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Feb. 11.
B.M. Harl. 169. 30. | 314. Proceedings of Privy Council. |
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| Westminster 11 Feb. 1558.—Present: the Lord Keeper of
the Seal; the Lords Treasurer and Steward; the Earls of
Bedford and Pembroke; Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain,
Mr. Secretary; Mr. Cave, Mr. Peeter, and Mr. Mason. |
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| A letter to the Lord Treasurer to give order to the
customers, comptrollers, and searchers of the port of London
that whereas a hulk of Rostock laden with Rochell wines,
belonging to the merchants of the Stillyard is, as it is alleged,
of very necessity to amend her leak, lately arrived within the
river of Thames, that the said officers should permit and suffer
the merchants, owners of the said hulk, without any their
disturbance to unlade the said wines, or any part thereof, into
lighters (so it be waterborne), and the said hulk being repaired,
to permit also the said owners without any let or demand of
any duty to pass with the same hulk and her said lading out
of this realm again. |
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Feb. 11.
R. O. 27 V. 78. | 315. Another copy of the above.
Modern transcript. |
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Feb. 11.
R. O. | 316. The Earl of Northumberland to the Queen. |
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| 1. On the 6th instant he received her letters signifying how
he should proceed for an abstinence of wars between the
realms of England and Scotland, if an overture should be
made by the Dowager of Scotland or the ministers there from
France, and that he had advertised Lord Dacre and also his
brother [Sir Henry Percy] of their contents, charging them to
impart the same to Sir James Croftes. |
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| 2. On the 10th instant one William Kirkcaldie, a Scotchman,
came to his brother to Norham, and entered into communication for abstinence of wars, to the intent that peace might
follow, whereupon his brother, better to understand his meaning in order to inform the Earl, sent for Sir James Croftes, to
whom Kirkcaldie declared his former communication. When
he was demanded whether the Dowager of Scotland or the
Lieutenant for France desired it, he answered that princes
always stood too much upon their reputation to crave it, but
by meaner personages such things have their beginning;
"wherefore," said he, "it shall be well done that the matter
be motioned, for thus much I am sure that the young Laird of
Lethington, who is Secretary to the State, (and by whom all
the weightiest affairs of Scotland be in a manner directed,)
hath procured me to enter into this matter, which I know he
would not have done without the consent of both the Dowager
of Scotland and the Lieutenant for the French King. And
therefore," saith he, "bring it to the effect that some men
might meet to commune of an abstinence, and I doubt not but
the said Laird of Lethington will desire to go to the Court of
England to procure a further treaty for the peace;" of which
things the writer's brother and Sir James Croftes said they
would advertise him. And further he said that if it may be
brought to a meeting and that the Earl would appoint his
brother and Croftes to be Commissioners, he [Kirkcaldie] would
procure that the Laird of Lethington and M. Sarlaboies shall
also be Commissioners; and so shall it appear that both the
authority of Scotland and the ministers for France are desirous
of the abstinence. |
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| 3. He [Kirkaldy] also said that if the Earl would be present
at the communication, he would procure that Lord Bothwell,
Lieutenant for Scotland, would meet him. All this intelligence
Sir H. Percy and Sir James Croft promised to make known
to the writer. |
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| 4. Kirkcaldy also said he would ride to Edinburgh to proceed further with the affair, and would return on the 15th
or 16th inst. |
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| Feb. 11. | 5. The Earl considers that when the Secretary for the
State of Scotland and the French Lieutenant of all the French
bands under the Lieutenant-General shall not only be Commissioners, but also that the said Secretary desires access to the
Queen or her Privy Council in order to treat of peace, it
should seem a direct meaning, or rather a manifest declaration
of the desire they have to treat of peace. |
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| 6. Asks the Queen to inform him whether he may not only
treat of an abstinence but also license the Laird of Lethingtone
to repair to the Court, since against the 15th or 16th inst.
he determines to give answer, taking with him his brother
and Sir James Croftes to the other Commissioners, and if
they will proceed to such an abstinence as has been motioned
by Kirkaldy he will consent. But that he may receive her
answer he will defer the day of his meeting to the 21st inst.—
Warkworth, 11 Feb. 1558. |
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| P.S.—His brother and Sir James Croftes were present at
the writing of this letter. Signed. |
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| Orig. Add. Endd. Pp. 4. |
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Feb 11.
R. O. | 317. Gresham to Cecil. |
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| Incloses letters received from his factor at Antwerp of
the 5th inst., showing what provision he has already made in
munition and armour, and that things are not be had there
at the prices mentioned in the Queen's instructions. He has
paid for saltpetre and powder more by 3s. 4d. in the hundred
than his commission allows. The writer would have waited
upon Cecil, but his late sickness will not suffer him; proposes,
however, on Monday or Tuesday to visit him to know the
Queen's pleasure in the premises. Also encloses a letter from
Christopher Monte. |
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| P.S.—Is paying the 5,000l. to Mr. Alforde as fast as he can
receive it. As his servant is very long and tedious in his
writing, sends him a short "breviate" of all his doings; and
has sent into Germany for the rest. Assures him that
considering the times, the prices are moderate, and that it
is bought for Flemish money, which will not make so much
sterling by 2s. in the pound.—London, 11 Feb. 1558. Signed:
Thomas Gresham, mercer. |
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| Orig. Add. Endd. Pp. 2. |
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Feb. 11.
R. O. | 318. Provision for the North. |
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| "xj. Feb. 1558. A supplement appointed to the store
remaining in the north parts, to be reformed by the Council,"
intended to be sent from the Tower of London to Newcastle. |
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| End.: Provision for Berwick, and, Berwick, the store
and supplement. Pp. 7. |
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Feb. 11.
R. O. | 319. The Council of Bâle to the Queen. |
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| Remind her of the services by them rendered to the exiles
from England, who had settled among them for the sake of
the evangelical religion, and whom they had assisted out
of their Christian compassion. Since, however, things have
now undergone a change, the writers (after wishing her a
long and prosperous reign) inform her that those English
are about to return home, with hearts full of gratitude for
the kindnesses which they have received in the land of
their exile. They are recommended to her by the Statholder, the Corporation and Council of Bâle, as persons who
have studied all modesty and conducted themselves orderly
and well, and she is prayed to receive and accept them as a
good people hitherto unjustly afflicted. The writers express
their good will towards the Queen and wish her a long and
happy reign.—Saturday, 11 Feb. 1559. Signed.
Orig. Add. with seal. Endd. German. Pp. 3. |
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Feb. 12.
R. O. | 320. Lord W. Howard to Cecil. |
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| Has thought it to small purpose to write of their proceedings here with the French Commissioners, knowing that he
reads all their advertisements to the Queen; but, in few words,
he never saw more dissimulation nor craft used than they have
seen on the French side, nor more plain and true dealing than
they have found on the King of Spain's Commissioners' part.
Sends hearty commendations to my Lord Keeper of the Great
Seal and to Cecil's good wife.—Cambresey, 12 Feb. |
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| Orig. Hol. Add. End.: 12 Feb., my Lord Chamberlain
to Mr. Secretary, 1559. Pp. 2. |
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Feb. 12.
R. O. | 321. Negociations at Cateau Cambresis. |
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| Proposals submitted by the Spanish Deputies to the consideration of the English; viz., |
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| 1. That a marriage shall take place between the eldest
daughter of the King and Queen Dauphin and the eldest son
of the Queen of England, with Calais in dower. The eldest
daughter of the Queen of England shall marry the eldest son
of the King and Queen Dauphin, having in dower all demands
for arrears, &c., made upon the French. |
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| 2. If this be unsatisfactory the French shall retain Calais for
eight years, as they have done Boulogne, upon certain conditions. |
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| Endd. by Cecil: Brought 20 Feb., 1558.—Le summe de la
negociacion du 12 Fev. 1558. Fr. P. 1. |
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Feb. 12.
R. O. | 322. Another copy of the above.
P. 1. |
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Feb. 13.
