|
Jan. 6. R. O. | 206. The Bishop of Ely and Dr. Wotton to the Queen. |
| They send the form or minute of two treaties, one between
her and the French King, and the other between her and the
King and Queen of Scots (if they will consent to the same),
drawn up by them from her instructions and the precedents of
former treaties, for the approval of the Lords of the Council. |
| They especially demand the consideration of the articles
following. |
| In the treaty with France, the 2nd and 3rd articles are
conformable to the old treaties; and unless by them it might
be understood that she could not give aid against the French to
the King of Spain, according to the league betwixt her and
him, the articles will do well. In case the said league which
she has with the King be expressly reserved and excepted
in this treaty, these two articles cannot be so taken but
that aid could be given by her according to the league.
They demand that these two articles be considered. |
| It is to be considered whether the words of the 5th
article are suited to conserve and maintain the new customs
and impositions lately set up in England. |
| Since commonly in all former treaties with France there
has been an article forbidding any such custom or impost to
be taken or paid, which had not been paid 50 years before
the beginning of the last wars, they inquire whether they
shall break off with the French if they do not agree to this
treaty unless that article be renewed and comprised in this. |
| The 6th article (although used of late betwixt us and
France) has been badly observed by the French; they inquire
whether they shall require that article to pass or not. |
| They beg that the 7th article be well considered, whether
it be sufficiently and fully penned for the restitution of Calais.
Also whether France, if she agree to redeliver that town,
should not also redeliver the artillery that was at Calais,
Ruysbank, Newnam Bridge, Hammes, Guisnes, &c. What if
the French, agreeing to the restitution of the places, would
not redeliver the artillery ? |
| As for the 8th article, they can express no limits at all,
but ask her to cause them to be expressed. |
| As for the 9th and 10th articles, the French call all
debts, arrearages, and pensions in question. If they persist
herein, what shall the writers say or do ? If they will take
no part of the same in recompence for the restitution of Calais,
what is her pleasure ? |
| As regards the 11th article, if the French refuse to agree
to the promise of payment of the pensions for some time to
come, which were granted in lieu of her right to the title
and crown of France, how shall the writers act, as a renunciation of that payment might seem a renunciation also of
her right to the crown of France ? |
| Touching the 14th article, if hostages are to be given by
the French, how many does she require, and who shall
they be ? |
| For the 15th and 16th articles, they ask that she will fix
the place and day, and when they shall be received and set at
liberty again; and in case the French should require hostages
from her, they desire to be instructed who they shall be, the
places and times when they shall be delivered, how long to
continue, and when and where set at liberty. |
| They ask whether the 17th and 18th articles shall be put
in or left out. |
| As for the 19th, no precedent ever existed for any such
comprehension. In case it be inserted, then they had need
to know the names of all the other isles which should be
comprehended, she being in possession of Alderney by expulsion of the French thence, and of the other islands. Believe
that the French will never agree that these islands be
expressly named and reserved in this treaty. |
| In the 20th article, if the French, over and besides the
treaty made with Scotland, will now comprehend the Scots
also in this treaty, then will the writers travail the best
they can to have the article sent them for that purpose, to be
adjoined to the said comprehension of the Scots. |
| If in the 21st article the French refuse it to be inserted,
or demand a copy or sight of her treaty with the King of
Spain, what course shall they adopt? They think it would
not be amiss to see by what words the King of Spain reserves
his treaty with her, in his league with the French, and that
they should use the like words in reserving her treaty with
him, in her league with France; so that if the French do not
like this reservation they shall first fall out with the King's
Commissioners before they disagree with them. Thus far
concerning the minute of the treaty with France. |
| Treaty with Scotland. | They ask that the minute of the treaty with Scotland may
be considered by the Council, in order that they may know
how far they shall go in every article, as well of the same as
of the treaty with France. They fear that disagreeing in any
point for the treaty with Scotland, the French will break off
for the whole. |
| The 12th and 22nd articles with the Scots they find in some
former treaties, but as they have not the treaty of Edward IV.
or the article of reformation mentioned in the said articles,
they inquire whether they shall be added or not, and beg her
Council's consideration thereupon. |
| Intelligence. | They have had an interview with the Duke of Alva, who
told them the day appointed for the meeting of the Commissioners was the 25th inst., that the place was not yet appointed,
but it would be appointed by the King in a day or two.
