|
June 21.
R. O. | 864. Mundt to the Queen. |
|---|
| The longer the Diet sits the greater become the disputes
about religion. The keenest advocate on the side of the
Papists is now the Emperor, who both accuses and condemns.
In proof of this, the Protestants having demanded that if any
of the clergy should embrace their religion, he should not on
that account be deprived of his benefices (as Mundt had
written to her on 17th May) the Emperor in reply has issued
his decision, which is now sent. The Protestants also complained of many grievances endured by them through the
Judge of the Chamber, and asked the Emperor to secure
them against such unjust sentences as had been decided by
the treaties of Passau and Ratisbon. To this the Emperor
answered that there could be no more fitting tribunal than
the Imperial Chamber for the decision of questions of
religion. |
|---|
| Sees no prospect of an agreement in religious matters at
this Diet. The Papists carry themselves more insolently
than ever, and how can there be any public peace among so
much disputation and bitterness? The imperial cities, which
in the time of the wars of the Emperor Charles were
associated with the Princes, now refuse to enter into a
similar confederation, remembering the issue of that war and
its cost. |
|---|
| Here at Augsburg and in almost all the other cities the
religion continues, and although it is not probable that this
Emperor will try to do that in which Charles failed, yet the
fury of the Pope and the Papists will leave nothing
unattempted. |
|---|
| Is surely informed that the Orator of the King of France
is at this time with the Duke of Wirtemburg urging him
not to refuse the mission into France, for the French King
much desires to see him and the Duke of Bavaria; and further
that they should procure from the Estates of the Empire the
confirmation to France of the city of Metz and the bishoprics
of Toul and Verdun, which he [the King of France] will hold
as fees of the Empire, and bear all the burdens of the Empire
as a faithful beneficiency should do. If he succeeds in this,
he will easily obtain the imperial crown. No republic will
be free from his bribery, and he has already too many friends
in Germany. The King of France also asks the Duke to
explain to the Estates of the Confession of Augsburg that
whereas it has been stated that he has been acting along
with the King of Spain in procuring a Council at which the
Pope shall be president and judge, in truth no such project
had been contemplated by him. In the Council for which he
is labouring, all disputes shall be decided by the Word of God,
and according to the precedent of the primitive church. Fair
words! but let the French King obtain what he wants from
the Empire, and he will act as he has always done.—21 June
1559.
Orig. Hol. Endd. by Cecil. Lat. Pp. 3. |
|---|
[June 21.]
R. O. | 865. The resolution of the Emperor, in answer to the demands
addressed to him by the States who have embraced the Confession of Augsburg, in which they ask indemnity for such
clerks as might accept that Confession. |
|---|
| Munt's hol. Lat. Pp. 4. |
|---|
[June 21.]
R.O. | 866. Diet of Augsburg. |
|---|
| The reply of the Estates of the Confession of Augsburg to
the exception taken by the Emperor against their claim of
indemnity for such of their clerks as might come to the Diet
of Augsburg.
Munt's hol. Lat. Pp. 2. |
|---|
June 21.
R.O. | 867. Mundt to Cecil. |
|---|
| Has determined to leave this place at the end of the present
month, as he had written to Cecil on the last of May, and to
Coke, as he perceives that nothing will be done at this Diet
respecting the dispute about religion and the mode and form
of summoning a Council. The only matter seriously considered
is how to get the States to agree to make a contribution.
However, as he preparing to start, he received letters from
M. Alen, the Queen's chaplain, from Antwerp, written on the
9th inst. requesting him to remain where he was until his
[Alen's] arrival. This he does. |
|---|
| Reports have reached them that Scotland embraces the
Gospel. It should be seen that the King of France does not
aim at some design under the pretext of stopping this
doctrine, for the Queen of Scotland sets up some feigned
claim to the realm of England. Knows for certain that the
King of France lately sent Rifenberg 20,000 crowns, but
cannot learn for whose use.—Augusta, 21 June 1559.
Orig. Hol., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. by Cecil.
Lat. Pp. 2. |
|---|
June 21.