R. O. | 323. The Consults and Senate of Hamburg to the Queen. |
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| They forward and recommend the petition of their fellowcitizen Henry Tamme. (See 10 Feb.) |
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| Endd.: Idus Feb. 1559. Orig. Add. Lat. Pp. 2. |
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Feb. 14.
R. O. Forbes, 1. 40. | 324. The English Commissioners to the Queen. |
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| 1. The suspension of arms being prolonged until the 10th
inst., and the 5th being appointed for all Commissioners for
peace to meet here, the King of Spain's Commissioners came
hither on that day. But the ways being bad, the French
sent to say they could not be here until the next day;
wherefore the Bishop of Ely and the Dean of Canterbury,
thinking it enough to prevent the French here, came hither
the 6th inst. The Duchess of Lorraine, the Spanish and
French Commissioners, are lodged without the gate of the
town in the house of the Bishop of Cambray, who is lord of
the town, but very straitly. There is no lodging within the
town for themselves; there is an old house of the said Bishop
within the town appointed for them. The same day they
received a letter from Lord Howard, Lord Chamberlain,
saying that he intended to lie at Arras that night, and the next
day at Cambray, and from thence would come hither as soon
as possible. |
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| 2. The 7th inst. the Bishop of Ely and Dean of Canterbury
sent to the Duke of Alva and other his colleagues to declare
their arrival the day before, and required to understand
whether they were occupied with the French Commissioners
for their own matters, or whether they [the writers] should
require to have their matters debated with the French. But
before they had answer, the Duke of Alva sent to require
that they all should meet together. Whereupon they, the said
Bishop and Dean, rode to the Duke's lodging, where they found
him, the Prince of Orange, Count of Meliti (othewise called
Ruy Gomez) and the Bishop of Arras, who said that the day
before, they, the King of Spain's Commissioners, met those
of France at the Duchess of Lorraine's lodging, when they
agreed to prolong the suspension of arms all the time they
should be assembled here and six days after its dissolution.
That agreed upon, they began to talk of the treaty of peace,
and (as the Spanish Commissioners told them) the French
said that forasmuch as they and the Spaniards were agreed
for their own matters and had prorogued their assembly until
now only for the causes of England, they thought it best to
begin now first with these, and see if they could agree, and
so conclude all the matters together. Whereunto the Duke
of Alva (as they told us) answered that they misliked not
this motion, and that therefore they had required to meet
with those of England to declare this to them. |
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| 3. Hearing this, they, the said Bishop and Dean, required
that this prorogation of arms might be so penned that the
English Commissioners and their train might be comprised by
name therein, as this town is neutral, and so it was done. Also
they said that although they had a new commission to enter
into treaty for the continuation of the communication began
at Cercamp, yet as the Queen had sent hither Lord Howard
specially to be at this treaty, and as he was so near, they
thought it best to tarry till he came, knowing not whether he
brought any other instructions with him. This answer they
did not mislike, but reported it to the French Commissioners;
and the Bishop of Arras said merrily that no time should be
lost thereby, for "this day," quoth he, "being Shrove
Tuesday, is a day to make good cheer, and to-morrow a day
to do penance for the same," and thus they departed. The
said Commissioners told them that they were commanded by
the King to treat them in all her affairs as they had done in
the late Queen's days. |
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| 4. Although he, the Lord Chamberlain, might have been here
on the 8th inst., yet being certified that in the lodging
appointed for him was nothing in the world but bare walls,
(having been destroyed by the wars) he tarried one day at
Cambray to provide things necessary for the furniture of his
lodging, whereby it was Thursday the 9th inst. ere he came
hither. That self afternoon the Duke of Alva and his
colleagues came to welcome him, and required to talk with
them apart. When the chamber was voided they said that
the French had sent to them that day to know whether he
[the Lord Chamberlain] had come, and therefore they would
be glad to understand whether they [the English] would
meet the French, and also would be glad to understand after
what sort they intended to proceed with them, wherein they
would be ready to counsel the English as best they could.
They replied that they would meet the French next day at
2 in the afternoon at the Duchess of Lorraine's lodging,
where all meetings have been, as well at Cercamp as here,
(she having procured this assembly by her labour and travail)
she being a princess not subject either to Spain or France;
they use her therefore as indifferent betwixt all parties, and
she is continually present at all such common meetings. As
for their proceedings with the French, the Lord Chamberlain
said he had not yet commenced with his colleagues, but that
they would talk of it, and the next day before going to the
French would declare their minds. |
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| 5. The Duke of Alva and his colleagues were satisfied, and
declared that the King retained still the same good will
towards England as when Queen Mary his wife lived; and
that they might be assured he would make no peace with the
French unless the Queen were first satisfied. This matter
they set forth with very earnest words. |
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| 6. The Lord Chamberlain replied that the Queen considered
that the King had shown himself so steadfast that she could
not but take it in very good part; that she had determined to
make no treaty with the French that would tend to the
prejudice of the treaties betwixt her and the King of Spain,
what offer soever the King of France might make; and that
she had commanded him to declare this. With this they were
well contented, and so departed. |
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| 7. Next day, Friday 8th inst., they went to the Duke of
Alva and his colleagues, and declared to them that the
Queen had considered the instructions of the late Queen
Mary to the Earl of Arundel and them, the Bishop of Ely
and Dean of Canterbury, and did not mislike them; and
had therefore given them very like instructions, so that they
intended to proceed as they had done before at Cercamp, viz.,
to redemand Calais, without which, it could not stand with
her honour to agree to any peace; and then to demand what
other things they had before demanded. And this way they
said they liked well. While they were thus talking with
the Duke of Alva and his colleagues, came in M. de Mombardon, steward to the Duchess of Lorraine, who declared to
the Duke and his colleagues that the French had sent to the
Duchess to require her to declare to the said Duke and his
colleagues that the French Commissioners required to speak
with them before the said French should meet with the
English. The Duke and his colleagues mused much at it,
nor could think why it was done, but only to make the
English think there was some secret intelligence between
the Duke and the French Commissioners, and so to make
them conceive some suspicion. Some of the Duke's colleagues
thought they should plainly refuse to speak to the French at
that time, others thought the contrary. Whereupon they
required advice of the English, who answered that the Spanish
Commissioners knew best; but that if the French did it to
make them (the English) suspicious of the Spaniards, they
should be deceived therein; for they did not mistrust them
of acting contrary to their former promises. They replied
they might be well assured thereof, and that they would not
fail to declare faithfully what the French said. |
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| 8. Whereupon they went to the Duchess of Lorraine and
met the French, and after a long while returned and told the
English that the French had said that while they were at
Cercamp they had divers times said that by no means the
King would forego Calais; and therefore they looked that
the Duke of Alva and his colleagues should have so informed
the Queen of the said King's mind here, in order that she
should have now sent commission to agree as to the restitution of Calais; for if they [the French] had thought that the
English would persist in the demand of Calais, they would
not have returned hither, knowing the King's determination
not to redeliver it. They also said they did not intend
to debate matters further with the English, all things having
been sufficiently discussed at Cercamp. Marry, if the
English would not redemand Calais, then they would talk
with them, and come to reasonable terms. |
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| 9. This, so told by Alva and his colleagues, seemed very
strange, as though the French should prescribe to the English
what they should demand, and what they should not
demand. And having talked with the said Alva, they
determined to go to the Duchess of Lorraine to salute her,
and in case the French were yet there, to see if they would
speak to them of it; but the French were already gone. The
Lord Chamberlain give her the Queen's recommendations,
and having talked a "pratye" while of the Queen and other
matters they departed. And because the Prince of Orange
and Ruy Gomez had accompanied them, on leaving them the
English said they would consider the matter among themselves,
and next morning send the Duke word; and so returned
home. |
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| 10. Having there considered among themselves, sent next
day to the Duchess to require that she would send word to the
French that the Queen had sent them thither to continue
the communication of peace begun with them at Cercamp,
and if the French intended to do the like, they would confer
with them that afternoon in the Duchess's lodging. Accordingly, the Bishop of Ely on the Saturday morning went
to the Duke of Alva to declare to him what they further
determined to do, which the Duke and the Bishop of Arras
liked well. The Duchess of Lorraine promised to know the
French Commissioners' minds, and to send them [the English]
word; accordingly she sent Mombardon to declare to them
that the French would meet them at her lodging at one
o'clock. Hereupon they went to the Duke of Alva first,
who with his colleagues accompanied them to the Duchess
and were present all the time. There, after salutation