Sent again two days afterwards and were told that it was not
yet determined, but that as it should be about Cambray
they might take their way towards that place. It is time
that her Chief Commissioner begin to set forth that he may
be here in time.—Bruxelles, 6 Jan. 1558. |
| P.S.—This letter was written and should have been sent
away on 6th inst., but because the Dean of Canterbury
trusted to have had audience of the King here on the 7th
inst. they have stayed it for one day or two. Signed. |
| Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 6. |
Jan. 6. R. O. | 207. The Bishop of Ely and Dr. Wotton to Cecil. |
| Doubting whether the Commissioners at their next meeting
will tarry long together, (the matters between the King here
and the French being already agreed upon,) and therefore
if any doubts arise, whether they will have any time to
send into England again, they therefore send two forms of
treaties, drawn out in articles, trusting that the same will be
diligently considered and they [the writers] clearly resolved
thereupon. |
| It much imports that Lord Arundel, or some other like great
estate, be sent hither to end these weighty matters. These
cardinals, constables, and marshals would think it some
derogation to their honour to be mated with the writers only. |
| The new commissions sent them to treat with the French
and Scottish Commissioners are written in Chancery hand
(not well known to the Frenchmen), rased in many places,
and sealed with the old seal of Philip and Mary. In this
country, or any other out of England, if there was a covenant
or agreement put in writing betwixt two poor men, of the
value but of 40d., if the writing were so rased the parties
would not receive them nor think them sufficient. The first
commission of the writers to treat with the French was
written in a fair Roman hand. Fresh new commissions, at
least for the French, written in Roman hand, and sealed with
the Queen's seal, if she have any, should be sent. |
| Ask for a speedy answer, the next day of meeting being the
25th inst.—Bruxelles, 6 Jan. 1558. |
| Signed and Add. Pp. 2. |
Jan. 6. R. O. | 208. Treaty with France. |
| "A form or minute of a treaty to be made with France." |
| 1. That a firm peace be established between Henry II.,
King of France, and Elizabeth, Queen of England. |
| 2. That neither of them shall invade, or permit to be
invaded, the realm of the other. |
| 3. That neither shall assist any prince or people who
invades the realm of the other. |
| 4. That if this treaty be violated by the subject of either
power, the treaty shall still remain intact between the two
chief contracting parties. |
| 5. That there shall be free intercourse between the subjects
of the two realms. |
| 6. That armed vessels upon going to sea shall give security
to the admiral of the opposite country for the honesty of their
proceedings. |
| 7. That Calais, Ruysbank, Merke, Eye, Hammes, Sandgate,
and Guisnes, with their artillery, shall be restored within six
weeks to the Queen. |
| 8. (Here shall be introduced the article about the boundaries.) |
| 9. That the debts specified in the treaties of 1525 and
1527 shall be paid by the King of France to the Queen. |
| 10. That the debt of Francis I. to the Crown of England,
of date of 29 Jan. 1529 (of 512,022 crowns of the sun) shall
be cancelled by the Queen. |
| 11. That the King shall pay the Queen two certain annual
pensions for ever, one of 50,000 crowns of gold, the other of
15,000 crowns of gold. |
| 12 and 13. That the arrears of these pensions shall be paid
according to a scale here laid down. |
| 14, 15, 16. Concerning the hostages. |
| 17. That no rebels shall be harboured by either party, if
fugitives from the justice of the other. |
| 18. That no letters of reprisals, marque, or countermarque
be issued. |
| 19. Concerning Alderney and the islands. |
| 20. That the treaty include, on the Queen's part, the See
of Rome, the Emperor Ferdinand, Philip, King of Spain, the
King of Denmark, the Duke of Venice, the Hanse Merchants,
the Dukes of Lorraine, Savoy, Florence, and Parma. |
| 21. That this treaty shall not invalidate the Queen's treaty
with King Philip. |
| 22. That King Henry shall confirm this treaty by his oath
and seal. |
| Endd.: A minute of the treaty with France, 1558. Lat.