B. M. Cal. E.V. 79 b. Forbes, 1. 138. | 868. Throckmorton to the Lords of the Council. |
|---|
| On the 16th received their letters dated 13th by Francis,
the courier. Sent to ask the Constable the time and place to
speak with him; was answered that the writer should be at
the Court next day at dinner in his chamber. Went there on
the 17th, and after waiting for him in the company of
Lamerque, at his coming to his chamber Throkmorton said
that this visit was to tell him that if he, the writer, heard
of anything contrary to the peace, he thought it his duty to
inform him [the Constable] thereof, so that redress and order
might be taken. Within the last few days some of the
writer's gentlemen had happened to see certain scutcheons,
wherein were contained the King and Queen Dauphins' arms
and the arms of England quartered together, and certain
others having the arms of England in the midst by themselves, unquartered and whole. Having them both ready
drawn and set forth in colours he delivered them into the
Constable's hands, adding, that knowing how strange the
Queen will think this, he could not but inform him, the
Constable, thereof, and try to see the matter amended;
trusting that the King's pleasure was not that his painters
should use these vain inventions and set them forth abroad,
being so notoriously prejudicial to the Queen and contrary
to the amity. |
|---|
| The Constable answered that when the marriage was made
he was in prison, what they have done he knew not, and that
he had not to do in those matters. Throckmorton said he
trusted to the Constable's good disposition not to suffer, now
that all the world comes together to see these triumphs, that
the Queen be touched in her honour. He beheld the arms
and seemed to take upon him not to know them to be the
King and Queen Dauphins' arms, for there are no crowns on
them. Throckmorton said that was but the oversight of the
painter, and though he had not set forth the crowns yet there
are the arms as they are drawn and portrayed; and the
crown is set over them both in the palace and many other
places in Paris where they are to be seen. The Constable
said that as the Queen of England bears the arms of France,
so it will be said it is lawful for the Queen of Scotland,
being of the house of England, so near the crown as she is,
to give the arms of England. Throckmorton replied not so,
and that he no doubt the Constable knew ere this what
business there has already been about that and to what
extremities it has grown. Further, if the meaning hereof be
to breed dishonour to the Queen and realm, she shall have
cause to think herself much touched. Wherein the writer,
as a private person, thought good to say this much to the
Constable, praying him that order may be taken herein.
The Constable replied, that this was a matter he has nothing
to do with, but that he would break it to the Council,
and stay what may touch the Queen's honour. So bidding
Throkmorton not to trouble himself in the matter, that all
would be well, they sat down to dinner, whereat was the
Duke of Guise, the Cardinal Chastillon, Montmorency, the
Prince of Roussillon, M. de Vadamont, and others of
reputation. |
|---|
| 2. After dinner took occasion to remind the Constable of
his promise. He said he would not forget it, and also said
that the Lord Chamberlain when there had told him of it.
Replied he did not know that. The Constable asked if he
[Throckmorton] would be present at the ratification between
the King and the King Catholic, which would be next day.
Replied that he would be ready to do the King's pleasure;
and so the Constable bid him farewell. |
|---|
| 3. Neither the Constable nor any one else has said anything
to him touching the imposts. On consideration of that part
of their last letter touching the imposts, remembers that of
ancient time our English merchants have enjoyed certain
privileges in Normandy and certain other places on the coast
of France, which are now clean altered, and the taxes greatly
increased. And though suit has been made for the restitution
of their ancient privileges, yet no redress has been granted.
Thinks it well that if the French Ambassador knew the
matter, he shall be reminded of this, so as part of the imposts
be remitted on that side. The French may cause the English
merchants to be restored to the privileges they have already
had. |
|---|
| 4. On the 15th La Marque came to his lodging and showed
him the passport given by the Queen to Betoncourt, the
Scotch Queen's Master of the Household, and said that the
King and the Constable found it strange that Betoncourt
being a Frenchman should require such a passport, finding
great fault that it was so conditional as to appoint what
money he should carry over, which was 200 crowns; and also
what servants he should have, but especially of his stay at
the Court four days, whereat the King conceived some grief.
Whereunto he [Throkmorton] replied that he, knowing well the
law of England on this point, thought that the Queen (because
her officers are often scrupulous in letting things pass against
the law, and might perhaps have staid Betoncourt longer
than he would) had of her special favour granted him the
passport for his more speedy despatch. He also said it was
not lawful for any stranger to convey money out of the land
without passport. |
|---|
| 5. The said La Marque also declared that he had to say
from the King and the Constable, that whereas he [Throkmorton] had sent the requests of certain London merchants
touching restitution of a ship taken at Jersey on the 3rd of
last April (which was the next day after the date of the
treaty); they desired to know after what sort he desired the
restoration of it; whether by ancient treaty, or by the
ancient privileges of the Isle of Jersey, or else by special
favour showed to the Queen by the King. He [Throkmorton]
made answer to each of these points, and La Marque replied
that the King would decide shortly. |
|---|
| 6. The same day the Duke of Alva arrived in Paris, and
the Prince of Orange and Count d'Egmont, accompanied by
the Count Swartzenburg, and a great company of gentlemen,
well beseen in their apparel and horses. There were first
sent to meet them, the Cardinal of Lorraine, M. de Montmorency, the Marquis d'Albœuf, and others, as far as S.
