|
August 11. R. O. | 1182. The French Hostages in London. |
| The Marquis of Winchester and Sir John Mason to the
Council. |
| On Wednesday last the Marquis (although he was troubled
with a "catharre") taking with him Sir John Mason, went to
the house of the Marquis de Tran, where he found the Marquis
de Nesle and all the rest of the hostages. Sir John opened
the matter in good sort and gentle speech. The Marquis
himself used not many words, but all the words came from the
Ambassador and M. de Candalle, which were so bitter, so
haulte, and so passing the limits of all reason as might seem
their feet had been upon our necks. Although they were told
that the only meaning of the writers was to quiet the fury
of the people, stirred by the fresh murder, still with cries and
loud speeches they laid the whole charge upon our men, "inculcing" the danger they thought themselves to be in, one of
them swearing he would run away, and another that he would
demand a lodging in the Tower, being nevertheless as safe as
if they were in Paris. The dead man having so many wounds,
and namely three through the body, it was not possible, they
said, to tell the murderer. All the fault, they said, was our
own, they being assailed with four halberts out of Mr. Mason's
house. To this they stood most impudently, whereas no one
man of theirs is found to be hurt in that medley, and the man
was killed within his master's gate, receiving three "foynes" at
once by three several persons. Were together two hours, but
nothing came of it but arrogant and high speeches. What
they did was by the Queen's command and for the quieting
of the people, who were now in a fury, and for the better
safety of the innocent. |
| August 11. | The same evening the French Ambassador's men allured a
serving-man to come in and drink; and having shut the doors,
in the presence of the Ambassador examined him and kept
him there above three hours, making him believe that he was
there for some displeasurement done to some of the house.
To content the Ambassador the man was sent to the Counter,
though nothing could be found in him, and next day he was
dismissed. There is no little difficulty to keep the peace and
to stay the fury of the people. Perceive that no mean authority
will be required to reduce the French to reason.—London,
11 Aug. 1559. Signed. |
| Orig. Add. Endd.: To Mr. Secretary. Pp. 4. |
August 11. R. O. | 1183. The French Hostages in London. |
| Sir J. Mason to Cecil. |
| By the Treasurer's letter will understand what has passed
between the Frenchmen and us touching their late disorder.
Never had to do with men of more pride and less reason.
Such a fact in France could not thus have been let slip, whereof
has good experience. But these men, having committed such a
cruel murder as the like has not been heard of, seem to find
fault that they are by any means blamed for it. Had thought
the Ambassador had been alone, but Candalle is worse than
he. Too much honour and courtesy showed to them that
deserve it not, makes ex stultis insanos. |
| The maitre d'hôtel of the Marquis de Trans is not yet
returned, and it is feared he has miscarried. |
| The Book of Common Service in Latin is now in perfection.
Would to God Cecil would put his authority to the setting of
it to the printer, and makes the like wish for the little book
of private prayers for children and servants. Wishes his
cousin Wotton were stayed here for eight or ten days. Can
do no good without the letter of instruction for the visitation
of the diocese of Oxford.—12 Aug. 1559. Signed. |
| Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. P. 1. |
August 12. B. M. Sloane, 4734. 183 b. Knox, 1.386. Calderw. 1. 498.* | 1184. The Lord James to Francis II. |
| Has received his letter from Paris of 17th July last, in
which he marvels that the writer, forgetting all the favours
shown him by the late King of France and the present
Queen of Scotland, should declare himself head and one of the
principal beginners of the alleged tumults and seditions in
Scotland; and that if he did not declare his repentance, he
and the rest should receive the reward they merited. |
| It grieves him heavily that the King should charge him
with ingratitude, the rather that he perceives the same to
have proceeded from sinister information. Touching the
repentance, his conscience persuades him in those proceedings
to have done nothing against God or his duty to him and the
Queen. The King, being truly informed and persuaded that
that which they have done is to God's glory and without derogation to his due obedience, they doubt not but that he will
be well content with their proceedings, which being grounded
on the commandment of the eternal God, they dare not leave
unaccomplished; only desiring that His Majesty know the
same, and the truth thereof, as it is persuaded to their conscience, and all those who are truly instructed in the eternal
Word of God, upon Whom they cast their care for all dangers
that may follow the accomplishment of His eternal will, and
to Whom they commend the King, beseeching Him to illuminate his heart with the Evangel of His eternal truth, to know
his duty towards his poor subjects, God's chosen people, and
what he ought to crave justly of them again.—Dumbarton,
12 Aug. 1559. |
August 12. B. M. Sloane, 4737. 102 b. | 1185. Another copy of the above. |
August 13. R. O. | 1186. Reformation in Scotland. |
| The Earl of Argyll and the Prior of St. Andrew's to Cecil. |
| Have received at Stirling, 6th August, his answer to their
letters and credit sent by Master Whitlaw, which was neither
so full nor so plain as their expectation was; for they, having
referred to him the means whereby these two realms might be
joined in perpetual amity, looked to have received from him
some especial heads, which either they might have granted, or
at least have answered with simplicity. Although the chief
part of his letter, consisting of giving them counsel (good, but
impossible for them to follow,) and showing them dangers
already foreseen, makes them doubtful what further to answer,
yet they have thought good briefly to touch the points of his
letter. |
| 1. Touching the doubt he seems to make whether this reformation by them begun appertains to all men within this realm,
or to one part thereof, they are persuaded that it ought not
only to appertain to them to provide that the ancient liberties
of the realm may remain free from the tyranny of strangers,
but also to suppress and abolish all manifest idolatry and
maintainers of the same, in doing which, albeit their power
has failed, yet they have lacked no good will. As they
wished the felicity of the English to be perpetual, so they
hoped to have received of them such aid as might have set
themselves in the same liberty. |
| 2. They are not ignorant that their enemies, the popish
kirkmen, are crafty, rich, malicious, and blood thirsty, and
gladly would the writers have their riches otherwise bestowed.