Pp. 10. |
Jan. 6. R. O. | 209. The Earl of Northumberland to the Privy Council. |
| In his letter of the penult. of December had certified the
gathering of the Scots "aminding" to invade England. On
Wednesday, last at 2 o'clock after midnight, received letters
from his brother, the Lieutenant, that he would be in Glendale
that same morning, whereupon he, with six score and odd of
his servants, and a few of his tenants, repaired to Wooller,
where he was by daybreak. All the garrison had gone with
his brother to Heaton, saving the footmen, whom he durst
not remove from Norham and Wark, as French bands were
gathered in the march, with the intention that when the
Lieutenant (with the 800 Scotch foot bands and so many
horsemen) should enter into Glendale, at that moment the
French should burn Norham. |
| The Scotch foray brake and raised fire at Fenton, whereupon he endeavoured "to cut between the foray and the
staill." The Scotch espying them fired two stacks, and
departed to their bushment with great speed. The writer's
brother with the garrisons on the other side, being before the
Scotch foray in their return, thought to have likewise cut
between them and their bushment, but the Scotch, for
relief of their foray, put forth "a flying staill," whom the
writer's brother encountered and chased; but in so doing
was brought in danger of their bushment, which by reason
of their footmen, put back him and his company and
had them in chase, in the which he escaped very hardly, and
was not relieved till the writer came near to Ford, where he
relieved them and rescued many of the prisoners. The
Scotch, however, had taken between fifty and sixty prisoners,
amongst whom was Robyn Carr (brother to Thomas Carr),
sore hurt; whilst they have 16, amongst whom is Sandie
Mackdouell. |
| Jan. 6. | On account of the great force of the enemy's garrisons, and
the disfurniture of the frontiers, a supply of footmen is
required to be sent to him. The enemy rather increase than
diminish their force to the frontiers. "Except the thing be
speedily repaired, so as one force be to countervail the other,
ye shall in short time have the borders utterly destroyed."
Were it not for the help that they have by intelligence of the
movements of the Scots, they would have done much more
mischief. Requests that convenient supply of footmen be
prepared and sent with all speed. |
| Has received the Queen's writ of summons to attend the
Parliament, and will repair up accordingly as soon as he shall
have punished some offenders of Tynedale, which he intends
to do on Monday night, having appointed a session at
Hexham for that purpose.—Alnwick, 6 Jan. 1558. Signed. |
| Orig. Add. Pp. 3. |
Jan. 7. B.M. Harl. 169. 22 b. | 210. Proceedings of Privy Council. |
| Westminster, 7 Jan. 1558.—Present: the Lord Great Seal,
the Marquis of Northampton, the Lord Steward; the Earls of
Bedford and Pembroke; the Lord Admiral, the Lord Chamberlain; Mr. Comptroller, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, Mr. Secretary,
Mr. Cave, Mr. Peeter, Mr. Mason, Mr. Sackville. |
| A letter to the Bishop of Durham to put the force of the
bishoprick in such readiness as they may upon any sudden
warning be ready to serve under Sir George Conyers, &c.
according to the minute remaining in the Council chest. |
| A letter to the Earl of Northumberland, in answer to his
of the 29th and last of December, and touching the musterbook of garrisons under his charge sent up with his said
letters; for answer whereunto it is signified unto him that as
the Lords do very well like his diligence and secresy in taking
of the musters upon the frontiers, so can it not be but
much misliked that there are such lacks of the numbers, for
the meeting herewith the secret and sudden musters were
heretofore appointed. And where he writes that the garrisons of the enemy are increased, it is written unto him
that the Lords think that if the numbers under his charge
and the garrisons of Berwick were reduced into one number,
the same would far exceed the power of the enemy; and considering that the enemy's forces are for the most part placed in
forts, and that they will not leave the same in danger to come
to the frontiers, yet nevertheless his request is allowed to
have some further relief, wherein order shall be taken if the
time were not so sudden as by his letter it seems. In the
meantime the Lord Evers is written unto to help his Lordship
in times of necessity only with some horsemen out of Berwick
in the day time, so as they may return to Berwick before
night for the guarding of that piece, for it is thought the
enemy will attempt nothing before the next light night,
which shall be the [blank] of this month. The former order
to the Bishop of Durham is also signified unto him, and this
thought sufficient for the time, and his Lordship is desired
to stand upon his guard, &c. |
| A letter to the Lord Evers for the purpose aforesaid. |
Jan. 7. R.O. 27 V. 59. | 211. Another copy of the above. |
| Modern transcript. |
Jan. 7. Dutch Church, London M.S. L., Gerdes Scrin. iii. 674. | 212. Peter Martyr to Utenhovius. |
| Rejoices at the progress of religion in Poland. Has written
to à Lasco on the affairs of England; who, as well as Utenhovius, will rejoice at the intelligence. Sends them also a
portion of his book against Gardiner, De re Eucharistica, and
hopes he will arrange with the booksellers that copies may
be had at the next fair at Frankfort. Requests him to let
à Lasco know that the people in Scotland have now obtained
