PREFACE.
1. The documents calendared in this volume extend
over the years 1566, 1567, 1568, and are at present distributed throughout no less than 20 different collections,
which it is now intended to amalgamate into one
chronological series. They more especially relate to
events passing in Scotland, France, and Flanders.
Borders.
2. The papers comprised in the volumes entitled
Border correspondence have been treated as foreign,
occupied as they are for the most part with Scottish
affairs. In addition to accounts, lists of provisions, and
other documents relating to the garrison of Berwick, they
consist of despatches from the Earl of Bedford, Sir
William Drury, Lord Hunsdon, and other officers on
the Borders, containing as above stated a great quantity
of information about Scotland; but as they generally
describe events which did not come under the personal
observation of the writers, they are not of so much
value as evidence as those sent by Randolph and
Throckmorton directly from Scotland. In addition they
contain frequent accounts of forays on the Borders, and
encounters between parties of the garrison of Berwick
and the Scotch moss-troopers, together with particulars
of the wholesale execution of the latter by hanging,
drowning, and even by burning (see Scrope to Bedford,
Jan. 16th, 1566; also Nov. 3d, 1567); a letter, dated
18th Aug. 1567, from Lord Scrope, the Warden on the
West Marches, to Cecil, is worthy of the reader's notice
as a specimen of the manner in which justice was
administered on the frontiers. Lord Hunsdon's letters
are full of accounts of raids by the Scotch after the
flight of Queen Mary into England, which were undertaken by the Borderers of her party in the hope of bringing
about a war with that country.
Scotland.
3. The documents relating to Scotland calendared in
this volume comprise a most interesting period in its
history, being that in which occurred the murders of
Rizzio and Darnley, the marriage of Mary and Bothwell,
the Queen's imprisonment in Lochleven, and her escape
and subsequent flight into England.
1566.
4. At the time at which they commence, Murray and
others of the principal Protestant noblemen of Scotland
having been unsuccessful in their rebellion were in exile
in England, and in dread that at the Parliament shortly
to be held means would be taken for the confiscation
of their estates and for their entire overthrow. (fn. 1) Bedford
writing about them to Cecil, says, "things grow by
degrees in Scotland as well for religion as for these
good Lords to all the mischief they can;" and again,
"that the lord's case was utterly despaired of." The
power of the Queen of Scots was at no period of her
reign so great as it was then, and she appeared fully
determined to use it for the re-establishment of the old
religion and the destruction of its opponents. She had
frequent communications with the Pope and the Catholic
sovereigns, and more especially with her uncle the
Cardinal of Lorraine, with whom she corresponded by
means of her secretary, Rizzio, who had come over in
the train of Mons. de Morette, the ambassador of the
Duke of Savoy, and who was generally reputed to be a
pensioner of the Pope. In order to further their plans
the Pope sent her the sum of 8,000 crowns by one
Francis Yaxley, but the vessel in which it was carried
was cast away, the bearer drowned, and the money
seized by the Earl of Northumberland, in whose jurisdiction the shipwreck took place. (fn. 2) The return to Scotland
of Mr. James Thornton with bulls and despatches from
Rome, and the arrival of M. de Clairvaulx, from the
Cardinal of Lorraine, destroyed any hope that the exiled
Lords might have had of being recalled. The Queen
who had been earnestly advised by Sir Nicholas Throckmorton for the sake of her own interests, both in
Scotland and in England, to show clemency to them;
as well as Rizzio, who had been brought over by a
present from Murray, were now both of them fully
determined that the Parliament appointed to be held
in the beginning of March should be no longer deferred.
5. At the same time, (fn. 3) the Queen having discovered
that Thomas Randolph, the English agent accredited
to her court had assisted her rebellious subjects with a
gift of 3,000 crowns, at once ordered him to quit the
kingdom, and complained of his conduct to Elizabeth.
Besides the exiled Lords, many noblemen and others in
Scotland had very good reasons for objecting to the
sitting of the proposed parliament, fearing lest there
should be a revocation of grants made during the Queen's
minority, and a restitution of Church lands seized during
the late civil troubles. In order, therefore, to protect
themselves from any such measures, it was at once
determined, to use the words of Maitland, of Lethington,
to "chop at the very root," (fn. 4) or in other words, to
seize upon the person of the Queen and to destroy
her secretary, Rizzio. In order that this might be the
better carried out it was thought good to obtain not
merely the connivance but also the active assistance
of Darnley. This was easily accomplished by Morton,
through his cousin George Douglas, a natural son of
the Earl of Angus, who so excited his jealousy against
Rizzio that he readily agreed to take part in his murder;
and at the same time made an offer to the Earls of
Argyle and Murray, that if they would concur to give
him the crown matrimonial, he would espouse their
cause, bring them home, and re-establish religion as it
stood at the Queen's coming. Randolph, who was of
course informed of the conspiracy, at once communicated
the news to the Queen of England, Cecil, and the Earl
of Leicester (see March 6 and 8). In his letter to Cecil
Randolph distinctly charges Mary with misconduct with
Rizzio, and speaks of it as a matter "over well known."