"But consider, sir, that we have against us the established
authority, which did ever favour you and Denmark both in
all your reformations; and, therefore, that without support
we cannot bring them to such obedience as we desire." The
danger of the army prepared against them in France first
moved them to seek the support of England, and after to send
their other messenger, Master Knox, with fuller instructions
to Sir James Croftes, which they suppose Cecil has received,
whereof they desire the plain minds and full answer of the
English, that they may either prepare themselves to join with
the English for their common defence, or else provide for some
other means to avoid the present inconvenience. They still
look for the comfortable support of the English, what danger
that ever shall appear by re-entering in war with France. |
| 3. They have tempted the Duke by all means possible, but
as yet of him have no certainty other than a general promise
that he will not be their enemy when the matter shall come
to the uttermost. They care not to provoke all men to
favour their cause, and of their nobility they have established
a council; but suddenly to discharge this authority until he
[Cecil] and they are fully accorded, it is not thought here
expedient. They heartily desire that the [English] Council
would use with them plainness and simplicity in all things.
These enterprises are such as ought, they think, justly to
deliver them from all suspicion of any doubleness, without
further pledge to be required for the performance of their
promises. They do not think it good to trouble the Queen
with their other letters, because to their former they have
received no answer.—Glasgow, 13 Aug. 1559. "Your loving
and assured friends in the name of the rest, Ard. Ergyll,
James Sanctandr." |
| Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 3. |
Aug. 13 & 14. R. O. | 1187. Intelligence from France. |
| Francis Edwards to Cecil. |
| Wrote last on 7th and 8th inst. from Rouen and Dieppe, at
which latter place he remained one day after the despatch of
his letter. Having there been informed that diverse band
of horsemen had been at Arques and had ridden to Calais, he
rode to Arques and perceived that forty horsemen had passed
by of late, and more were looked for to go to Calais, where
there shall meet, on the 15th inst., 200 horsemen to be shipped
thence or from Boulogne to go to Scotland, along with 1,000
footmen or more, all of whom shall be ready to depart by the
20th inst. |
| On the 10th as he rode to Rouen he met three horsemen of
the band of M. d'Elbœuff, well horsed, every man his dag at his
saddlebow, three laquies leading four fair great horses.
They said they were going to Calais, and that there were of
their company forty horsemen. |
| On the 12th, being in this town ready to ride to Newhaven,
was certified from thence that five great merchant ships were
departed from thence on the 10th inst. to go to Calais. At
the same time was advertised for Dieppe that the same four
ships arrived in Dieppe Road on the morning of the 11th, and
that Capt. John Roase went aboard them and so departed the
same day towards Calais, to take in their men appointed and
to await the coming of the King's ship named the S. John,
which had remained behind at Newhaven to take in M.