Denys. Within half a mile of Paris the Duke of Lorraine,
the Prince of Ferrara, and the Prince of Mantua, with
Danvile, Meru, two of the Constable's sons, with the Rhinegrave and many other noblemen and gentlemen; and nearer
the town, the Duke of Nemures with divers of the Privy
Chamber. So they were conducted to Court and taken to
the King's presence, with whom was the King Dauphin; next
they visited the Queen Dauphin and the rest of the King's
children, and then were conducted to their lodgings. |
|---|
| 7. On the 17th rode to the Tournelles and saw the French
King, the Duke of Guise, and forty in armour on horseback;
who, to do the Duke of Alva pleasure, made many courses.
Some ran well, some evil, but in his judgment, none exceeded
much the rest. |
|---|
| 8. According to the Constable's desire on the 18th was at
Nôtre Dame and saw the ceremonies of the ratification
despatched, where were the French Queen, the King and
Queen Dauphins, and the French King's children, the Cardinals
of Lorraine, Sens, Chastillon and Strozzi; of the Ambassadors,
the Pope's Nuncio, the Bishop of Fermo, and the Ambassadors
of Venice, Ferrara, and Mantua. The King and his Court
were as brave as ever he saw any; the Burgundians were not
far inferior. After the solemnities past, the King dined in
the Bishop's palace; on his right were the Duke of Alva, the
Prince of Orange and the Count d'Egmont; on his left, the
King Dauphin, the Duke of Lorraine, the Cardinal of Lorraine,
and Prince of Ferrara. The Constable had in another house
by, another table, where M. de Guise, the rest of the Cardinals,
and divers of the Duke of Alva's company dined. M. de
Montmorency had another table, where dined the young
noblemen and gentlemen, in which house (though not at one
table) dined all the Ambassadors. The Ambassador of
Portugal was absent from all these ceremonies. |
|---|
| 9. The Cardinal Trivultio, the Pope's Legate, departed
hence on the 19th, and the Bishop of Fermo, the Pope's
Nuncio, will follow him in eight days; in whose place another
shall be resident at this Court. |
|---|
| 10. The Duke of Alva and Prince of Orange remain here
till the towns agreed upon by the treaty are restored. The
Duke is supposed to stay longer, for he carries into Spain
King Philip's wife, who shall be affianced on the 21st and
married on the 22nd by a procurer, viz., the said Duke. |
|---|
| 11. The Duke of Savoy is expected on the 22nd or 23rd,
being at Cambray on the 17th; and sometime next week he
shall be married. |
|---|
| 12. Whereas it was thought here that the King of Spain
would go into Spain about August, for certain matters of
importance he minds to call the State of his Low Countries
together, and also proposes before his departure to keep the
feast of the Toison (whereof the Duke of Urbyn is named to
be one), wherefore it is supposed that he will not depart so
soon as was thought. |
|---|
| 13. The cause of the stay of the French Ambassador with
the Turk, is because he told the Turk that the French King
would not conclude a peace without his [the Turk's] knowledge; which, being come to pass, contrary to his expectation,
has caused him to stay him as he does: still some think he
is again liberated. |
|---|
| 14. Instead of the Cardinal of Augusta and the Duke of
Wirtemburg, said to be coming from the Emperor to that
Court, the Dukes of Bavaria and Meckelburg, are reported to
come. The Count Waldecke, arrived from Italy by post, says
the Duke of Wirtemburg comes thither still. |
|---|
| 15. When at Notre Dame on the 18th moved from his place
to talk with L'Aubespine, the Secretary, upon the merchants'
suit for the restitution of the ship taken at Jersey. He
also said that although the Vidame of Amiens (the fourth
hostage instead of Nantoillet) has made suit to come to
Court, he is appointed to pass directly into England. |
|---|
| 16. The Queen Dauphin that same day at church was very
evil at ease, and to keep her from sounding [swooning] they
were fain to bring her wine from the Altar. Never saw her
look so ill, and the French and Scots fear she cannot long
continue. The King has granted a very urgent commission to
M. de Lansack, M. de Lyde, and Munpesat to seek the Earl of
Arran, who it is thought, seeks to rid himself hence; their
charge is to bring him quick or dead; whereupon some
murmur at Court. |
|---|
| 17. Is also informed that a practice is in hand between the
Bishop of Rome, the French King, the King of Spain, and
the Duke of Savoy; and that the said Duke with the Duke
of Guise will make war with the Genoese; whereupon the
Bernois arm themselves as fast as they can. |
|---|
| 18. Is advertised by the Earl of Glencairn's brother that
those sent to take the Earl of Arran are returned, having
been to Chatelleraut in Poictou and other places, but cannot
hear of him, and suppose he is escaped, none know whither;
whereupon there is great marvellous discoursing and turmoil
here. The Scotlandmen, who have hitherto had marvellous
good countenance, are but meanly regarded; wherewith they
are so offended that they openly declare they are desirous to
be out of France. They verily think the amity so long continued between France and Scotland is now like to break.