the Gospel; they have public preaching and the due administration of the Sacraments. These they have not obtained by
the public law, or by the Queen's consent, but the people have
taken them. On the first of September last, when, according
to custom, the chief idol of Edinburgh (viz., that of Saint
Giles), was being carried through the city, accompanied by
the Queen and some of the nobility, the people rose, dispersed
the procession, and threw the idol into the public cloaca. The
Queen and nobles took refuge in the castle. The people have
written to the King of France that they wish to enjoy pure
religion, and will be quiet if they obtain it; if not, they will
join the English. |
| King Philip, apprehensive of an outbreak, has promulgated
an edict at Valladolid, to the effect that no man shall be put
to death by the Inquisition on account of his religion; and it
is expected that the same thing will speedily be done in
Flanders. Thus a door is opened for the Gospel. He does
not enlarge on the facts that the brethren daily increase in
France, and that the Duke of Brunswick, who lately succeeded his father, has embraced the Gospel. Hopes the Poles
will follow these examples.—Zurich, 7 Jan. 1559. |
| Lat. |
Jan. 8. R. O. Forbes, i. 12 | 213. The Queen to the King of France. (fn. 1) |
| Has received his letters by the present bearer, Guido Cavalcante. In them he had expressed a disposition towards
peace, for which she thanks him and finds in herself the like
disposition towards him. Whereas he said that he intended
to have sent some notable personage to her to express the
continuation of his affection, and would have done so had not
the Vidame sent to him [the King] this bearer, Guido [Cavalcante] by whom he [the Vidame] had sought to understand
what was her inclination to peace,—she thanks him for so
doing. |
| Perceives by his letters that now he had offered the choice
of four places within his country, "wherein the same treaty
may be secretly had." She would prefer, however, either that
he should return by this present bearer in writing some certain
particularities and special points whereupon this matter might
be entreated; or else refer the discussion hereof to some of
his Commissioners for the treaty already begun at Cercamp.
Should he adopt the latter course, still she would be glad to
understand from him some kind of particularities of his
meaning. |
| Draft in Cecil's hol., and corrected and endd. by him:
8 Jan. 1558. |
Jan. 8. B.M. Sloane, 4134. 100. | 214. Another copy of the above. |
| Forbes' transcript. |
Jan. 8. R. O. 171 B. ii 3. | 215. Another copy of the above. |
| Modern transcript. |
Jan. 8. R. O. Forbes, 1. 14. | 216. Instructions for Cavalcanti. |
| The Queen, having understood from Sir Guido Cavalcante
that which he had to report to her from the French King,
wills that he shall return into France with the following
charge:— |
| 1. He shall inform the French King that he has delivered
his letters and charge, and thereupon shall declare the full
correspondence of her assured affection towards him. |
| 2. The causes why she returns him and not any other to
treat hereof, as was moved by the French King, are these.
First, the principal thing is secresy, which could not thus be
observed, for no persons of honour and trust could he sent
hence but they should be easily missed, especially as the Spanish
ministers and their dependants are so nigh the Court. Also
the passing and repassing to and fro could not be kept secret,
considering in all haven towns the English have such intercourse with the Flemings that silence thereupon seems
impossible. |
| Therefore two other ways are offered: either that this
matter be broken into parts and particularities, which shall
be returned in writing by this bearer, whereby speed and
secresy shall be used; or else, whereas an assembly between
the Queen's Commissioners and the French King's was held at
Cercamp, and the same not yet determined, that either these,
or some one sent in their place, may have secretly in charge,
besides the open treaty, to pass to the conclusion of this peace
in such secret points as may be offered for it. |
| And if the King shall prefer this, yet it is necessary that
the bearer shall procure some particularities of his good
meaning. And if these means are not approved by the King
the bearer shall inquire of him some other, by which secresy
may be regarded, and time saved. |
| If he shall allege that the English began the war and that
he suffered the losses, he [Cavalcante] may well say that
King Philip began it, and only by the means of his wife drew
this nation into it, against the disposition of the people [and
without consent of the Council], (fn. 2) and she and her people are
unto this day unwilling parties thereto; but that, being left in
war, until God shall otherwise order, both she and her people
must follow the condition of the time. And for their loss: it
is plain England has no gain, for neither has it prisoners, or
towns, or spoil, but on the contrary all these things are in the
possession of the French; so, comparing the condition of
France and England, the complaint ought and must arise
only on the part of England; for England has all the loss and
France none at all. |
| Draft, in Cecil's hol. Endd.: First instructions for France,
Cavalcante, for the Queen, Jan. 1558. (On the back occurs
the following memorandum: Nicholas Asheton, for the
deanery of Chester.) Pp. 4. |
Jan. 8. B. M. Cal. E. V. 48. | 217. Another copy of the above instructions.