la Brosche, who is appointed the chief of this army into
Scotland. M. la Brosche came to this town of Rouen yesterday in the afternoon, and this day in the morning departed
from thence towards Newhaven, there to take shipping, thence
to depart on the 15th or 16th. Of this the writer is certain,
by intelligence he has received from hence and from Newhaven. Will thence go to Calais, where the rest of the ships
abide his coming. Two ships more go from Newhaven with
him, although it be not spoken of. Two merchant ships are
here in readiness, as if to go forth on their merchandise, but
there is no lading in them. The French are subtle and crafty
in their doings, and say that only five ships shall go on this
voyage, but there have departed out of Newhaven eight sail,
and the ninth is ready to depart. |
| Hears that there is a new ship at Boulogne of 200 tons
burden, which shall go also, and one or two of Calais; most
men think there will be ten sail, whereof four laden with
munition and victuals. Some say that the Bishop of Amiens,
or some Abbot, goes with them. Has this day been informed
that the Lord Admiral of France has sent commission to
Newhaven to make ready the rest of the King's ships that be
there, and to Dieppe to rig forth the Great Carrick. If this
is true, it is like that they will make forth a new army. It
has been said that they would send 8,000 or 10,000 more
into Scotland. To-morrow he will ride to Dieppe to see this
letter safely conveyed, and if the Carrick is being rigged he
will write in the end of this letter. They are much afraid of
war with the Scots, and fear that the Queen will take part
with them. Trusts that Cecil will not forget his coming
home. Lies at Rouen at the house of John du Metz. Most
of the English merchants are departed.—Rouen, 13 August
1559. Signed. |
| August 14. | P.S.—Saw this morning without the town gates of Rouen, of
M. de Beauvois' band, ten horsemen well mounted, every man
his dag at his saddlebow, abiding for M. de Beauvois, who
rides to Newhaven, as they say, and to lie about the coast;
yet some say that he goes into Scotland with M. de la Brosse.
This day he came to Dieppe and perceived that the Great
Carrick shall rig forth. This day the carpenters have begun to
pluck down her forecastle; she must be new made from the
chain holes upwards, it will be three whole weeks ere she can
be ready. The men of the town, to colour the matters, say
that the Lord Admiral will send her to "Brassell." The like
commission has gone to Newhaven for part of the King's ships.
Will go there shortly.—Dieppe, 14 August 1559. Signed. |
| Orig. Hol. Endd. Add. Pp. 4. |
August 14. R. O. | 1188. The Marquis of Winchester to Cecil. |
| Sends all the Bishops' books, a calendar of the Commissioners, and another of the bishoprics. Dr. Stuard is
departed this life. Has taken order for Lord Latymer, and
for the Bishop of S. David's, but not the Bishop of Exeter. |
| August 14. | The matter between the French hostages and Watsons'
folk remains quiet, because the citizens are kept under obedidence, which cannot continue, the French are so disordered
and their masters so far from the knowledge of reason, except
it be the Marquis, who of himself would do well enough.
Since they cannot rule their own men they were better
lodged in the suburbs than in the heart of the city. |
| The obsequies of the French King cannot be done without
the presence of noblemen. It must be known whether the
Queen will have it done with a livery of black, (and therein
the Ambassadors and hostages must be remembered,) and
whether she will have the hearse and old ceremonies, which
he supposes she would be loath to have. Then, there must be
a device how her proceedings may best be set forth for
honour, and how it shall like the French, who cannot well
like anything that is done by us. Doubts how it shall be
taken of their side; and to have ill report for charges to be
done he thinks not best. Therefore, as he wrote first, writes
now, that he thinks best the Queen tarry nearer Michaelmas, when she will be nearer London, and thereby noblemen
at hand; and in the meanwhile Cecil shall hear further how
the world shall proceed. |
| As he sees no certainty of the continuance of peace, the
Queen should consider Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight,
wherein no nobleman in England will serve her but himself.
Wishes as much good to Berwick and the Marches. Sends a
paper, whereof he broke to Sir R. Sadler at his going that he,
Croftes and Leighe, might consider it and advertise. Has
sent my Lord of Oxford's letter. Signed. |
| Orig. Add. Endd: 14 Aug. 1559. Pp. 4. |
August 14. R. O. | 1189. Montmorency to Throckmorton. |
| When last in England noticed the great pleasure which the
Queen took a la diversite de chanssons en musique. Thinking therein to do her a pleasure, sends him herewith a dozen
of the most beautiful which he could procure in France; and
also some "gaillardes," obtained from the King's violin players,
which he thinks she will find very excellent. Regrets that he
could not send them sooner, in consequence of the hindrances
which have so continually occurred from the period of his
return until the burial of the late King, during the time when
he lay wounded, since which time he himself has been ill of a
fever, from which he has not yet recovered. Desires to be
recommended to the Queen, for whom he entertains the
greatest affection.—Escouen, 14 Aug. 1559. Signed. |
| Orig. Add. Endd. Fr. Pp. 2. |
August 15. R. O. Forbes, 1. 197. | 1190. Throckmorton to the Queen. |
| 1. On the 10th repaired to the Constable to Meigret, who