Learns the ..... suspects that he has escaped into .........
Understands the French King, supposing he is lurking in
some place, sends the said Commissioners out again to find
him out. |
|---|
| 19. On the 20th, after dinner, came a gentleman from the
King to desire him [Throkmorton] to wait on him about
8, at the Bishop's Hall near Notre Dame, on the 22nd, to be
at the marriage of Madame Elizabeth, his daughter, to the
King Catholic. Assures their Lordships that the Duke of
Saxe, which is at the Court, is not he that was at St.
Quentin, but a much properer man. |
|---|
| 20. Henry Dudley has sent every day to Throkmorton for
three days past to speak with him for the Queen's service.
On the 19th, at 11 at night, went to meet him in the fields,
as secretly as could be. Declared to him that having no such
commission, he was loath to have to do with him but for the
Queen's service, for which he had come to know what he had
to say. Dudley said that the Marquis d'Elbuif had been
with him and told him he minded ere long to pass through
England, and thought the French King would send the said
Dudley into Scotland; whereupon Dudley asked him [D'Elbeuf] of the time of his sending, who said he could not tell,
but as soon as things here were despatched the French King
would send into Scotland when he heard how those broils
went forward. |
|---|
| 21. Dudley further declared that the Count Rockendolph
was with him and offered to do the Queen service, and said
he was better known in Hamburgh, Lubeck, and other
maritime ports that way than here. He also said that
certain of the Privy Chamber had told him [Dudley] that
John Rybald was sent for some enterprise upon the ports, and
to go and consider the Isle of Wight, he thought for some
great matter, and named the conveying of men into Scotland,
which should be six ensigns; adding that the French King,
when these triumphs and marriages were passed, minded to
prosecute the Queen Dauphin's title to England. Dudley
also said that the Lord d'Albany, brother to the Earl of Lennox,
was in hand with him touching those matters, and said the
Queen had not so much right to England as the Queen Dauphin; and if this title was not good there was another nearer
than the Queen, which Dudley said he spoke as if affectioned
to the matter. Knows not whether he said this much of
honest meaning, or perhaps mistrusting that the same was
known some other way, and so thought good to break thus
far with the writer. Indeed the Tremaynes and Cornwall
spoke of the same matters generally, before Throkmorton had
spoken with Dudley, that the King meant, as soon as he saw
time, to be busy with us. |
|---|
| 22. In the afternoon of the 20th, Lady Stafford came to
his lodging to declare how she had received a determination
in her matter touching the law, being in great lamentation
and asking his counsel. He suffered her to declare the matter
largely, but then told her he could give no counsel, as he
could not meddle in the matter. Then she desired, as soon as
she was despatched in her suit, to return to England. Told
her she knew best her own case, and could best tell whether
she might return or not. Begged him to signify her desire to
their Lordships, which he does.—Paris, 21 June 1559.
Orig. Injured by fire. Portions in cipher, deciphered.
Pp. 13. |
|---|
June 21.
B. M. Sloane, 4134. 317. | 869. Another copy of the above.
Forbes' transcript. |
|---|
June 21.
R. O. Forbes, 1. 135. | 870. Throkmorton to Cecil. |
|---|
| 1. Received his letter on the 16th by Francis, in the beginning whereof, as he mentioned the want of date in Throkmorton's letter sent by Mr. Hinde, so in the end Cecil
himself had committed the same error. |
|---|
| 2. On the 19th Lord Creky came to him and desired his
letters for Wm. Lord Hey of Ester, (who shall marry his
daughter) for his better passage through England into Scotland, which he has granted. Had heretofore mentioned how
dangerous a man the Lord of Creky was, but now having
understood that he is cousin germain removed to the Earl of
Arran, who esteems him and takes him for his friend and
kinsman, and that he has a daughter in the Queen Dauphin's
Privy Chamber, in great favour and credit with her, has for
these causes granted his request. The said Lord Ester is to
be mistrusted, and is indeed for his time a great Papist; and
the said Lord Creky is nephew to the Cardinal that was
slain. |
|---|
| 3. Has signified to the Queen that an overture was made to
him for an offer of marriage between herself and the Duke of
Nemours, and that by persons of good reputation, and understands that now the said Duke has moved the matter to the
Constable, who answered that this matter was not meet for
him, adding "What, do you not know that the Queen
Dauphin hath right and title to England?" Certain personages
had also declared unto him "that they here looked but for
occasion, and when they see time, said they, Have at you." |
|---|
| 4. Thomas Randal should be warned, (if he be not despatched before the receipt of this,) upon his arrival in France
to take upon him to be a merchant; for his better despatch
he should come in post hither, and his passage should be as
secretly as may be. |
|---|
| 5. The Earl of Glencarne's brother asked a passport for
Robert Cunningham, a Scottishman, who was banished Scotland and France, and was sent over as one recommended by
the Earl of Lennox's brother, M. d'Albany, to the said Earl.