betwixt them and the French, the Duchess sat down at the
board's end, and on the one side the French Commissioners
and the English on the other, the Duke of Alva and his
colleagues sitting together beneath. |
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| 11. The Lord Chamberlain began to declare the great desire
the Queen had for a good peace, and had sent him hither with
commission directed to them all three to continue the communication begun at Cercamp, assuring them she would
condescend to any reasonable and honourable conditions of
peace. Because of the words which the French Commissioners had spoken the day before to the Duke, the Lord
Chamberlain spoke as stoutly again in that matter as they had
done; and therefore, he said that, whereas some controversy
had been for the restitution of Calais, wherein they were
earnestly bent not to redeliver it, considering it is the common
use in all treaties of peace to redeliver all places taken in the
last wars, and that the French could not show any reasonable
cause why Calais should not be restored, therefore the
Queen's honour could not make peace without its restitution,
specially as it was not lost by her, nor had she begun the
war; and therefore, having well debated the matter with the
Council, she had determined to agree to no peace without the
restitution of Calais. And because it seemed to him, the Lord
Chamberlain, that they went about to cast a bone between
England and the Spanish Commissioners, he thought it meet
to speak plainly to them, the French, that the Queen, finding
the treaties made by her ancestors and the house of Burgundy
to be necessary for the security of both parties, and to have
hitherto been well observed, had likewise determined to keep
them; and therefore to do nothing in this treaty against the
league with the said house of Burgundy, nor to conclude
anything unless the King of Spain were satisfied. |
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| 12. The French, having consulted together, answered that
Calais, being of the ancient patrimony of France, and
forcibly taken away and now by like force recovered, there
was no cause to restore it again. And as the Queen's Council
had well examined the matter, so the King of France had
purposely done what had not been done in France for a long
time, viz., he had called together the Three Estates of the
Realm, who, finding reason and law on their side, had
decided that Calais by no means ought to be restored.
Whereupon the King had fully determined not to agree to
its restitution. As the English had great consideration for
the Queen's honour, so they required that they should have
like consideration for the King's, which would be greatly
touched if Calais should be redelivered. |
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| 13. The English, after consultation, said that by the common
custom of such treaties Calais ought to be redelivered, considering specially what good right England had to it, and
the French King none at all for 200 years. If the French
would declare the reasoning of their Three Estates, they
doubted not they would answer them. |
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| 14. The French said they had commission not to debate
any more that matter. |
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| 15. "There are," said the English, "but two means to
proceed, either by reason or by will; if the King will only use
will, then we must let come of it what shall." |
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| 16. The French again consulted, and said that their King
was a prince of honour, and knew he had to do with a King
and Queen of like degree and would not use the way of will
only, but had always use dreason, now and at Cercamp; and
there they repeated some of the reasons they had made before,
whereunto the English made like answers. Having thus
spent some time, the French said their own reasons were good;
and so said the English also, who affirmed the contrary. "Well,"
quoth the French, "it rests now to see Quis erit judex?" The
English thought there needed no judge, the French thought
yes, and said they had done more than they ought to have
done; and wishing no dispute, would no more reason, but
plainly declared they had no commission to talk on Calais, as
the King had fully determined not to part with it. The
English said that they likewise could not conclude a peace
without they would redeliver Calais, the French replied
"Things must thus remain." "The fault shall not be ours,"
quoth the English. Whereupon they sat still for a while and
none spoke. |
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| 17. At last the Constable said, "Let us devise some good
means for coming to peace; either leave the matter of Calais
and agree for the rest, or else make truce for three or four
years." |
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| 18. But the English said they had no commission to agree to
either of these ways, but proposed they should both write
home of what had passed between them. Whereupon they
made some difficulty, saying that if the English persisted in
the demand of Calais it were but labour lost. Finally they
agreed, and all rose up and began to talk apart, some
with the Duchess, the Cardinal of Lorraine with the Bishop
of Ely and the Dean of Canterbury, but of no matters of
importance. |
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| 19. The Lord Chamberlain drew apart with the Constable,
and having talked awhile of old acquaintance at last appointed
to meet the next day, being Sunday, in the church, there to
talk at further leisure of the treaty. |
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| 20. Meeting the next day in the church, the Constable and
the Lord Chamberlain talked apart, and first the Constable
declared the goodwill of the King to the Queen, and what
offers he made her in her trouble and how he desired peace.
As for Calais, as it was recovered from the Queen, her sister,
who sent to defy him in his own realm, he would not hear of
it, but would agree to any reasonable conditions. |
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| 21. The Chamberlain replied that the Queen was desirous of
the King's amity, but could by no means agree to the retention of Calais; and wondered why the King, who made
restitution of so many places to the King of Spain, would not
agree to her reasonable demands. |
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| 22. The Constable said that the marriages agreed upon between the children of the Kings of France and Spain, and
that of the Duke of Savoy, were the cause of this, whereas
no such consideration could have place between him and the
Queen, who being unmarried, might marry either in Spain or
Almain, and one who would be an enemy; so giving up Calais
would be like giving his sword to his enemy to be killed therewith. Then he laid his hand on his breast and swore by the
faith of a gentleman that the King would never give over
Calais. |
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| 23. Hereupon the Lord Chamberlain called the Bishop of Ely
and Dean of Canterbury, and the Constable having called the
Bishops of Orleans and Limoges declared most earnestly that
the day before they had acted contrary to their instructions in
debating the matter of Calais, for the King would give ear to
no treaty of peace unless Calais remained to him. |
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| 24. The English said that if the King would hear indifferently the reasons on either side they thought he would change
his mind. They also thought the French would have come to
this assembly with far other instructions than it seemed they
had. They would tell him the very truth, viz., that they, by
their instructions, by no means might conclude any peace with
France unless Calais were redelivered. Things being far other
than the Queen thought, they would speedily let her know, and
in the mean season agree about the other matters. |
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| 25. But the Constable answered plainly that they could enter
into none other matter until they were first assured that
Calais should not be redemanded, and asked when they should
have answer. Then the English said they could not assure
him how soon, because of the passage of the sea. The Constable
said they could not tarry for it, it was time for the King to
be prepared for the wars if he was not assured of the peace;
they would make no promise to tarry for the answer, but
would talk with the Cardinal of Lorraine and send word what
they intended to do. |
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| 26. In this talk the Constable used colours and reasons that
the English should not trust to the King of Spain, who had
required to have Calais as a "sequestre or depository;" and
if so, the English would never have it again, nor should they
trust to the league with him, knowing how the Emperor had
used them when he made his peace at Crespy without them.
"No, no," said he, "they will surely forsake you and leave you
in the war as they have done;" and proposed to make
some truce, or else that some other place should be appointed
for a meeting, where these men should not hinder them in
making peace. |
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| 27. The English Commissioners said they had hitherto found
such faith in the King of Spain that they could not mistrust
him, and moreover they had no commission to make a truce
or appoint a place of meeting. This is the communication
between the Constable and the English on Sunday, 12th inst. |
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| 28. Seeing by the premises that the French will not redeliver
Calais, they would fain in the meantime have discussed other
matters; but the French made them a plain answer that they
would enter into no talk unless it were first resolved that
Calais shall not be redemanded of them. Neither do they
know whether the French will stay till the Queen's answer
arrives, so they are at a point till they hear her pleasure. |
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| 29. Because the Spanish Commissioners saw the Chamberlain
talk with the Constable at the Duchess of Lorraine's lodging,
and the talk in the church was in the sight of the world, to
avoid suspicion the Bishop of Ely has been to the Duke of
Alva and made report to him of it, for which he thanked him
heartily. And they [the Spaniards] told the said Bishop that
the Constable, immediately after his talk in the church, called
two of the Duke of Savoy's gentlemen (the one there present
called the Count of Strapiano) and willed them to tarry in
the church that he might speak to them; and after the
departure of the English he said, "You have seen we have
talked with these English, but we marvel greatly what the
King of Spain's Commissioners mean to be so earnest that
they will not go through with our matters without them.