received him very courteously, and when he had conducted
him into a parlour (where at his coming he was walking) and
caused him to sit down, he [Throckmorton] said that awhile
ago he had received letters from the Queen to him, which
hitherto he had deferred to give him, seeing him so busied
about the interment. He then delivered the Queen's letters,
saying the Queen had commanded him to declare that she
was desirous to make some proof of his friendship. |
| 2. Having read the letter, the Constable said he was much
bound to the Queen, and that she would always find him
ready to do her service, and divers times said to him these
words, "Mon compere, when shall I have occasion to see that
woman whom the world speaketh so much of?" and that he
thought one day he should see her. |
| 3. Then he began to talk of Throckmorton's servant (of
whom he has written to the Council) who played upon the virginals, and asked if he had him again? The writer answered,
No. Then the Constable said that if he willed him to do anything in this matter he would do his best. So leaving that
talk, the Constable asked if, through him, he could be furnished with greyhounds for the hart and for the wolf. The
writer replied that there were no wolves in England. The
Constable said, "Those that be good for the hart will serve
also for the wolf." So if the Queen's master will send two
or three brace of greyhounds it will please him. He goes into
the country after the interment. The Constable told him that
the Sacre of the King will be on the 10th September, and
that he would leave St. Germain for Rheims on the 22nd inst. |
| 4. The same day the Constable sent M. de Lansac to tell
Throckmorton to be at the Tournelles next day to conduct the
body of the King to Notre Dame Church, and also to tell
him that, to maintain the amity between the Princes, on the
12th day, which was the day for carrying the corpse from
Notre Dame to S. Denis, the Portuguese Ambassador should
be present and he absent; and on Sunday, the day of the
interment, he should be at S. Denis with the other Ambassadors; and prayed him not to think it strange to be
absent when the Portuguese Ambassador was present. Lansac
also reminded him of the greyhounds. |
| 5. On the 11th the corpse of the late King was carried from
the Tournelles to Notre Dame with very great magnificence.
The Ambassadors were the Pope's Nuncio with Marrillac,
Archbishop of Vienne, Throckmorton with the Bishop of
Challon, the Ambassador of Venice with the Bishop of Evreux,
and the Ambassador of Florence with the Bishop of Orleans;
the Ambassador of Portugal was absent in respect of Throckmorton, as were those of Ferrara and Mantua, in respect of
the Ambassador of Florence. By the way, the Bishop of
Challon his companion asked how it chanced, that though
King Philip and his allies and almost all the Princes of
Christendom, had sent to condole with the King on the
death of his father, no one had come from the Queen to condole
or congratulate? He answered that their Ambassador had
not given her knowledge thereof; and that it was not the
custom for any to be sent to condole without knowledge
given by their Ambassador on that side, which was not yet
done. |
| 6. On the 13th the corpse was interred in S. Denis, the
Cardinal of Lorraine said Mass. The Duke of Lorraine, the
Duke of Guise's son, the Prince of Janvyle and the Duke of
Montpensier's son, represented the King's children; the Dukes
of Orleans, d'Angouleme, and Anjou, with the Duke of
Montpensier and the Prince of Rochsurion, were chief mourners.
There was an oration made which he could not hear, but as
both it and all connected with the interment will shortly be
in print, he will not trouble the Queen with it. When the
ceremonies and offerings were ended, Valois, the King of
Arms, stood up, and after he had said twice, "Le Roi est
mort," he turned him about and proclaimed the King alive,
and the third time said "Vive le Roi tres Chretien, Francoise
le deuzieme de ce nom, par la grace de Dieu Roi de France,"
without any more; thereupon the trumpets sounded, and
thus was the interment perfected. Then all the Estates went
to dinner in the Abbot's hall, hung with black, and the
Ambassadors with them. At a table on the right hand were
set the Duke of Lorraine, the Constable, the Duke of Guise,
the Prince of Janville, the Duke of Montpensier's son, the
Cardinal of Lorraine, and certain other Cardinals; and the
Ambassadors according to their places. |
| 7. After dinner the Duke of Guise came unto Throckmorton,
and calling him apart by name with very courteous usage,
said that although he understood there is a quarrel between
him [Throckmorton] and his brother, the Prior, about a man
of his, he would take upon him to have this man restored.
He began to set forth the Queen's virtues and his good will
to her; and said, he marvelled that Throckmorton did not
come to him before about this man's case. He also said that
at the time of his [Throckmorton's] trouble, he had made
divers signs of his good will, though unknown to him. And
he would do all he could for the continuance of the peace and
treaty between the Queen and the King his master. Throckmorton replied, with as good words as he gave, that the
Queen would certainly do nothing to frustrate their good
opinion of her. |
| 8. Then the Duke, taking him by the hand, led him to the
other Ambassadors, and asked whether he knew that
Stranguishe were taken or not. The writer replied that he
was told a day or two passed, that the ships had taken him
and carried him to England, so that they might see their
doubts about the setting forth of these ships was groundless.