"The Queen Dauphin sounded [swooned] again this day."
On 13 inst. despatched Mr. Randal to Cecil, who he supposes
took shipping at Dieppe. |
|---|
| 6. The French Queen and the Queen Dauphin, upon talk had
of the Earl of Arran, have said that before this Ambassador
of England came over, he said he would come if he were made
able; whereupon he desired to have liberty to cut his wood
in Poictou, to make money of. Now, since the Ambassador
of England's coming, as soon as he was sent for he refused
to come, and now has conveyed himself out of the way. May
perceive by this that he [Throgmorton] already begins to be
greatly suspected here. Begs him to consider the same, and
to appoint some meet man in his stead before he receives any
disgrace. |
|---|
| Lady Stafford has three times declared to him out of the
mouths of the Queen Dauphin, the Marshal St. André, and
De l'Aubespine, that Sir James Crofts' secretary at Berwick
is entertained by the Queen Dowager of Scotland, and advertises as much thither as he can get knowledge of. Believes
that Sir James Crofts himself is utterly void of all suspicion,
but what his secretary may be, God knoweth. Leaves him
to consider whether the report be uttered bonâ fide, or to
discredit Mr. Crofts, who is taken among them here to be
a good servant for the Queen. Lady Stafford further told
him that St. André, as she was a suitor to him in her own
cause, asked her whether the Ambassador would not speak
and do for her; and upon answering, No, he said, the
Ambassador had promised to do all he could for Dudley, and
will he not do as much for her? The talk that he [Throkmorton] had with Dudley was so late at night and so
secretly, that unless the latter did but practise with the
former to hear what he would say, marvels how it should
come to the Marshal's knowledge. |
|---|
| Recommends Sander Whitlo, a Scotchman, heretofore
pensioner in England in King Edward's time, (attending
upon the Duke of Somerset, and afterwards upon the Duke
of Northumberland,) whom the Earl of Huntly caused to
forfeit all his lands in Scotland, being a very honest, sober,
and godly man, and the most truly affectionate to England
of any Scotchman he knows; has been with him and given
him divers advertisements of things which are true. Supposes he will be content with what he had before in England.
Refers Cecil to his letters to the Council.—Paris, 21 June
1559. Signed.
Orig. Partly in cipher, deciphered. Add. Endd. by
Cecil. Pp. 4. |
|---|
June 21.
B.M. Sloane, 4134. 308. | 871. Another copy of the above.
Forbes' transcript. |
|---|
June 22.
R.O. | 872. The Emperor Ferdinand to the Queen. |
|---|
| Her letters of the 5th inst., and the report of Caspar Preyner,
Baron in Rabenstain. give him to understand her reception of
his embassy. After recapitulating the import of her letter,
(for the kind sentiments expressed in which he thanks her,)
as also for her embassy sent to him at Augsburg a few
months previously, he repeats his conviction that the Archduke Charles would have been a faithful husband to her, would
have helped her to bear the cares, the labours, and fatigues
of her Government, and given successors to the realm.
Circumstances may occur in which his aid may be valuable;
if so, she may rely upon it. Will send an Ambassador to reside
permanently in her Court, until the arrival of whom the said
Caspar Preyner will continue there.—Augusta Vendelicorum,
22 June 1559.—Signed: Ferdinandus,—V.Seld,—M. Singkhmoser. |
|---|
| Orig. Add., with Royal seal of England. Endd. by Cecil.
Lat. Pp. 8. |
|---|
June 22.
Nero, B. ix. 91. | 873. Another copy of the above.
Transcribed from original. |
|---|
June 22.
Sloane, 4142. 7 b. | 874. Another copy of the above.
Forbes' transcript. |
|---|
June 22.
R. O. 171 B. | 875. Another copy of the above.
Modern transcript. |
|---|
June 22.