Much injured by fire. |
Jan. 8. B. M. Sloane, 4134. 102. | 218. Another copy of the above instructions.
Forbes' transcript. |
[Jan. 8.] R.O. | 219. Instructions for Cavalcanti. |
| Another set of instructions, similar to the last, but in contracted form. |
| Draft in Cecil's hol. Endd. by him: Cavalcanti's first
instructions. Pp. 4. |
Jan. 9. R. O. | 220. Dr. Wotton to the Queen. |
| On Thursday 5 Jan. he received her letter of 31 Dec., along
with other letters to the King Catholic. Having sent to
the Court on the 6th for access, found that the King had
appointed to hunt on the Saturday, [7 Jan.] so it was Sunday
[8 Jan.] in the afternoon before he had an audience. |
| When he had delivered his letters and declared his instructions the King thanked the Queen for her good intentions,
and that she was determined for her part to persist and
continue in that amity, as he perceived partly by his own
ministers, partly by Lord Cobham, and partly by the message
now done unto him. He thanked her also for her determination, for any overture of peace or offer the French could make
to her, not to do anything that might prejudice by any means
the amity betwixt them two. As he had in the treaty of
Cercamp ever used himself as the amity betwixt him and
England required, so would he continue in all things a
perpetual, allied, and faithful brother unto her. The writer
noticed, however, that his answer did in a manner consist in
general terms, and as it were in words of office; and suggested
therefore that the King, for the better conservation of that
amity, should write to the Queen respecting the ratification or
renewal of the treaties already existing. He answered that
he misliked not the motion, that he would think on it, and
would not fail to write his mind to the Conte de Feria
therein, which thinks he will do. This is the effect of the
communication then had with the King, concerning her
instructions. |
| Then he asked the King where the next meeting of the
Commissioners should be, that he might certify her thereof;
and he in return inquired, "Why, doth the Queen intend
to send thither?" "I know none other, sir, (quoth I)
but that she doth, for I have not heard the contrary."
"Marry," quoth the King, " the French require to be at
Cambray, but it is not thought meet for good considerations
it should be there." But the King said he thought it meet
that it should be at a town thereby called Casteau en
Cambresis, and that the Duchess of Lorrain had certified the
French Commissioners of that place, and the King thought
they would accept it, seeing it is neuter. Said to the King
that he had been there with the Emperor, his father, when he
returned from the taking of Saint Desyer, and that, besides
a good number of the Emperor's army, there were then lodged
there the late Duke of Orleans, the Admiral Hennebault of
France, and divers other great men. So he thought that town
would serve well for that purpose. The King said it had
been somewhat burnt since, but that he thought it not much
worse than it was at the time spoken of. So there is like to
be the next assembly for the peace.—Brussels, 9 Jan. 1558.
Signed. |
| Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 4. |
Jan. 9. B.M. Galba, C. 1. 4. Forbes, 1. 15. | 221. Wotton to Cecil. |
| Has received Cecil's letter of the last of December. Wishes
to God he were able to satisfy him on the matters he writes
of, which are so weighty that they pass the capacity of
his simple wit,—always simple, but now by age and
travel so decayed as to be not only simple but most simple.