Then, before the Ambassadors, the Duke set out with many
good words, how much he wished that all Princes would do
the like, so that many breaches of friendship might be taken
away. Then he said, he heard a pirate of the French was
taken, and some Frenchmen found in Stranguishe's ship, and
prayed him to write to the Queen, that if any such be taken,
they be sent thither to have justice done, and be executed as
an example to others, which the writer promised. |
| 9. The reports of the time of the King of Navarre's coming
being so uncertain, and having for some days letters from
her to him stayed in his hands, and not knowing how important they may be, he thought good to send Mr. Killigrew
to Vendôme to the King of Navarre on the 8th to tell him
that letters from the Queen to him were stayed in his
[Throckmorton's] hands for some days, and his arrival in
Paris seeming uncertain, sends this messenger to desire to
know the King's pleasure, as to what day he [Throckmorton]
shall wait on him to deliver the letters. The King received
Mr. Killigrew gently, talked with him apart; said he was
glad to understand the Queen's wise and godly proceedings
in religion, which would be surely for God's glory; so also
he desired to make a league with her, saying he thought God
had heretofore preserved her from so many dangers for the
setting forth His Word, and he trusted had done the like to
him, in preserving him from so many perils; and how he
desired to set forth religion, which he wished might be for
God's glory, if they could conclude the said treaty. |
| 10. The King demanded of Mr. Killigrew, whether any league
was passed between the Queen and Protestant Princes of
Germany. He answered he did not know what had passed
between them, but thought there was great show of friendship.
The King asked him what had become of the Earl of Arran,
and he said that he knew nothing certain, but had heard of
his being at Geneva and in Germany. The King commanded
that he [Throckmorton] should at his coming to Paris send to
know what time he should come to deliver his letters, and
said he would be in Paris on Wednesday, the 16th. Then he
questioned of the French Court, and speaking of the coronation of the French King said he marvelled what they meant
to hasten so the coronation; and then licensed Killigrew to
depart. |
| 11. Nothing of note save this has happened since sending the
last letter on the 8th. Being informed of all this, and being
told of what is thought of her remaining so long without
sending to condole or congratulate, also of the proclamation
of the French King's style at the interment, which was
thought would have been done to her prejudice, he would
know her wishes about the letters staid in his hands, being
passed date and unmeet to be delivered, which may hinder
her affairs if others be not sent with speed. |
| 12. And now the interment being passed and the occasion of
condolence taken away, that they may have less cause to
judge any misliking of them, he asks her to send some great
men to congratulate, thereby to qualify the not sending of one
to condole. This must needs be before the Sacre on the 10th
September. And because, the state being altered, the rulers
also are changed, and they which heretofore would have
stood her in stead are now exempt and others in their places,
it will be well by letter to cause them to think she has no
less estimation of them than she had of others heretofore. |
| 13. For the winning of their inclination towards her minister
in Paris, she should appoint some such man as may be
acceptable to them, and to send letters to the King, the
Queen called la Reyne Mere, and the young Queen, the Cardinal
of Lorraine and the Duke of Guise, who are the chief managers. Thinks it meet in no case to use the letters he has, being
so far past date, and the sooner she determine her pleasure, the
more it shall be for the advancement of her service. |
| 14. And although he is informed that the French King
minds still to use his old style, yet understands that the
young French Queen has a seal in making with the arms of
England and Scotland quartered, to use for the affairs of
Scotland and her private affairs, the style about which is
"Maria Dei Gratia Regina Francœ, Scotiœ, Angliœ, et
Hiberniœ." Although the matter is not so certain as to work
upon, yet informs Elizabeth in case she should mind to give
the condoler or Ambassador resident her instructions, in case
the matter shall fall plainly out for the use of that seal. |
| 15. Is informed that M. de Noailles shall shortly be revoked
from the Queen, and in his place shall come to reside one
M. de S. Pierre, brother to M. Laleigre; and also that a great
personage shall come thither to confirm the peace. |
| 16. It may like the Queen also to remember her fourth
hostage, the Vidame of Amiens, whose servant came to Throckmorton to know whether his going to England required
speed. Answered that he would do well to hasten. |
| 17. Is informed that the French have a secret practice in
hand for the sudden surprise of Berwick, by the way of the
cliff there, at the low water mark; whither they mind upon
a sudden to bring their men, and so (doing the guard out of
the way), to be possessed thereof, and to keep the same by
force. And for the better bringing whereof to pass, they
will have ambushes about; whereof she will do well to inform
the Governor of Berwick. |
| 18. Is informed that the Cardinal of Lorraine and the
Councillors have openly reported, and caused some men of
estimation purposely to tell him [Throckmorton], that the
Queen Dowager of Scotland has slain 1,200 Scots of her
enemies; and almost discomforted all the rest of the Lutherans
(as they call them), and by force entered the castle of Edinburgh, and keeps the same. Also that Labrosse and the Bishop
of Amiens are gone to Scotland, the Bishop to be Commissary
for France and Legate for the Pope, and a power of men to
work enterprises, and that there shall be left there continually
1,000 men at arms besides footmen. Advises the Queen to
consider of them, and to provide in time to prevent their
malice, if they pretend any. |
| 19. Hears the Duke of Savoy is displeased that the forts
appointed by the late King to be restored to him are unrased.
