 9) A
few months later he requests the Council "will consider
his great and long lack and give order for the payment
of his diets, as such of their Lordships as have been lately
at Brussels are able very well to declare what it is to
live there with a public countenance;" (fn. 10) declares to Petre
that "as to his own case, he has so often written that
he will now see what will drop out of heaven;" (fn. 11) and at
length, unable to brook further delay, tells the same correspondent that he "will write no more this day or that
day, nor this week nor that week; but when the King
shall have taken his leave of the Emperor, then he can
boldly advertise that they will have him shortly. No
private person has more cause to hasten his farewell than
he, for he is living at the rate of sometimes 35l., and
sometimes 36l. per week (if it be not so, God confound
him!) without any help for the maintenance of that insupportable charge other than borrowing. When money is
asked for, answer is made that he shall shortly go home.
In the meantime, time runneth and charges withal; and
he remains tied to the stake." (fn. 12) His penultimate letter
thanks her Majesty "most humbly upon his knees" for
receipt of his diets due a month back. (fn. 13)
The singular delusion which led her Majesty to believe
that she was destined to continue the succession of English
Sovereigns is amusingly illustrated by the number of letters
prepared for communicating the anticipated event to the
various crowned heads, in which a blank was left for specifying the sex of the infant; (fn. 14) and the rumours and speculations that went abroad in relation to what was so anxiously
desired, considerably heighten this. Masone,—who sagaciously suspected the reported birth of a prince to be
erroneous,—expressed his doubts, when summoned to the
Emperor's bedside at the early hour of five in the morning
to state what he "had heard of this matter," and tells us
of his Majesty, that "loath was he to bring the thing to
any doubt:" (fn. 15) while Gresham, "trusting in God that the
news is true, for no one of the English has any certain
writing of it," narrates the jubilant demonstrations made
by his brother merchants at Antwerp, on news being
brought "along the seas by men of that country" that the
Queen was confined. (fn. 16) Sir Philip Hoby, writing to Masone
from Padua, in thanking him for those his letters which
"extinguish many false rumours spread there concerning
the Queen's health," reproaches the "fond and fastastical
inventions" of Boisdaulphin, the French Ambassador,
from whom such reports emanated; and who not only had
affirmed that on the 7th of May the Queen was delivered
of a mole or lump of flesh, and was in great peril of
death," but "shortly after, refreshing his former inventions," had positively asserted the receipt of subsequent
letters confirming her Majesty's decease. (fn. 17) And his corre
spondent, communicating to Petre this epistle, "by which
he may see the honest nature of the Frenchman, who
makes as many bones to set out to the world a shameful
lie with a shameful tongue, as he does to sup up a cup of
good wine," solemnly animadverts on the "kind of
bruits many ill men have devised of the long keeping in
of the Queen, who for that her Grace hath somewhat
longer deferred the discharging of her burden than the
world looked she would have done, devise the occasion of
the stay as pleaseth themselves." (fn. 18) Again, about a month
later, he returns thanks to the Council for their letter, than
which none were ever more welcome, "as they will enable
him to still a great many doubtful talks upon the longer
tarrying of her Majesty's delivery than was looked for;"
and devoutly prays "Almighty God assist her with His
holy hand, whensoever the time shall come, so as the
fruit may come to light so much prayed for by all good
men, to the joy and gladness of the good sort of the
whole estate of Christendom!" (fn. 19) Thereafter we have no
more allusions to this very delicate and tender point.
Connected with the Lady Anne of Cleves, a remarkable
notice occurs, less than a year before her death. Two of
her foreign domestics are represented as having obtained
some influence over her, to an extent apparently affecting
her mental health; and her brother the Duke specially
sends to England a Licentiate of Laws to entreat that her
Majesty may cause these otherwise irremovable servants to
be expelled from the realm. (fn. 20)
Petre, like Cecil, was not indifferent to literature. Wotton
is in the habit of sending him books, and in forwarding
some (fn. 21) alludes to the pseudonymous rejoinder by Gardiner,
under the title "Confutatio Cavillationum, &c." to Cran
mer's answer to the "Explication and Assent of the true
Catholic Faith, &c." In another letter, he has purchased
for Petre "the new old Pandects of Florence," which he
will bring home when he returns. (fn. 22)
The falcons of Prussia appear to have been held in estimation. Albert, Marquis of Brandenburg, is in the habit of
annually sending several casts to her Majesty. (fn. 23) These
birds, properly trained and exercised, were, as is well known,
from a very early period considered worthy the acceptance
of potentates, and bore a high price.
Cramp-rings, blessed by Queen Mary, were in request at
the Emperor's Court. Masone, in April 1556, requests that
the Council "will be suitors to her Majesty to send him
a few for division" there, and makes a similar application
to Petre. (fn. 24) A former Ambassador to the same Court, Lord
Berners, wrote to Wolsey from Saragossa in 1518 for some
of these rings, which in ancient times the English Sovereigns
were accustomed to hallow upon Good Friday, and which
were supposed to possess a prophylactic virtue against
epilepsy.
While the question of precedency is warmly agitated
abroad between Carne and the Portuguese Ambassador, (fn. 25)
the former stoutly maintaining that his place at the
Pontifical Court was next to the representative of France
and before the others, "for it is the place for Ambassadors
of England nigh 1,000 years before there was any King in
Portugal;" the Council at home have to pass from more
serious considerations to record a "heat" between the Lord
High Chancellor and the French Ambassador, (fn. 26) as well as
the claim of the French Agent to free quarters; (fn. 27) —grave
topics that demand diplomatic coolness and vigilance.
Although comparatively little as to the domestic transactions of England is met with, there is frequent mention
of the movement of her discontented sons who sought a
foreign domicile,—such as Carew, Killigrew, and others,—
who in the next reign will doubtless be found playing their
parts. The beneficial operations of Gresham—"a jewel for
trust, wit, and diligent endeavour" as Chaloner styles him
—in matters of finance and commerce stand out prominently,
and are valuable as denoting the rise and progress of our
present system of exchanges; of these, Mr. Burgon has
made good use in his excellent biography of Sir Thomas.
For minute facts in biography, and touches of individual
character to be gathered from these papers, may be noticed
those relating to Dr. Valentine Dale, of the Arches; (fn. 28) to
Cardinal Pole, as sketched by Vannes and Masone, however
these may be coloured from interested motives; to the
livings and places of emolument held by the former of these
writers in England; to Dr. Serles, the prebendary sent by
Dr. Harpsfeld to do duty at Calais, and who, according to
Sir Thomas Cornwallis, was "a man so rude and barbarous,
as the like was never heard in the place of a preacher;" while
the pliant convictions of Masone and Wotton are exemplified,
inter alias, in Nos. 246, 249, 251, 252, 275, and 316.
The preceding will serve to show what may be expected
from a perusal of the volume. As explained at the outset,
I have studiously abstained from offering even a survey of
the political relations between England and the Continent,
or of the great questions then at issue. This, therefore,
while it accounts for an introduction so disjointed and
jejune, must be accepted for its apology.
For the elaborate and accurate index I am indebted to the
kindness of my friend Mr. William Hackett of Lincoln's Inn,
whose love for historical research induced him to undertake
that somewhat irksome task.
Since the sheets were printed off, it has been discovered
that the abstracts on pp. 95, 96, 105, and 278, have been
accidentally misplaced; but the error is so obvious and
amendable as to supersede the necessity of cancelling the
pages.
W. B. TURNBULL.
3, Stone Buildings,
Lincoln's Inn,
3 June 1861.