Nevertheless will say somewhat as to the points he has
touched on in his letter. |
| 1. For that Cecil says that no man has been sent expressly
from this King to the Queen, but that only the Count Feria
has resorted to her, and that without commission, it seems
strange to him, for by this time some one should have been
sent to her with commission, and indeed he thought that a
bishop, he trows of Aquila, had been sent purposely. But
seeing by his letter this is not the case, makes him muse what
it should mean. Therefore, unless the meaning be that the
King of Spain wrote a letter to them, the Lords of Arundel
and Ely, and himself [Wotton] (which Lord Arundel carried
over at his departure from Arras) to which he looks for an
answer from England, until he have that answer he thinks
that having declared his mind concerning the amity to Lord
Cobham, that should suffice. Indeed it seems the King
looks either for that answer, or some other matter to be
opened to him from her. For when Lord Cobham had his
audience with him, as they returned homeward the Bishop of
Arras, talking with Lord Cobham, asked whether he had no
other matter to open to the King than he had done, as his
Lordship afterwards declared, whereby it should seem that
further matter was looked for. |
| 2. As for sending hither some great person for the confirming or renewing the treaties between the Queen and the King,
considers it very requisite, and would to God it were well
done and passed. The Queen should take occasion to declare
to Count Feria that if the King his master thought it good to
confirm or renew the said treaties, she would not refuse; in
this case supposes there is no courtesy to be made who shall
speak first. |
| 3. As to the proceedings of men here what answers the
Commissioners here have had of the King, they have from
time to time written home; what answer Lord Cobham has
had he has partly written and partly will declare at his
return home. Besides that, the King here well considers
that if he agrees without them, they [the English] would
not long be able to resist the French and Scots and
others that the French would set in their tops, whereof
might ensue that the French would be lords of England and
of Scotland too; and what would then ensue a blind man can
see. Thinks therefore that the King will make no peace
without satisfaction of the English. |
| 4. But again some reasons induce men to suspect the contrary. It is commonly thought in this Court there will be a
peace concluded, seeing that the King and the French are
agreed in all points. Also all the noblemen of Spain here
are desirous of peace that they may return home, partly
for the great charges they are at here, partly to be with
their wives and friends and to see to their own business, and
the King gives ear to them. The Low Countries, though
weary of the war, would prefer it to continue rather than
to have a peace without restitution of Calais. The King
would fain be rid once of the Duke of Savoy, who has
long hindered a good peace, and the French offer him
now somewhat largely, though indeed not so much as at
first sight it seems; for though he shall have Savoy,
Bresse, and Piedmont restored, yet the French retain certain
strong places in Piedmont, as also all the marquisate of
Saluzes, whereby, whenever the French see occasion, they
may easily recover all Piedmont ere any of his friends shall
be able to succour him, he being unable of himself to resist
the French. Moreover, the said Duke marrying Margaret,
the French King's sister, is not likely to have issue by her;
wherefore on his death France will either claim it again or it
will descend to the Duke de Nemours, cousin-german to the
Duke of Savoy, and brought up all his life in France. These
offers therefore for Savoy are not so beneficial to the Duke,
nor so honourable to the King, who must suffer the French to
have an entry to Italy at their pleasure; yet it would not
be easy to make the French grant any more, and because they
are anxious to be rid of the Duke of Savoy, they seem desirous
of embracing the peace now offered. |
| 5. Besides, in the letter which the King wrote to the Lords
Arundel and Ely and to Wotton (and which Lord Arundel
carried over with him) although in all his previous communications he had said that he would conclude nothing with
France unless England were first satisfied,—yet in this he
restrains that promise to certain conditions, viz. that the
English would make better war against the enemy than they
did last year. If by this clause he means to put the Queen
to such expenses of war as she cannot sustain, all the other
fair words serve but little. These considerations and lack of
money (which is commune malum) make some think that
the King might be moved to peace although the English were
not in every point satisfied. |
| 6. To judge anything in these dark matters passes his capacity. Thinks it advisable, however, that the Queen, to have
some certainty, should see if the King will renew the old
leagues: in debating whereof will also fall out what he should
look to her to do for the continuance of these wars. Of this
may come some good and no harm. |
| 7. Peace with France is to be wished for; how to come by it
is doubtful; that is to say, a peace indeed, not a piece of paper
containing only words of a treaty of peace. Has already
written what Lords Arundel and Ely and himself think of it,
and himself somewhat privately to Mr. Boxhale; but cannot
be easily persuaded that there can be a true peace with France.