Mind they to let that your master the Duke shall not be
restored to his country, for whose restitution we have agreed?"
He also said, "Do they not consider how Christian religion is
troubled and endangered, and cannot be holpen without a
peace? Did not the Emperor at Crespy in his peace only
comprehend them generally? and why might they not do so
now, unless they desire the war? We will protest that the
English are the cause of all the hurts and evils, if they will
not make peace." The Duke of Alva then said that as the
French labour to dissever the English from the Spaniards, so
they try to dissever the Spaniards from the English, "but
assure yourselves the King will not leave you for any of their
practices; and even now have they required the Duchess of
Lorraine to send for us that they may speak with us apart,
and whatsoever they shall say to us we shall truly advertise
you." |
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| 30. This talk of the Spaniards was so readily told that it
seemed not to the Bishop of Ely to be any feigned tale. And
to tell the Queen plainly what they think, they verily
believe the greatest thing the French seek is to disjoin her
from Spain; and in that matter their fetches be fine and
set out with gay and sweet words. |
|---|
| 31. On the 12th inst., about 8 o'clock at night, the Duke
of Alva sent to tell the Lord Chamberlain that they had been
in conference with the French until dark, and that they would
come to-morrow to advertise them of their doings with the
French. They advised the English Commissioners not to send
a messenger to England. |
|---|
| 32. On the 13th inst., the Duke of Alva came in the afternoon, and the Prince of Orange, the Count of Melyte, the
Bishop of Arras and the Secretary Courteville, and said that
in the long communication they had had the day before with
the French in the Duchess of Lorraine's lodging, the French
told them the effect of that morning's communication in the
church with the Constable and the Bishops of Orleans and
Limoges. And because they had said they would conclude no
peace without the restitution of Calais, which the King, their
master, would not do (which answer the English looked not
for), on the Queen's answer they would show them her pleasure;
and that as the English could not fix the time for the return of
the answer, the French had made a great matter of the loss
of time, and said they had not been sufficiently instructed on
the principal point; that the matters which they had to
debate with them were many and intricate, and would
occupy a long time; and, therefore, they would have had the
Spaniards go through with their matters; and that either a
peace or truce should be made with them [the English], during
which all controversies betwixt France and England might be
arranged at leisure. |
|---|
| 33. Hereupon the Spaniards said that they answeredthat
the English could not appoint the time of the return of the
answer from England, as the sea is so uncertain, and it seemed
that they were instructed sufficiently upon the principal point,
which was to make no peace without the restitution of Calais,
and that they had agreed and settled more things than the
English and French would have to arrange; therefore, it
were vain to speak of any conclusion of their matters, unless
the English were agreed withal likewise, for without them
the Spaniards would conclude no peace. The fault of the wars
could not be laid to their charge, for the King of Spain had
for the peace of Christendom agreed to many things prejudicial to himself; so no fault would be in them should the
war continue. |
|---|
Feb. 14.
Conference at Cateau Cambresis. | 34. The French, seeing they could not persuade the Spanish
Commissioners to conclude a peace unless England were first
satisfied, said they would propose certain overtures of peace
to them for England, which were these:— |
|---|
| (1.) That the Dauphin and the Queen of Scots being already
married, and the Queen not like to remain long unmarried,
they all being of that age that it is likely all shall have
issue shortly; therefore, agreement be even now made for
the marriage of these children, viz., that the Dauphin's eldest
daughter shall marry the Queen's eldest son, and with her have
Calais, when the Dauphin and Queen of Scots shall renounce all
pretended right they may claim to have against England;
and the Queen's eldest daughter shall marry their eldest son,
whereby, for her dowry the King of France shall be acquitted
of all debts and arrears owing to the Queen, and the pensions
to her "extincted," as well as all other claims which the Kings
of England pretend against the crown of France, that by these
marriages all controversies shall be ended. |
|---|
| (2.) If it be not thought good thus to pacify all controversies,
that then this way be taken for Calais. That a peace being
made, the French retaining Calais for eight years (as by the
treaty between Henry VIII. and Francis, Boulogne should
have remained to the said King Henry for eight years),
within that time the claims of both parties be determined by
arbiters chosen by the King of Spain, being such as the
King of France would not refuse; and whether the causes of
refusing the arbiters shall be reasonable or not, shall be
judged by the Duke of Alva and his colleagues. |
|---|
| 35. These are the overtures which the French required Alva
and his colleagues to declare to them [the English]; but the
Duke told the French he thought they would not be received
by the Queen; "Marry," quoth they, "What assurance may
there be of these things to be performed in time to come?" |
|---|
| 36. The French replied there is no surer bond than a prince's
word, which has been given. Then they made pretence of
being in great haste to depart thence; and for having a more
speedy answer to these offers from England, offered to the
English a safe conduct to their messenger through Calais.
They also required the Duke, when he had talked these
matters with the English, to meet them [the French] at the
Duchess of Lorraine's lodging, and this he promised to do.
Such they said was the effect of the long communication with
the French on the day before. |
|---|
| 37. The English thanked the Duke for his labour, and the
good will they showed the Queen, assuring them that they
would find her as faithful to the King of Spain. As for the
overtures of the French, they said that although there was
much to be said against them, yet they would leave it to
the Queen to decide, and would not fail to use diligence to
receive a speedy answer; but on consideration thought it
meet not to send by Calais. The Duke put the overtures in
writing, which the French had only declared by mouth, and
sent them to the French, who said they were the same; a
copy written by Secretary Courteville is herewith sent to the
Queen. |
|---|
| 38. After the Duke had declared the communication of the
French, he told them that now there were three ways to
consider for recovering Calais; one, by marriage, another by
arbiters; both offered now by the French; and the third by war.