R. O. | 876. The Marquis of Winchester to Cecil. |
|---|
| The Duke of Florence and the Seignory became bound to
the King for Sir Anthony Guydote's debt of 15,000l., to be
paid in fifteen years after 500l. a year, whereof 4,000l. is paid,
the rest unpaid since the war began between the said Duke
and the Duke of Ferrara at the suit of the Duke of Florence
for the war time. Peace has been between the said Dukes
these two years, yet no payment offered since, nor answer made
to such letters as Bartholomew Compayne, Florentine, wrote
to the Duke for the receiving of the payment. The Queen's
letters should be written to him. |
|---|
| Provision for payment of Ireland should be considered.
Also payment for the North, and payment of the Queen's
debts. Sends two warrants for the payment of his debt in
the Isle of Wight.—22 June 1559. Signed. |
|---|
| Orig. Add., with armorial seal. P. 1. |
|---|
June 23.
B. M. Sloane, 4734. 172 b. | 877. Knox to Anna Lock. |
|---|
| 1. "The last enemy, Death, shall be abolished." She
hungers, he doubts not, to know the success of Christ's
Evangel, the things that have come to pass since his arrival
and his expectation in this enterprise, dangerous, indeed, and
very strange to worldly men. |
|---|
| 2. Wishes her to understand the proceedings of their
brethren, the true professors of Jesus Christ, since they declared
themselves enemies to Antichrist, and the requests made to
the Queen Dowager by the nobility, barons, and commonalty.
After many fair promises made by her nothing was meant but
craft. The whole brethren consented that idolatry should be
repressed where the most part of the people should admit
reformation; and so was the kirk of Dundee reformed before
his arrival, and public prayers were in other places. This so
stirred the adversaries that the preachers were summoned to
answer as criminals before a civil judge. The day of their
appearance was 10th May 1559, being the 8th day after his
arrival. He, being moved in conscience to give confession
along with his brethren, after the rest of one day in Edinburgh, prepared to repair towards them, and on the third day
after came to Dundee, where a great assembly of brethren was
for consultation. The conclusion was that the whole company
should accompany their preachers and give confession of their
faith with them. And so from Dundee they departed to Saint
Johnston, which late before had received the order of Common
Prayers. But to avoid suspicion of resistance and rebellion
against authority, one of the most grave and wise Barons was
directed to the Queen Regent with declaration of their minds.
She and her Council required that the multitude should not
come to Stirling, where the preachers were appointed to compeir, and so should no extremity be used, but the summons
should be continued till further advisement. This being
gladly granted by the preachers, some of the brethren returned
to their dwelling places; but the Queen and her Council,
nothing mindful of their promises, called the preachers, and
for lack of appearance did put them to the horn. |
|---|
| 3. The brethren sought the next remedy. After appellation
from such a doubtful sentence, they put to their hands for
reformation in Saint Johnston, where the places of idolatry
of grey and black friars and of Charterhouse monks were
made equal with the ground; all monuments of idolatry that
could be apprehended consumed with fire, and priests commanded under pain of death to desist from their blasphemous
Mass. This did so enrage the venom of the serpent's seed
that a sentence of death was pronounced against man, woman,
and child, indwellers there, or that would assist them; and
their city was threatened to be utterly destroyed, burnt, and
rased, for the execution of which a great army of French and
Scotsmen, with much ordnance, was prepared. The Queen
and the priests had many favourers at the first, for they made
the preachers odious in the ears of the people, alleging their
assemblies to be a tumult, and that they pretended not religion but the subversion of authority, and that for that purpose they intended to fortify the town. This wicked bruit
procured the preachers many enemies, who understanding
their innocence were more favourable. They did all diligence
to make their cause known as well to Frenchmen as to others,
as diverse writings by them [the preachers] set forth do witness. In the end, men of discretion began to weigh their
reasons and petitions, and thereupon persuaded the Queen to
assav if they meant truly in their writings. Their offers were
as yet they are, to serve the authority among them established
in all things not plainly repugnant to God, to His commandment and glory. They asked that the Evangel might have
free passage, and that their consciences should not be bound
to men's traditions. Their reasons he cannot now recite.