The causes are, the ancient immortal hatred they bear to the
English, the spite and indignation of the many victories
which we have had of them in their country; their insatiable
ambition, whereby they have oppressed their neighbours, and
never cease so to do but when they are not able; their desire to
be revenged on us; the pretence they now make of the Scottish
Queen's feigned title to the crown of England; their ability
to invade England on the side of Scotland; the helps they
shall have thereto of the Scots and perhaps of other nations;
the most dangerous divisions in religion among ourselves,
(which either make Christ a liar or else go nigh to subvert the
realm); the poor state the crown of England is in for lack of
money, which they understand; the lack of good soldiers,
captains, and all kind of munitions; the nakedness of the
country, there being no place fortified to sustain a siege; the
great commodity they look to have if they may subdue
England; for having England, Scotland, and Ireland, they
would look to be monarchs of almost all Europe. These
considerations make him fear they mean no true peace. |
| 8. Although they require to talk of peace, remembers that
so did the wolf to the shepherd when he wanted his dog from
him, which made all the debate betwixt them. Having heard,
read, and experimented the craft of the French, suspects their
offers to be like those of the wolf; and as Cecil wrote,
"Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes." While peace continues
with Spain it will not be so easy for the French to obtain
their purpose on England; if they dissever it from Spain,
then will they sing Io Pæan. The first lesson he learnt in
the grammar school was
"Fistula dulce canit volucrem dum decipit auceps."
Will Cecil see some experience of the truth thereof? In Henry
VI.'s time the French piped so sweetly in Philip of Burgundy's
ear that he forsook England and agreed with France. England
soon lost all she had in France, and the promises made to Duke
Philip became promises and nothing else. There is in remembrance another example. When Henry VIII. was before
Boulogne, the French (the cunningest in casting bones betwixt
friends that he ever read of) sent a frere secretly to the
Emperor with gay offers of peace, and in the mean time they
sent Cardinal Bellay (as crafty a child as any in all the College
of Cardinals) to King Henry, who took him for his very
assured friend; but he piped so sweetly in the King's ear,
that, (as he has heard it credibly reported,) that King thought
himself assured of a good peace, and upon that hope (as the
Bishop of Arras, M. de Courieres, and Chapuis have testified,)
the King made answer to d'Arras, sent from the Emperor,
that the Emperor might make his peace as he could with the
French, and he would do the same. Whereupon, as soon as
d'Arras reported this to the Emperor, he made peace with the
French, and the English remained in war. This is so fresh
in remembrance, that many of the Council recollect it well. |
| 9. The French offer this peace not only to dissever us from
these men (tho' this is their chief intent), but also under
colour of peace that they may send ambassadors into England,
who shall work there secretly much displeasure to the Queen
and realm, by sowing divisions and corrupting her subjects,
as they have done in Queen Mary's time, whereby they might
much trouble the realm whenever they saw occasion to break
with us again. |
| 10. Thinks no one can fail to suspect the French offers,
though they are at first hearing sweet and pleasant, considering that the house of Guise's greatness and authority depends
chiefly upon this marriage with Scotland. Therefore, whatever
they shall say, sing, or pipe, their intent is to increase the
power of their niece the Queen of Scots and of her posterity,
which will be the chief staff and pillar that the house of Guise
will have to trust to. And for this what could they wish for
more than that England might be brought under France by
the Queen of Scots' feigned title to the crown of England?
Thinks that any one who can believe otherwise of the house
of Guise is very far deceived; for as men go a great way
back that they may leap the further, so fears that though
the French should use any such renunciation (which would
have been without effect, as the Scottish Queen is under
years) it should be done to leap further, and so to come the
better to their purpose. If a treaty of divers articles be made
and among them such a renunciation, if one article be broken,
all the rest, the renunciation too, is void; and the French
though they ever break first, yet ever affirm that the other
have broken first, and so are all treaties frustrated that are
made with them. In the treaty of Bretigny and in that of
1527 the English renounced their title to the crown of France,
and yet, the French breaking all, the English have always
been obliged to reassume again their renounced title. These
considerations make him suspect them now. |
| 11. Is still of opinion that the Queen should have the
treaty with the King confirmed as soon as may be, and so
to treat of a peace with France that no suspicion or jealousy
may cause the King here to forsake England. |
| 12. As to the kind of peace which might be honourable for
the Queen, what the Lords of Arundel and Ely and himself
thought respecting Calais they have written home heretofore.