Is told that all the French have left Corsica, though the
Genoese are not entered, and they have offered to a French
gentleman to be their lord, saying that rather than have the
Genoese as rulers they will submit to the Turks. |
| 20. Lord Gray is daily by the Count Rochefocault more
cruelly handled. He is kept at the castle of the Count beside
Bloys, and threatened to be removed further into Gascoigne,
being quite exempt from liberty. What grief for the poor
gentleman to be constrained to pay more than he is worth!
What importance he is of for the Queen's service! Without
her help he is never like to be rid of the Count's tyranny.
Earnestly begs her to have such remembrance of the Lord as
both may be to her service and keeping the poor gentleman's
house from utter decay.—Paris, 15 August 1559. Signed. |
| Orig. Add. Endd. Portions in cipher, deciphered. Pp. 14. |
August 15. B. M. Sloane, 4134. 439. | 1191. Another copy of the above. |
August 15. R. O. | 1192. Thockmorton to the Lords of the Council. |
| Wrote to them on 20th July that a servant of his had been
taken and "embeciled" from him by a man of the Great
Priors, and that he could not recover him. On the 13th inst.
he [Throckmorton] being at the interment of the late King at
St. Denis, after dinner the Duke of Guise, brother to the said
Grand Prior, took him apart; and after many words tending
to the continuance of the amity between the two realms, said
he had heard of the taking of the servant, who should return
that night or the next day. Hitherto has heard nothing of
his servant. |
| These good words and large offers make him think that
either they can be content to live quietly with their neighbours, notwithstanding all that has been heretofore debated
among them to the contrary; or else that now, at the first
entry, he, taking upon him the rule of all, will make fair
weather with all men to make them have the better opinion
of him, and so to win them. And this he reckons to be the
likelier. |
| Has already written to them about my Lord Graye, whose
strait, yea, cruel handling, rather increases than otherwise.
He is at a castle of the Conte of Rochfoucault's, near Blois,
but will be shortly removed further from his friends, with
strait guard and usage. A servant of his, the bearer of this
letter, comes into England to labour to the Queen for his
master. My Lord is respited and stayed where he is for fifteen
days only, to see what can be done for him in the meantime.
Entreats them to deliver him from this tyranny; they know
his case already by his son, and may further by the bearer.
Refers them for recent occurrences to what he has written to
the Queen.—Paris, 15 August 1559. Signed. |
| Orig. Add., with armorial seal. Endd. Pp. 3. |
August 15. R. O. | 1193. Throckmorton to Cecil. |
| Upon the report of the news out of Scotland, (viz., that the
Queen Dowager had taken the castle of Edinburgh, and slain
1,200 of her enemies, and discomfited the rest,) which are
taken here to be true, divers well affected to the Queen came
and sent to him to know whether he had any intelligence of
the same. Having heard nothing but the same bruits, could
say nothing. Wishes that from time to time Cecil would use
the commodity of merchants passing over daily from Rye to
Dieppe, and so to Rouen or hither. Being so long without
intelligence from home, people think that either he dissembles with them, and so make them the stranger to him,
or else that he is so little regarded at home that he is not
written unto but when necessity requireth, which, in his
simple opinion, cannot but greatly hinder the Queen's service. |
| Has heretofore written that for certain considerations
already alleged he had stayed the delivery of such letters as
Mr. Killigrew brought with him, but has received no answer,
at which he wonders, seeing the matter requires haste and
that he wrote on July 27. Has yet all the said letters except
the Constable's letter, which he has now of late delivered,
as shall appear by his letter to the Queen. Requests to be
fully answered in these matters. |
| In reference to what he had written, that two priests had
arrived, the one from Cornwall the other out of Devon, has
to add that they are now departed hence into Bretagne, alleging as the cause that they may live "better cheape" there.—
Paris, 15 August 1559. Signed. |
| Orig., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 3. |
August 15. R. O. | 1194. The German Protestant Princes to the Queen. |
| Frederick Count Palatine and Elector, Wolfgang Count
Palatine of the Rhine, and Christopher Duke of Wirtemburg, to Queen Elizabeth. |
| When they heard of her accession to the throne they
rejoiced exceedingly, remembering the amity which had
existed between them and her ancestors, especially with her
father and brother. They recognize her talents and virtues,
but are more especially concerned in what she is doing in
matters of religion; she having purified her realm from the
worship of idols and introduced the true doctrine. They
trust that herein she will continue, despite the attacks of
the devil, who will endeavour to quench the Word by alternate
promises and threatenings. Hope that she will imitate the
example of her brother Edward and adhere to the religion
which is founded upon the writings of the Prophets and
Apostles, and is in accordance with the Confession of Augsburg.