Hereupon messengers were sent to the preachers while the
two armies were within three miles. Their number exceeded
not 5,000 men, for their whole congregation was not assembled. Their adversaries were about 8,000, yet they sought
the appointment, which was thus concluded, that the Congregation should leave the town of Saint Johnston free, in sign of
their obedience to the Queen, that they should depart to their
own houses, and should show no sign of rebellion against the
authority. The Queen and her Council promised that no
person within Saint Johnston, nor of those who assisted them,
should be troubled for anything done, either in religion or
downcasting of places, till the Estates in Parliament had
decided the controversy; and that no bands of French soldiers
should be left behind the Queen and Council in that town,
and that no idolatry should be erected nor alteration made
within the town. |
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| 4. But after she had obtained her desire all godly promises
were forgotten; for the Sunday next after her entry Masses
were said upon "a dyting table," (for all altars were profaned,) the poor professors were oppressed; when children were
slain she did but smile, excusing the fact by the chance of
fortune, and at her departure she left 400 soldiers (Scottishmen, but paid by France,) to "dantone" the town; she
changed the provost, and exiled all godly men. This cruelty
displeased many, who before assisted her with their presence
and counsel. Among others, the Earl of Argyll and the Prior
St. Andrew's left and joined themselves to the Congregation
openly, which as it is displeasing to her and the shavelings,
so was most comfortable and joyful to the preachers, for
by their presence the hearts of many were erected from
desperation. |
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| 5. At their commandment the writer repaired to them to
Saint Andrew's, where it was concluded that Christ Jesus
should there be openly preached, and that the places and monuments of idolatry should be removed, and that superstitions
should be changed. This reformation there was begun 14th
June. In the meantime came the Bishop of Saint Andrew's,
accompanied with a great band of warriors, and commanded
that no preaching should be made by Knox, who was both
burnt and horned; "assuring the Lords that if they suffered
me to preach, that twelve harquebutts should light upon
my nose at once. O burning charity of a bloody Bishop!"
But as that boast did little affray him, so did it more incense
and inflame with courage the hearts of the godly, who proclaimed that Christ Jesus should be preached in despite of
Satan. That Sunday and three days after the writer occupied that public place in the midst of the doctors, who to
this day are dumb, even as dumb as their idols, who were
burnt in their presence. |
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| 6. The Bishop departed to the Queen, frustrate of his intent,
for he had promised to bring Knox to her, either living or
dead. Incontinent was a new army assembled, and forward
they marched against Saint Andrew's. It was not thought
expedient that the Congregation should abide them lurking
in a town, and so they passed to the fields and met them at
Cowper, where lodging was appointed for their camps. But
the Congregation prevented them, and remained upon their
coming till the next day. When both armies were within
shot of cannon and looked for nothing but the extremity of
battle, (not that the Congregation intended to pursue, but
only to stand in camp, where their field was pitched for defence
of themselves,) there came from their adversaries an ambassador, desiring communing of the Lords, which gladly was
granted. After long reasoning the Queen offered a free remission for all crimes bypast, so that they would no further proceed against friars and abbeys, and that no more preaching
should be used publicly. But the Lords and the whole brethren refused such appointment, declaring that the fear of no
mortal creature should cause them to betray the verity known
and professed, neither yet to suffer idolatry to be maintained
in the bounds committed to their charge. |
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| 7. The adversaries (perceiving that neither threatening,
flattery, nor deceit could break the bold constancy and godly
purpose of the Lords, barons, gentlemen, and commons, who
were there assembled to the number of 3,000 in one day's
warning,) were content to take assurance for eight days,
permitting freedom of religion in the meantime, in which the
abbey of Lundores (a place of black monks, distant from
Saint Andrew's twelve miles) was reformed, their idols, vestments of idolatry and massbooks were burnt in their own
presence, and they were commanded to cast away their monkish
[habits]. Diverse canons of Saint Andrew's have given
notable confessions, and have declared themselves manifest
enemies to the Pope, to the Mass, and to all superstition.
Thus far has God advanced the glory of His dear Son amongst
them. "Oh! that my heart could be thankful for the superexcellent benefit of my God. The long thirst of my wretched
heart is satisfied in abundance, that is, above my expectation,
for now forty days and more hath my God used my tongue in
my native country to the manifestation of His glory. Whatsoever shall now follow as touching my own carcase, His
Holy Name be praised." |
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| 8. The thirst of the poor people as well as of the nobility
here is wondrous great, which puts him in comfort that Christ
Jesus shall triumph for a space here in the north and extreme
parts of the earth. They fear that the tyranny of France,
under the cloak of religion, shall seek a plain conquest of
them; but potent is God to confound their councils and to
break their force. God move the hearts of such as profess
Christ Jesus with them to have respect to their jeopardy, and
open their eyes to see that the ruin of the Congregation shall
be their destruction. Asks her to communicate the contents
hereof (which he writes to her lest that by diverse rumours
she should be troubled and they slandered,) with all faithful,
but especially with the afflicted of that little flock now dispersed and destitute of those pleasant pastures in which
sometime they fed abundantly. If any remain at Geneva,
asks that this same, or the double of it, be sent unto them,
and likewise to his dear brother, Mr. Gudman, "whose presence I more thirst than she that is my own flesh." Wills
him, therefore, in the name of the Lord Jesus, (all delay and
excuse set apart,) to visit him, the writer, for the necessity is
great here. If he come by sea, let him be addressed unto
Dundee, and let him ask for George Levell, for George Rolloke, or for William Carmichael. If he come to Leith, let
him repair to Edinburgh and inquire for James Baron, Edward Hope, Adam Fullerton, or for John Johnstoun, writer,
by whom he will get knowledge of Knox. If Knox's mother
and his wife come by her [Lock], let her will them to make
the expedition that godly they can to visit him, or at the least
to come to the north parts, where they shall know his mind,
which now he cannot write, being oppressed with hourly cares.