If the French obstinately intend to retain Calais, then he cannot
believe they intend to keep peace any while. If they would
redeliver Calais, thinks all debts and arrears should be remitted,
yea, and some money given besides, rather than fail. Marry,
because the pensions are appointed in place of the title to
the crown of France, some reservation should be made thereof,
lest by renouncing them expresse or tacite, it might seem the
Queen renounced the crown of France. Or if by passing
over the matter in silence, she should not seem to renounce
her said title thereby, then best to make no mention of the
pensions, for they will not agree to the payment of them, and
even if they did promise they would not keep it. |
| 13. As for copies of treaties, forasmuch as he was not sent
thither for the peace, he brought no copies of any treaties
with him; Mr. Boxhale sent them some, from which they
have drawn out forms of treaties which they now send to the
Queen. But my Lord of Ely has a book of copies of treaties,
among which is a league between King Henry VIII. and the
Emperor, with the "esclercissement" [explanation] of the
same, and he himself was Commissioner, both at making the
treaty and the explanation, so that he best understands it
of any man else. Thinks, therefore, that when this treaty shall
be ratified, he [the Bishop] should be one of the Commissioners. And also if they meet again with the French for the
matter of peace by Cambrai, that he be there, knowing best
what has already passed; nor should he be revoked until these
matters be ended. Knows not what other treaties are requisite
to be seen for the ratification of a treaty with the King here,
unless that of Cambrai, which will be seen in the said
explanation, and therefore must be sent. My Lord of Ely
is much troubled that he [Wotton] had an errand to do unto
the King without him. Trusts by this time he is weary of
his long babbling about nothing, by which he has little
satisfied his expectation. |
| 14. This journey has much weakened him; he is even done
and not able to sustain labour, especially in winter. No
wonder, for in four months he will enter his climacteric year,
which the physicians say is the most dangerous of a man's
life; thinks they should except the year he dies in, if it
be not in that climacteric year. It is time there were
ciphers among them, and such as are copious, having for
every letter many letters, and a good number of nihils, with
many names and many words also; for the common sort will
be deciphered. |
| 15. It is said in this Court that the French begin to make
men in Germany to send into Scotland; they who say so do
not reckon to have any war with France this year. Also much
strange talk of an insurrection said to have taken place in
London during these past holidays. As for the news of the Lord
Gray of Wilton returning home with overtures of peace, it was
noised in this Court before he received the letters, everybody
having spies abroad except the English. Has mused somewhat
because the King, when Wotton asked him where the assembly
for peace should be, asked again if the Queen intended to
send thither, as though he did not know, or at least believe,
that Ely and he remain there, and have new commissions
sent; therefore, doubts sometimes whether the King is not
persuaded that the Queen will treat of her matters apart, and
not jointly with him. Who can tell whether this suspicion
were not the reason why he sent no Commissioners to the
Queen all this while? Remembers that here it was reported
(whereat they seemed to rejoice) that Lord William Haward
(now Lord Chamberlain) was coming to the King, and afterward came news that he was stayed; which might give the
King here some occasion and matter to muse upon, and to
suspect he knows not what, as he knows not the cause of
that stay. |
| With hearty recommendations to Lady Cecil.—Brussels,
9th January 1558. Signed and Add.
Orig. Hol. Pp. 12. |
Jan. 9. B.M. Sloane, 4134, 104. | 222. Another copy of the above.
Forbes' transcript. |
Jan. 10. R.O. | 223. The Queen to the King of France. |
| French translation of the letter dated 8th Jan., with a few
verbal corrections and the omission of the postscript.—
Lond., 10th Jan. 1558. |
| Draft. Endd. by Cecil: 1558. Copia primarum litterarum
reginæ ad regem Galliæ. Fr. Pp. 6. |
Jan. 10. B.M. Harl. 169. 23 b. | 224. Proceedings of Privy Council. |
| Westminster, 10 Jan. 1558.—Present: the Marquis of
Northampton, the Lord Steward, the Earls of Bedford and
Pembroke; the Lord Chamberlain, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, Mr.
Secretary, Mr. Mason, Mr. Peeter. |
| A letter to the Earl of Northumberland, that whereas
Thomas Clark, who took the Lord Gray of Scotland, has
declared to the Lords that his Lordship has removed him
from the charge he had in the north, and that presently
Captains Swynnowe and Etherington are departed this life;
his Lordship is prayed either to restore him to his old
charge or to place him in some charge that the said Swynnow
or Etherington had, if he shall think so good. |
| A letter of thanks to Leonard Dacres for his late good
exploit upon the Scotch, and he is required to give thanks to
Captain Tutty and the rest that served with him; and as the
Lords do very like his forwardness, so would they have
wished he had forborne the annoying of them and stand only
upon his own guard, considering they will seek to revenge it.
And as touching his coming to the term, the Lords will
speak with his father and signify their opinions thereupon
unto him. |
Jan. 10. R.O. 27 V. 61. | 225. Another copy of the above. |
| Modern transcript. |