The first could not take effect for sixteen or seventeen years,
and the second for eight. As for the last, they must consider
how they could maintain the war, which takes great sums of
money. What a great army the King of Spain had last year
(which the Duke of Alva said was the greatest he ever saw),
and what a great navy also, and what charges he was at for
it; also what a great navy they [the English] had, and what
great charges they were at for its maintenance, and yet how
little all this great army and navy joined together annoyed
the enemy; and the French being provided for defence as
they were last year, albeit two such armies were set up
again (which is not easy to do), they would most likely do no
more than last year. We must consider also whether we
were able to maintain a war at such cost to so little profit;
but if we were able to maintain one for six or seven years, no
doubt the common enemy would then be brought so low that
he must yield. The Duke also said that it is to be considered
whether it will be expedient for the Queen, first coming to
the throne, to continue the war, or rather to seek for peace
until she have established her realm in good order; and if
she decide for peace, to consider whether these offers of the
French are to her honour sufficiently; or if any other means
be devised whereby her honour be not touched, although
Calais be not now redelivered. These things, said the
Spaniards, should be considered. |
|---|
| 39. By these communications, it seemed to the English Commissioners that these men are much desirous of peace, or else
that they doubt whether the Queen could sustain the war,
which should be greater than it has been. They also said
that the King, their master, has kept in wages all the winter,
and yet keeps great bands of Almaines, footmen, swartruyters
and other horsemen, and of Spaniards; and that he is desirous
speedily to know if the Queen is inclined for peace, that he
may discharge these. They also prayed her to give them a
speedy answer. This is the communication the Spanish Commissioners had with the English at that time. |
|---|
| 40. Departing, the Spanish Commissioners went straight to
the Duchess of Lorraine's lodging, to meet the French, saying
they would certify the English of all that passed there, which
indeed they did. For soon after, the Secretary Courteville
came to tell them that the French asked them if they had
declared the conditions they had offered, and how the English
liked them? They replied that though they did not like them
they had been content to send them to the Queen, to be
accepted or rejected as it pleased her. The French again
pressed haste, saying they had spent already a long time in
this assembly, and they must bring the answer speedily to
the King that he might be in readiness, should there be a
war. "As for us," quoth they, "we come so fully resolved
of the King our master's mind, that we never need to lose one
hour in sending back to him." The Duke of Alva said they
were too, on their side; and should any difficulty arise, could
in one day advertise the King and have his answer again;
and that the English had promised to use all haste. Such
was the errand done to them from Alva by Courteville. |
|---|
| 41. The English think that unless the Queen send back
speedily full and perfect instructions on every point that may
fall in question, they will hereafter have no time to send to England, to know her pleasure; therefore the whole matter might
chance to be broken off without any good effect of this long
meeting. They therefore pray her to consider this matter
well and they will do their best to perform it. "We cannot
perceive hitherto but that the King of Spain's Commissioners
use themselves friendly and faithfully towards Your Majesty's
matters, in all their conferences with the French, and still
persist in one tale, that they will conclude nothing but that
Your Highness be first satisfied." |
|---|
| 42. Finally, would be glad to know what they shall do when
this assembly will break up, which will probably be in a
few days, after her answer arrives.—Casteau in Cambresis,
14 Feb. 1558. Signed. |
|---|
| Orig. Add.: W. Howard, Thomas Ely, N. Wotton. Endd.
by Cecil. Pp. 23. |
|---|
Feb. 14.
B.M. Galba C. 1. 1. | 325. Another copy of the preceding.
Draft, with a few corrections. Left imperfect in this MS.
and completed by Cotton's scribe. Injured by fire. Pp. 24. |
|---|
Feb. 14.
B. M. Sloane, 4134. 135 & 151. | 326. Another copy of the above
Forbes' transcript. |
|---|
Feb. 14.
R. O. | 327. Munt to Cecil. |
|---|
| Is yet at Argentin against his will, as the Diet at Augusta
has not begun, nor have any of the Princes come thither,
except Bavere, who is a neighbour to Augusta, and certain
bishops dwelling thereabouts, as Frisingensis, Passoviensis,
and Ratisbonensis. Last Sunday the Emperor has holden
"funeralia" for his brother and sister at Augusta. |
|---|
| The Princes are unwilling to come to the Diet, nevertheless
wishes they should be more obedient to observe and honour the
Emperor, as his honour is their glory. The commissaries of
this city shall depart about Saturday, this week, with whom
he intends to go to Augusta. The French Ambassador is
departed hence on 4 Feb. for the Diet, and it is supposed to
face and colour the detentation of Metz, Lorraine, and other
parts occupied from the empire with glorious and vain promises
to restore them. The Pope refuses to confirm Ferdinand to be
Emperor, "and that by the instigation of the French King to
Ferdinand this and that hie kepe Ferdinand to attempt
nothing against him in the empire, feeding him with fair
words to obtain the confirmation for him of the Pope." If
Ferdinand were so earnest in prohibiting men of war to go
into France as Carolus has been, he should have less horsemen
and footmen. This amity with the Emperor and the French
King shall bring great detriment to Germany, as long as the
French King ceases not to enlarge his dominions under this
pretensed amity. The young King of Denmark shall marry
the Emperor's daughter, which seems to be practised by
Augustus the Elector of Saxony, who has married this King's
sister. For all that the French King will not be pleased
with this marriage, but it will not be unmeet for Denmark,
for the establishment of the realm to this King and his
posterity, and the exclusion of Christiern's daughters.—
Argentin, 14 Feb. 1559. |
|---|
| Orig. Hol., with seal of arms. Endd.: 14 Februarii
1558. Pp. 3. |
|---|
Feb. 15.
B.M. Sloane, 4142. 21 b. | 328. Another copy of the above.
Forbes' transcript. |
|---|
Feb. 15.
Galba, B. xi. 193. | 329. Vitus Polantus to Sir Henry Killigrew. |
|---|
| [Burnt.] On the 12th inst., between 12 and 1 o'clock in
the day, died Otto Henry, Count Palatine of the Rhine, the
writer's dear master and Mecænas. |
|---|
| Replies to Killigrew's letters written at Argentina, and
which he received on 27 January. His admonition was unnecessary. Here he is where he promised to be. Immediately
after Killigrew's departure he had offered himself and all
that he possesses to the Queen and the progress of the true
religion. Had reduced to writing, at the command of his
deceased master, what Killigrew had told him, with which
that Prince was much pleased, and communicated it to one
of his kinsmen, no less good and brave than himself. Had
he lived he intended to have sent the writer to other princes
to treat of this subject. This, however, will be done by his
kinsman and successor in the electorate, Frederic, Count
Palatine of the Rhine and Duke of Bavaria, a lover of the
true religion. |
|---|
| Advises that the Queen should send here Christopher
Munt, who was lately here as Ambassador, to congratulate
the new Elector on his accession, and to repeat what he had
already stated to the Elector deceased. The matters mentioned by Killigrew to the writer may be discussed with him
privately by Munt, who shall ask the writer to communicate
them secretly to Frederic, so as to afford an opportunity of
speaking thereupon. In this matter the new Elector will
most probably yield to the Queen's wishes, to whom he can
be of much service. |
|---|
| Feb. 15. | The Elector has two brothers, the Duke George, whose
wife is the mother of Wolfgang, Count Palatine, Duke of
Bipont. The second Duke, Richard, is a good and excellent
Prince, about 30 years old, unmarried, whom if the Queen
would pension she would much please his brother, the recent
successor to the dignity, and all the princes who adhere to
the true religion. [Burnt.] [He] would levy and head the
troops of Germany. If the plan be approved the writer can
manage to arrange it quietly, by causing the application for
Richard to be made by Frederic. Let this be conveyed to
the Queen and an answer be speedily returned. Will be
happy himself to serve the Queen. |
|---|
| One of Killigrew's fellow countrymen had lately asked the
writer whether the League of the Protestants ("you know
what I mean") should still continue? Could give him no
direct answer, but might have said that the treaty between
the Emperor Charles and the Protestants made in 1546 is
dissolved, and that now each one has to defend his own faith
with the sword. The matter may be done by legates, as the
Prince, lately deceased, would have attempted to do. It might
be done yet, were people earnest in religion. Will he write
speedily on these matters? [Burnt.] Desires to congratulate the Queen, and recommends himself to the councillors
whose names Killigrew had mentioned. Is much grieved at
the death of the Prince. Let him write quickly, that the
business may proceed. They expect a successor to the
deceased Elector will be here within ten days, and who will
rule in the Upper Palatinate. The mission of Mont, or some
other, is desired. Will not disregard the affairs of England.
Salutes his old friend Ascam, who was with them in the
Diet of Augsburg in 1550, along with Morysin.—Heidelberg,
after the funeral of his dearly beloved master, the Prince
Elector, Otto Henry, 15 Feb. 1559. Signed: Vitus Polantus,
J.U.D. |
|---|
| Orig. Hol. Endd. by Cecil: 15 Feb. 1558. Add.: To
H. Killigrew, or in his absence to be opened by Cecil.
Encloses (fol. 192) a pedigree of the Counts Palatine of the
Rhine, from Robert, who died in 1410. Lat. Pp. 3. |
|---|
Feb. 15.
B. M. Sloane, 4142. 27 b. | 330. Another copy of the above.
Forbes' transcript. |
|---|
Feb. 16.