—Augsburg, 15 August 1559. Signed: Fredericus, Comes
Palatinus Elector, etc.,—Wolfgangus, Comes Palatinus Rheni,
manu propria subscripsi,—Christofferus, Dux Wittenburgensis. |
| Orig. Add Endd. Lat. Pp. 5. |
August 15. R. O. 171 B. | 1195. Another copy of the preceding.
Modern transcript. |
August 15. R. O. | 1196. Mundt to the Queen. |
| On the 12th inst., he being at Strasburg, received two
letters from her, dated at Otford on July 29, one addressed
to the Elector of Saxony, the other to the Landgrave of Hesse.
These he sent on the day following to Augsburg by a messenger of his own, expecting to find there the Orators of the
said Princes, who were at the same time requested to deliver
the letters to their respective masters. If it should so
happen, however, (which is scarcely credible) that the conference were dissolved, then he had requested a merchant at
Augsburg, whom he could fully trust, to send the letters as
directed by a special messenger. |
| After his departure from Augsburg the Emperor had
obtained the promise of more than 300,000 "aurei," the
Imperial States had also promised him 200,000 "aurei," so
that in all he will obtain from the present Diet and from the
Diet of Frankfort more than 1,100,000 "aurei," equivalent
to more than 300,000 marks sterling. He has increased all
dues and tolls throughout all his provinces, so that many
merchants, chiefly those of Italy, now convey their goods
through Switzerland. |
| On his return home had taken the road through Tubingen,
where he met Vergerius, who stated that his master, the
Duke of Wittenberg, was annoyed that he had received no
answer to the letters which he had addressed to her, and
which asked for nothing but the continuation of the friendship which had hitherto existed between herself and the other
states of the Empire, and that the Duke attributed this
silence chiefly to Mundt, who hereupon took some pains to
convince Vergerius that this was impossible. Requests,
therefore, that (unless there be some reason to the contrary),
she will write to the Duke, and he, Mundt, will take care
that her letters are safely delivered. She may, however,
prefer to delay writing until the Orators of the Princes shall
arrive at her Court; for the Chancellor of the Elector Palatine
told him, when at Augsburg, that the Princes who were present had resolved to send an embassy to her. The Elector
Palatine takes the charge of matters of religion in this part
of Germany, as the Elector of Saxony does in the other,
wherefore it might be useful to establish good feeling with
the Palatine, of which the Elector himself is very desirous. |
| The whole efforts of the Diet are now directed towards the
introduction of a purer coinage for the whole Empire, but it
is opposed by the Duke of Saxony, the Archbishop of Saltzburg, and the other states who have silver mines, upon the
ground that if the coinage were purer it would be carried off
into other countries. |
| August 15. | All good men are anxious to know into whose hands the
administration of affairs in France will pass. He of Vendôme
is deficient in courage and constancy. The Guises are now
securing the goodwill of all in Germany as well as France.—
Strasburg, 15 Aug. 1559. Signed. |
| Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. Lat. Pp. 4. |
August 15. R. O. | 1197. Mundt to Cecil. |
| Has received on the 12th inst. Cecil's letters dated at
Otford, and has despatched with all speed the other letters
which accompanied his own, as he had mentioned to the
Queen. |
| Cecil's proposal for a union of all those states which have
deserted the Papal superstition and joined the pure doctrine
of the Gospel is a good one, as it will show at once the
causes for which they have abandoned the superstitions of
Rome, and condemn the arrogant confidence of their adversaries. A difficulty, however, arises from their own disputes
upon non-essentials, for instance, upon the mode of the
presence of the Lord's Body in the Supper, all of which
disputes might easily be settled if men cared as much about
concord as they do about having each his own way. Is in
daily hope that there will be a meeting of the Protestants to
establish a consent in doctrine, which, if it be accomplished,
will deprive the adversaries of the opportunity of accusing
and calumniating them. They cannot accuse our doctrine;
the diseases and vices of our manners and lives we ourselves
lament. |
| The two universities of Wittenberg and Jena are now
rivals; neither of them will admit that it acted with cowardice
during the dangerous period of the Interim of Charles, yet
one claims for itself greater prudence, the other greater boldness than its neighbour, and each inveighs against the other.