The bearer is a poor man, unknown in the country, to whom
he asks her to show reasonable favour and kindness touching
his merchandise and the just selling thereof.—Saint Andrew's,
23 June 1559. |
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June 23.
R.O. | 878. Kirkaldy to Cecil |
|---|
| The natural love which he bears to his native realm, and
the unfeigned desire which long he has borne that the inhabitants of this isle may be united in perpetual amity, compel
him to declare their present estate, and to require of him
counsel and comfort in this their danger. Religion is here in
that furtherance that open defiance is given to all maintainers
of idolatry. Twice have the professors of God's Word shown
their faces for defence of their brethren, whose blood was
sought for the cause of religion. Instantly they are upon the
fields for the deliverance of St. Johnston, which the Queen,
under promise, has taken and put in the keeping of soldiers,
They fear not the party presently within the realm, for the
most part of the nobility and commonalty have given open
defiance to the Pope; but the craft of the Queen and the
Papists is to bring in an army of French. In this case all
godly men desire to know what support they may look for
from England, with whom now they seek to be one in religion
and friendship. Their number is great here and daily appears
to increase if they be not overthrown by a foreign nation,
which if he [Cecil] suffers, he will prepare a way for his own
destruction. If he will advisedly and friendly look upon this,
doubts not to find the means that Scotland will be as faithful
to England to defend the liberty of the same, as he [the
writer] is now to require support if they be assaulted by the
French King's power. It will much advance the common
peace of both realms if the Queen's marriage be not hasty;
for such respects, as upon the knowledge of Cecil's mind concerning the premises, the writer will signify to his wisdom.
Asks for an answer with expedition. If he lose this occasion
he may perchance "thruste" for it and yet not find it so
favourable to both parties. Prays that God may move his
heart to be fervent and stout in this case, and the hearts of
the Council and realm. Trusts he will keep this letter from
the hands of such as may do him harm.—Grange, 23 June
1559. Signed. |
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| Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 2. |
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June 24.
R. O. | 879. The Council to the English Commissioners in the
North. |
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| Look daily for advertisement of their conclusion with the
Scottish Commissioners. Remind them that the rasing of
Ayemouth by special words mentioned in the treaty, must be
a clean overthrow of the building, so as no wall remains, but
is to be made even with the ground. Pray them to take heed
that this be done and not to fail to press the Commissioners
or any other Scottish Ministers as they shall think meetest.
May use the express commandment of the Council for so
doing if they see cause. |
|---|
| Draft. Cecil's hol. Add.: To the Earl of Northumberland,
the Bishop of Durham, Dacres, and Croft. Endd.: 24 June
1559. Pp. 2. |
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June 25.
R.O. | 880. Kirkcaldy to Sir Henry Percy. |
|---|
| Cannot wonder enough that he has never received answer,
wherefore now desires him to let him know his mind in all
things, as also to look upon this other letter and thereafter
close it and send it with all haste to Mr. Cecil, "whomof" he
shall require answer with all diligence. |
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| At this present there are past to the taking of Saint Johnston the Earls of Argyll, Glencarne, Rothes, Monteyth, and the
Prior of St. Andrew's, the Lords Reven, Ochiltre, Boyd,
Drummond, and Ogilvie, with a great number of barons and
gentlemen, so that they will be 10,000 men upon the fields at
this present time. Many nobles and gentlemen who have not
stirred at this present have sworn to do so if needful. (fn. 1) The
Queen minds not to resist, because she may not; but purposes
with the Frenchmen to keep Edinburgh, which he trusts shall
be hard for her to do. She is like to grant the other party
all they desire, which in part she has offered already.—The
Grange, 25 June. |
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| Orig. Hol. Add. Pp. 2. |
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