Hatfield House. Haynes, 245. | 331. Sir E. Carne to the Queen. |
|---|
| Since his letter of the 11th inst., addressed to her by the
post of Venice, has nothing to write of any importance. As
now goes a post to the Court of Flanders sends the effect of
all that he sent by the ordinary of Flanders by the 9th and
the post of Venice of the 11th inst., viz.— |
|---|
| The French here can obtain nothing of the Pope against
her; he has such respect to herself and her realm that he
will attempt nothing against either, unless occasion be given
first "therhence." One of the Cardinals, greatest with his
Holiness, told him [Carne] that he and others mind to cause the
Pope to send his Nuncio to her, but stay till she sends hither
first to him. The Pope continues sending away his kinsfolk
"herehence." Some of his nieces having been left out of the
decree of banishment of his kinsfolk, he made a new decree
for them, so that all his kinsfolk, men and women, are gone
"herehence," and he will have no man intreat for them. |
|---|
| From France the late advice is that there is a sure hope
of the peace, and that King Philip will marry the French
King's daughter; and yet is informed (by Philip's Ambassador,
who is here for the erection of certain bishoprics in Flanders
and Brabant) that Philip has an army ready, of horsemen
and footmen, that he has taken up 4,000 horsemen of black
harness, called swartrowters, and that the French King prepares an army likewise. |
|---|
| It is reported in the Court here that the Pope waxes very
weak and cannot sleep. The Spaniards here are the gladdest
men in the world upon late advertisements that she will
marry King Philip, which is liked far better here than the
French King's daughter for him. |
|---|
| Since his said letters there has been no alteration. Yesterday was kept here a consistory wherein the bishopric of
Brescia was given to the Potestate of Brescia, as the Venetians
desire; whereby Seignor Prioly, that was there with the late
Cardinal, is excluded from the right that he pretended to it.
Also the pope made a bull to the effect that all Cardinals
inquired upon of heresy in the Inquisition should be deprived
of their votes in the election of any Pope, so as neither to
give any vote for any other, nor be able themselves to be
chosen. The bull was read in the consistory and the Pope
subscribed it, but the Dean of the College, who should next
subscribe, refused, saying that the honestest man might have
an enemy who might give wrong information, and therefore
unless a Cardinal were convicted, he should not be deprived
of his right. Of this opinion were all the Cardinals present,
and so the bull could not pass. |
|---|
| Should any other occurrences happen between this and
Saturday, will then advertise, as he does every. week.—Rome,
16 Feb. 1559. Signed. |
|---|
| Orig. Sig. Add. |
|---|
Feb. 16.
B.M. Cal. E. V. 70. | 332. Copy of a portion of the above.
Much damaged by fire. |
|---|
Feb. 16.
B.M. Calig. B. ix. 208. | 333. Abstract of the above. |
|---|
| "A Nuncio intended for England, but stayeth until the
Queen first sendeth to the Pope, according to the message he
had delivered by the Queen's directions by her letters, 20 Dec." |
|---|
Feb. 17.
R. O. | 334. James of Bassantyne, to . . . . |
|---|
| "His Honour" knows the chance of the writer's voyage
towards the north in the ship called the Mignon. Is anxious
to do his duty to his good master. Is in the town of Hull
yet, where repair some merchants of Scottis that have lately
"cummed" from Scotland; has heard by them "the fashion of
the country"; and thinking that his Honour should be secretly
advertised thereof, proposes to write all secret matters by the
"alphabet," or cypher, which he sends under written.—
Hull, 17 Feb. Signed: James of Bassantyne, Scottisman.
Orig. Hol. Endd. Pp. 2. |
|---|
Feb. 19.
R.O. Forbes, 1. 59. | 335. The Queen to the English Commissioners at ChateauCambresis. |
|---|
| "Instructions given by the Queen, 19 Feb., 1 Eliz., to
William Lord Howard of Effingham, and Chamberlain,
Thomas Bishop of Ely, and Dr. Wotton, her Commissioners
beyond the seas." |
|---|
| 1. Although they have wisely followed their instructions
touching the principal point, the restitution of Calais, yet
nothing available has ensued by reason of the Frenchmen's
peremptoriness. She now enlarges their authority therein in
reply to their letters of the 14th inst. |
|---|
| 2. If the Duke of Alva shall not depart from telling
the French Commissioners that rather than abandon Calais
he is willing to continue the war, "we would the French
should be once attempted again, and perceive that ye are
as peremptory to demand it as they are to deny it." If
they find the Duke not ready to animate them herein, they
shall point out to him how dangerous the retention of Calais
by the French is to the safety of Flanders and the Low
Countries. She has such trust in them by their proceedings
hitherto, and specially in the King their master and her good
brother, that herein she has willed the English Commissioners
to use their advice. |
|---|
| 3. The English Commissioners, if they cannot succeed herein,
shall show the Duke of Alva that the Queen will yield some
part of her just desire; and shall ask if the Duke can devise
any convenient mediation to appease the inconvenience of this
matter of Calais between her and the French? If he has no
plan, they shall suggest that it might be devised for her to
have the town and port of Calais, with such grants and
territories as are within the main river from Newnham Bridge
eastward towards Flanders, the French to have the whole
county of Guisnes without that river, and all the high country
from Newnham Bridge westward towards France. Good
might thus enure to all three; to herself the possession of
the haven; to Philip a separation from his ancient enemy;
to the French by the inundation of the low country about
Newnham Bridge and the stopping of all passage a forbearing of all invasions to be made hereafter by the English
upon him. "This device must be circumspectly both opened
and ordered, that it may seem to come of the King of
Spain's ministers only, and to be moved indifferently both to
you and the French Commissioners as a thing to be as much
at the first misliked of you as of the French." |
|---|
| 4. If this be considered not meet to be furthered by the
English Commissioners ("as indeed it is but an hard choice,
and yet better than none,") or if it be rejected by the
French, then the Duke of Alva may propose that they shall
accord to permit Calais to remain in the hands of the French
for five, six, seven, or eight years, with special provision for
restitution at the end of these years, upon such recompences
as shall be appointed by the arbitrators to be named by the
King of Spain, according to the precedent of 1546 in regard
to Boulogne; a copy of which is sent herewith. The pensions
and arrears are to be referred to the said arbitrators. |
|---|
| 5. All their labour shall be spent in vain with the French
(and so they shall declare at the first to the Duke of Alva) if
they do not also conclude a peace for England with Scotland,
"for certain it is as you all three know, that the greatest
burden of these our wars resteth upon Scotland, and be daily
like (if they continue) to be greater and greater." She does
not perceive by any of their writings, either at this time or
heretofore, whether there is any authority in the French to
conclude for Scotland like as they have special commission for
the same. They may therefore conclude a peace with the
French in which Scotland shall be included, according to their
former commission, within one month or two, with such terms
as that thereby the port of Aymouth be rased. |
|---|
| 6. " Because we see the French very peremptory, both for
their tarrying and their treaty, we do refer the consideration
of all other occurrences, and the utterance and order of these
our articles of charge, to your discretions and wisdoms, who
being in this case our most inward councillors, and not
ignorant of the state of our realm, having been much weakened of late with sickness, death, and loss by wars, can very
well consider how unmeet it is for us to continue in these
manner of wars, if we may be otherwise provided of a peace
like to continue; and how fit it is and necessary to have peace,
whereof we do make you and shall account you our principal
ministers; praying you to bend your whole industry thereunto, and specially to preserve the good amity between us
and our said good brother the King of Spain, from whom you
may assure his ministers no policy nor subtilty of the French
shall dissever us." |
|---|
| 7. If they shall perceive, after having done their best, that
either the French will not agree to leave Calais at the end of
a specified time, or will not accord to the rasing of Aymouth,
but will utterly break off, "we do give you authority, at the
very last end, being as loath thereunto as may be devised,
rather than to continue these wars, to make the peace as you
best and most honourably may, and as the difficulty of the
time may serve, so that we may have certainly peace with
Scotland, with reservations of our claims as well to Calais as
to all other our titles, pensions, and arrearages heretofore due
by France." |
|---|
| 8. If it be necessary to make this last concession, and they
see no other device for the obtaining of peace, they shall endeavour by means of the Duke of Alva, to induce the French
to stay the treaty until they despatch a courier to obtain the
Queen's last resolution hereto, which (they may say) "seemeth
necessary to be imparted to the nobility and other estates
assembled now in Parliament, whose contentations is very
requisite herein, because of the satisfaction of the whole realm,
that liveth in expectation of the recovery of the same
town. And if ye find it not possible to stay the French by
no manner of means in this behalf, then, rather than to make
a full breach and a continuance of these wars, you may do as
we have authorized you before, using as many good provisions
and reservations of our rights and title, namely to Calais,
for opinion's sake, and also to all other things usually provided and reserved in such like treaties as you may possibly." |
|---|
| 9. If the treaty of peace with Scotland cannot now be perfectly concluded at this present, and they are compelled to
make provision that it be done shortly after, then they shall
require hostages, but in this point they have authority "for
the obtaining of any at all or none at all." Herein she will
accept their doings in good part. |
|---|
| 10. "Touching the device of the imagined marriages between Scotland and us, we think the same scant worth the
uttering of the French or the hearing of us." Yet, if they
require an answer, "ye may say that hereafter upon God's
goodness, showed in giving such fruit of children as the said
devices do presume, the same may then serve for good purpose of corroboration of amities." |
|---|
| " And thus you have, as the briefness of the time might
serve, a resolute answer to your last letters, being considered
by the advice of the whole Privy Council." |
|---|
| Pp. 7. |
|---|
Feb. 19.