It would be far better for the sake of the public peace to
pass over these lesser disputes and assist each other.—Strasburg, 15 August 1559. Signed. |
| Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Lat. Pp. 2. |
August 15. R. O. | 1198. The Bishop of Aquila to Cecil. |
| The bearer is the agent for the restitution of the ship of a
Spanish merchant which had been captured by an English
pirate. Had already spoken about the matter to the Queen,
and now sends to her the letters of the King, his master,
hoping that she will take care that such an event does not
again occur.—London, 15 Aug. 1559. Signed. |
| Orig. Add. Endd. Lat. Pp. 2. |
August 15. MS. Sadler, 1. 392. MS. Burton-Constable. | 1199. The Privy Council to Sadler, Crofts, and Ingleby. |
| Having heard that one John Wylding, and John Stoddert,
were of late discharged of their entertainment in the North,
and being informed by the Earl of Northumberland that
these men are honest, and have done good service; require
that they be restored to their places. And further, for that
in Queen Mary's time, John Flemming and fifty gunners
from Guysnes were sent to Berwick, since many of them by
this time are dead, he shall take order that the same shall
not be filled by others. It is also thought convenient that
Fleming's mate's entertainment shall be brought to 16d. a day,
and the four quarter-masters to 12d. a day each.—Hampton
Court, 15 August 1559. Signed: W. Northt., Arundell,
E. Clynton, W. Howard, Tho. Parry, E. Rogers, F. Knollys,
W. Cecil, S. Sackville, N. Wotton. |
August 15. R. O. Knox, 11. 35. (fn. 1) | 1200. Knox to Cecil. |
| Had double impediment why he did not visit him according
to his expectation. Formar; no signification of his pleasure
being made to him in that behalf, for only did Sir Harry
Percy will him [Knox] to come and speak with him, which
conveniently at that time he could not do, by reason that the
French (which was the second and chief cause of his stay),
did most furiously pursue them while their company (the
only Lords and their quiet household excepted), was dispersed, and then he durst not be absent for many inconveniences. Neither did he think his presence so necessary,
considering that this matter, which he long thirsted after,
was opened and proponed by those after whom it becomes him
not to speak. Wishes that Cecil had sent a more plain and
especial answer. For, albeit Mr. Whitlaw in his credit,
Mr. Kirkcaldy by his letter, and Knox affirmed Cecil's good
mind towards them and their support, yet could not some of
the Council of the greatest experience be otherwise persuaded
but that that alteration in France had altered the former
purpose. Because the favour which they three bear to England is not unknown to their countrymen, they heartily
desire that the favour and good mind may rather appear
to the Council by Cecil's writing than by any credit committed to any of them. The case of those gentlemen stands
thus: that unless without delay money be furnished to pay
their soldiers, who in number are now but 500, and to retain
another 1,000 footmen with 300 horse, they will be compelled
every man to seek the next way for his own safety. |
| Is as assured as flesh may be of flesh, that many of them will
take a very hard life before that they compone either with the
Queen Regent or with France, but this he will not promise of
all unless they see greater forwardness for their support. To
aid them as liberally as they require to some will appear excessive, and displeasing to France, and to many dangerous, but
their destruction would be England's greatest loss; and when
France shall be their full master they will be but slender
friends to England. Heard Bouttencourt brag in his credit
after he had delivered his menacing letter to the Prior, that the
King and the Council would spend the crown of France unless
they had their full obedience. Is assured that unless the
French had a further respect, they would not buy the
poverty of the Scots at that price. They labour to corrupt
some of the great men by money, and some are so poor
that without support they cannot serve; some they threaten,
and against others they have raised up a party in their
own country. Some of the Council immediately after the
sight of Cecil's letter departed not well appeased; the Earl
of Argyle is gone to his country for putting order to the same,
and minds shortly to return with his forces if assurance by
had of the support of England, and likewise will the gentlemen of the low parts put themselves in readiness to enterprise the uttermost if they are assisted. Therefore, in the
bowels of Christ Jesus he requires him to make plain answer
what they may "lippen to," and at what time their support shall
be in readiness. It was marvelled that the Queen wrote no
manner of answer, considering that her father (the most noble
and redoubted of his time) disdained not lovingly to write to
men fewer in number and far inferior in authority and power
to those who wrote to her. Answer was made that her father
being established of long time in authority, and fully obeyed
of his subjects and Council, might suddenly have done many
things dangerous to her to enterprise, and this satisfied some,
but not all. It is thought very necessary that he comfort
the Master of Maxwell with favourable writings, as his assistance may greatly promote this cause.—St. Andrews, 15
August 1559. Signed. |
| P. S.—Desires him to haste answer of the four Earls, as they
have great need of comfort. If he loses the hearts of those
that are here he may perchance after feel that he now fears
not. Desires him to labour for licence for the writer to preach
in Durham and Northumberland, by which means Cecil will
know more of his mind. This other letter is to be sent to
the gentleman from whom they receive advertisements out of
France. The Ambassador knows him. |
| Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 4. |