B.M. Galba. C. 1. 22. | 336. Another copy, signed by the Queen at the top, and at the end
(fol. 26.) by the following Lords of the Council.—Bacon,
Cust. Sigill. Winchester; F. Shrewsbury; F. Bedford;
Penbroke; E. Clynton; Ab. Cave; E. Rogers; F. Knollys;
W. Cecil; William Petre; John Mason; Ry. Sakevyle. |
|---|
| Orig. Add. Endd. |
|---|
Feb. 19.
B.M. Sloane, 4134. 177. | 337. Another copy of the above.
Forbes' transcript. |
|---|
Feb. 19.
R. O. Forbes, 1. 65. | 338. The King of France to the Queen. |
|---|
| Is happy to receive the expression of her desire for peace
between the two kingdoms, which he reciprocates. Sends
back to her Sir Guido [Cavalcanti], from whom he had
received her letter, who will express his great regret at
changing his first deliberation touching the manner in which
the negociation was to have been settled, but that it has not
altered in the slightest degree the affection he bears her.—
St. Fiacre, 19 Feb. 1558. Signed. |
|---|
| Orig. Add. Endd by Cecil: R. Gall. ad Reginam, per
Cavalcant. Fr. P. 1. |
|---|
Feb. 19.
B.M. Sloane, 4134. 187. | 339. Another copy.
Forbes' transcript. |
|---|
Feb. 19.
R. O. | 340. Treaty of Cateau Cambresis. |
|---|
| Report by Guido Cavalcanti of his mission into France.
"Monday morning. M. de Guise. Present Bourdin." He
[Guise] wished to know the substance of the writer's despatch;
and when he understood that he had come again about
Cambrasi he appeared to be greatly astonished, and said he
was quite sure that the King would never have it so, and that
this new negociation would end in nothing. Wished to see
the writer's instructions, and when he saw the last item; he
said, "This will perhaps save much time to us and trouble to
you; because if you do not get this point, it would be as
though you had not carried one point against so many
propositions made by the King." He began to devise means,
and asked if the writer knew the Queen's intentions, and
whether he had private instructions to assent to any place?
Cavalcanti answered that he had no other charge than Cambrasi, and that he asked for this, and then he advanced all the
reasons mentioned to him here, and some other besides.
Seeing that none prevailed, he added that although the King
would not have Cambrasi, yet he hoped that in the end the
Queen would not refuse some other convenient place, and that
if the King [of France] would send there secretly or publicly
it would be taken in good part, and that whoever came would
be treated with discretion and regarded with favour. |
|---|
| He [Guise] answered that it would be impossible to do
anything in secret which would be worth the doing, or which
would not soon come to light and be made public. Moreover,
it would be a place very inconvenient as far as regarded the
despatches which it would be necessary to send off daily.
Nevertheless he would mention it to the King. |
|---|
| Then he [Guise] asked the writer if Lord William had
passed, and what he was going to do? Cavalcanti replied that
he did not know, but that it had been arranged before this
negociation was begun that his Lordship should pass, and that
as the King of Spain's people had pressed so much that he
should pass, the writer thought that the Queen would not do
less for fear of increasing suspicion as to this negociation,
and that there was no doubt that all plans and designs would
fail; but that he [the writer] fully believed that everything
would be suspended until the subject of this negociation
should be brought about. |
|---|
Feb. 19.
Cavalcanti's Report. | "Monday evening; the King; present the King Dauphin,
and M. de Guise." Cavalcanti presented the letter, which he
[the King] read with the usual thanks, and asked if the Queen
were well. The writer made apology for her not having sent
a "toccano" corresponding to the King's, and told him what
was the custom of England, and that in due season the Queen
would show her good disposition towards him in a much
greater matter. He replied that no interchange was needed,
and that her good will was sufficient. He asked who was there
for the King of Spain? Cavalcanti told him, and that moreover
another was expected, and one from the Emperor, and that
doubtless their party would not sleep, and that he had information that they were moving in important matters, things
that were never proposed to the late Queen; and that if the
steady inclination of the Queen towards the King did not
withhold her, they would be very acceptable to her. He
asked if the writer really thought there would be a marriage
with the King of Spain, or his cousin? He said that he was
not sure, but that the King firmly believed it, and as he
saw that it would not be for himself, he would try for his
cousin. |
|---|
| He then entered on the negociation and said that the coming
to a conference pleased him, but that he wondered that Cambrasi was again proposed, and he prayed the Queen not to insist
upon it further, because in some way he would come to speak
there of a matter which she desired, and that it would not
look like treating with a free princess as she said she was;
and that if rough words were given to the deputies at
Cambrasi, they were not to wonder thereat, but were to
understand that they were meant for the Imperialists, and
not for the Queen. Cavalcanti answered, that his charge was
to pray His Majesty to consent; and that if the Queen would
not observe secresy it might be just the same at another place.
The King admitted that this was true, but that other places
were not so suitable to the design of Monseigneur of Arras, of
whom he appeared to be suspicious. He then began to
propose other places, and asked if Cavalcanti had commission
to accept any, who answered him as he had answered M. de
Guise. He asked who, in the writer's opinion, would be the
deputies? Cavalcanti answered that he thought the Queen
would appoint personages similar in rank to those nominated
by His Majesty, and that the greatness of this kingdom and
of the negociation required that worthy and noble persons
should be selected. The King said "true," and took time to
meditate, and said that the next day the Vidame should go to
the Constable with all despatch. Cavalcanti showed him the
portrait, and he was much pleased; he thought her very
beautiful, and said that she was like her father, the great King
Henry of famous memory. The writer said that she resembled him also in her deeds, and that she was not so much
to be valued for her external beauty as for the inner virtues
and excellencies of her spirit. The King wished Cavalcanti
to leave it that it might be copied, and he did so. |
|---|
| "Wednesday; M. de Guise. Present, Bourdin." He again
wondered that the Queen should propose Cambrai, and stated
that the King was very suspicious on this head. The writer
showed him the reasons which moved her, but they did not
satisfy him; and he said that the King would not add anything more of importance on that particular. He again
began to devise means, saying that Boulogne would be very
suitable, as being a place situated between the two Courts
and convenient for both sides to send despatches, and that it
appeared that the King's mind was fixed on that place. The
writer said that if they wished to negociate there, they should
propose some place thereabouts, Nid (?) or some place on this
side, to go thither, in case the Queen would not be willing for
good reasons to go thither, and that if the King would use
this courtesy it would be appreciated, and that he trusted she
would not allow herself to be outdone in courtesy. M. de
Guise said it would be difficult thus to content the King, and
the more so because he desired that he [Guise] should be one
of the deputies if he would go so far off, nevertheless he
would speak about it. He appeared to be much pleased to
be one of the deputies, and hoped that some good would come
of treating in this manner. He then asked whether the
Queen would consent to such a meeting, because it was
thought that if she would make any difficulty about it, they
would not propose it, having already on this side made
sufficient advances. Not to leave the business imperfect, the
writer said that he considered that such was his intention,
adding that if she would do so he thought she would do well,
because if she did not do so quickly, it would be seen that
the Spaniards would not omit to transact all their business,
thought and deed, by themselves, excepting matters of form,
and that if the King would be a little generous to the Queen,
it would be better to do so here than at Cambrasi. Moreover
that the treaty between themselves would be a sign of greater
liberty and greatness. |
|---|
| He [Guise] asked what the Parliament was doing, and the
writer answered that it was only just beginning when he left,
that he thought they would proceed to give money to the
Queen, and that such was their goodwill towards her that
they would give whatever she asked. |
|---|
| The interview being ended, on the same night the Vidame
was sent to the Constable with all despatch, and the writer
added such things, by way of note, as seemed to him useful
in the cause, and particularly about bringing about the matter
of Nid (?). The said Signor [Vidame] returned on Sunday
evening. The writer's entire despatch was finished, which
contained about the coming to a conference at Boulogne, to
which the King would send M. de Guise, the Vidame, M. de
Mourtier, and there only remained for the writer the audience
with the King for his dismissal, when there came a courier from
the Constable telling him not to leave until he had heard further from him. This letter detained him eight days, and set
aside the whole despatch which he had prepared, for the
reasons which the gentleman of the King's chamber, sent
with his friend, will declare. |
|---|
| "Last audience of the King, Sunday, 19th, at St. Fiacre,
touching my departure." The King kept the writer téte-á-téte,
about an hour, and told him what deputies he had chosen,
that he had settled his first despatch, and that he [Cavalcanti]
had much pleased him, hoping that by this method a good
conclusion might be more easily arrived at; but that his
intentions had been much impeded by Lord William's mode
of negociating, which was contrary to all expectation and
opposed to what the Queen had intimated about her being a
free princess; that he had protested against Cambrasi, thinking that she had joined with the King of Spain, and resolved
to run the same course; and that the deputies of the King of
Spain had intimated the same thing. Moreover Lord William
had said that he knew all the business done here, as well by
Lord Grey as by the writer, ("and that the whole affair was
smoke,") to whom the Queen had intrusted her real instructions,
and that he [Lord William] had said many other things which
made him [the King] much wonder, and that he knew that
the Spaniards by means of his Lordship had notice of everything, and that Mgr. of Arras had dropped some words which
intimated no less. If, however, the Queen was satisfied with
the matter, they were contented with what pleased her, and
that the good understanding should not be diminished in
consequence. The King said he had made great efforts to
show his good intentions, without the intervention of anyone. |
|---|
| The writer replied that if in the matter of Cambrasi the
Queen's ministers, from too great a desire to serve her, had
run counter to his [the King's] pleasure, she would much
regret it, and then asked him if in case she wished to come
to the conference planned by His Majesty, he would be
pleased. He answered, "When we have information on that
head we will think about it." |
|---|
| He then said, lastly, that the writer must not fail to use
all the good offices that he could to help his [the King's]
servant in everything, and that he had instructed him always
to do the same; that although the affair had not succeeded,
yet he hoped that at last everything would be accommodated
and that the negociation would not be broken off, and that
he [Cavalcanti] should be always turning and looking in
that direction. Finally, he desired that his hearty respects
should be presented to the Queen. |
|---|
| "The same night, at M. de Guise's, on my departure."
He lamented, even more than the King, Lord William's
negociation, and that he should have thus interrupted the
good inclination which the King at first had, from which every
favourable result might have been anticipated. He made use
of a phrase to the effect that no wonder that the end should
correspond with the beginning, and that the King perceived
.........great regret, yet that at the end he would be satisfied
with what pleased the Queen. |
|---|
| Orig. Cavalcanti's hol. Ital. Pp. 6. |
|---|
[Feb. 19.?]
R.O. | 341. Cavalcanti's Negociations. (fn. 1) |
|---|
| "The King of France writes that he is sending this gentleman of his, in order to give a better account of the negociation
of Cambrasi; but this explanation does not serve for the
answer, which I am as ready to take there [to England] as he.
In giving the answer to me he may use this argument
that since the King writes he is satisfied with me, as is
the Queen, in consequence she does not desire to have any
change made in conducting the negociation. If the answer
be so brief that it can only be given to this courier, in that
case this answer may be given to the letter which the King
writes by me, and he may be told that the Queen thinks I
should repass over thither, as she has heard that the King
has commanded me to do; and in order that I may be near
Her Majesty, that I may send over news of anything that
occurs. And if there be no occasion to re-despatch me, that
she desires him to send me secretly to Cambrasi, where I
can be among the deputies to do such offices as in similar
cases other mediators have done; and in that case it will be
necessary to write to the deputies. Finally, in maintaining
me in this negociation, if the course here recommended be
adopted, whatever may befall, no one can doubt this, that the
Queen can well believe she will be better served by me than
a Frenchman. I shall always be able to send more news
thence than a Frenchman. By being at Cambray I can
occasionally give advertisements which will do no harm (?)" |
|---|
| Orig. Cavalcanti's hol. Endd.: Memoria sopra il despaccio
che sà da fare al re di F. Ital. Pp. 2. |
|---|
Feb. 20.
R.O. | 342. The Vidame to the Queen. |
|---|
| Laments the sudden accident which has suspended this
negociation. It has occasioned much dissatisfaction to the
King, his master, as she will be more fully informed by the
bearer. Assures her of his own desire to serve her.—Paris,
20 Feb. 1558. Unsigned. |
|---|
| Orig. Hol. Endd. by Cecil: 20 Feb. 1558, the Vidame
to the Queen, by Cavalcanti. Fr. Pp. 2. |
|---|
Feb. 20.
B.M. Harl. 353. 151 b. | 343. Proceedings of Privy Council. |
|---|
| Westminster, Feb. 20, 1558.—Present: the Lords Great
Seal and Treasurer; the Earls of Shrewsbury, Bedford, and
Pembroke; the Lord Admiral; Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Comptroller,
Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, Mr. Secretary; Mr. Cave, Mr. Peetere,
Mr. Mason, Mr. Sackevill. |
|---|
| A letter to Sir James Crofts that, whereas the Lords are
certified by Richard Asheton, receiver, that he has made
payment lately to the Treasurer of Berwick of so much
money as will make the full pay for the old ordinary garrison
at Berwick, and for that is due the 14th of this present, they
thought good to signify the same unto him, to the end he may
take order with the Treasurer for the paying over of the
same in due time accordingly. |
|---|
| A letter to the said Sir James, in answer of his of the
14th of this present, to whom it is written that the Lords
have taken order for the sending of grain and fish to Berwick
with speed and the safe wafting thereof thither. |
|---|
Feb. 20.
R. O. 27 V. 82. | 344. Another copy of the above.
Modern transcript. |
|---|
Feb. 20.
R. O. 27 VI. 28. | 345. Another copy of the above. |
|---|
| Modern transcript. |
|---|
Feb. 20.
B. M. Cal. B. V. 325 b. | 346. Claim to the English Crown. |
|---|
| Mary, Queen of Scotland, England, and Ireland, certifying
that master Patric Vaus, parson of Vigtone, being her almoner
and personal attendant, is entitled to certain advantages
incident to this office.—Villiers, 20 Feb. 1558. Marie,—
Pagrantrie. |
|---|
| Copy. Fr. |
|---|