Randolph and Drury's despatches contain very full particulars of the murder, and by them we are able to trace
each step in that tragedy. The complicity of Murray
therein is established not merely by their letters (see also
Bedford and Randolph to Cecil, March 6), but by one
under his own hand addressed to Cecil, 8th March
1566, wherein he states that he and his company are
suddenly called home for the weal of religion and the
avoiding of great inconveniences, and that the bearer,
his secretary, would let him know the full occasion and
circumstances thereof.
6. It would appear that it was the first intention of the
conspirators to observe some sort of judicial proceeding
with regard to Rizzio. (fn. 5) Morton and Ruthven, writing
to Cecil, charge Darnley with being the cause of the
outrageous form that the murder assumed, at the same
time declaring their belief in the perfect legality and
justice of what they had done. They disdain any particular quarrel against Rizzio, but seeing such extreme
dealing against their brethren by his counsel, and the
suppression of religion and the consequent endangering
of the amity between the realms of England and Scotland,
were content to take their part in the deed, wherewith
neither prince or good subject could be offended. Bedford
speaks in terms of strong approbation of the murder, and
describes its perpetrators as being persecuted and afflicted.
7. In one of the bonds drawn up between Darnley and
his confederates, however, the following expression occurs,
perchance it may be done in the presence of the
Queen's Majesty, or within her palace at Holyrood
House, and some persons on both sides might lose their
lives;" but this may refer simply to any disturbance
that might arise during the intended arrest. On page 35
will be found a list of the murderers, commencing with
the name of Morton and finishing with those of John
Knox and John Craig, preachers; on the margin is a
statement that they were all present at the murder and
that they were in displeasure with the Queen.
8. This list is in the same handwriting as Bedford's
despatches, and differs in some important particulars from
that given by Randolph, 21st March, in which the names
of Craig and Knox do not occur. (fn. 6) Cecil in writing to
M. de Foix, the French ambassador, thought fit to add
that Rizzio had been caught in the act of adultery with
Mary and slain by Darnley, though there is no statement
to that effect in any of the accounts sent to him by his
agents or others. The Earl of Murray arrived in Edin-
burgh the following morning after the murder according
to agreement, but most of the rest of the conspirators
were so sharply pursued that most of them had to fly
into England, where Ruthven one of the leaders soon
afterwards died, his death being described by his friend
Morton as being "so godly that all men who saw it did
rejoice."
1567.
9. The following episode which happened about this
time is worthy of note as an instance of the astuteness
of Cecil, and the crooked and underhand dealing common
in the politics of the age, as well as affording a proof of
the reality and serious nature of the danger in which
Elizabeth stood from the machinations of her rival. (fn. 7) Sir
Thomas Smith, the English ambassador at the French
Court, and Captain Ninian Cockburn, a spy in Cecil's
pay, had more than once informed him of the existence
of Scottish intrigues in England, and that there was
a most formidable party in that country who favoured
Mary's pretensions to the English crown; and that "the
Pope and the King of Spain had their hands deeper
in the dish than he knew of." Moreover they said
that though the death of Rizzio had "changed the great
traffic had of long time between Scotland and the
Cardinal of Lorraine, the Scottish bishops, the Pope, and
the King of Spain, yet matters were so far advanced that
they continued still their labours." They exhorted Cecil
to remain firm and suggested that important revelations
would probably be discovered in any papers that might be
found on Yaxley's body which had been washed ashore on
the coast of Northumberland. Cecil fully recognised the
necessity of becoming acquainted with the extent of the
spread of the conspiracy in England, as he was quite
aware that the Catholic powers were at last thoroughly in
earnest in their determination to carry out the provisions
of the secret league of Bayonne for the extirpation of the
reformed religion throughout Europe, and that they knew
that it was impossible to do so as long as it continued
to exist as the state religion in England. In order to
get to the bottom of this plot, Christopher Rokeby, a
gentleman of Yorkshire, was sent into Scotland in the
month of May 1566, by Cecil, with instructions to worm
himself into the confidence of the Queen of Scots and
her husband, for which purpose he was to pretend that
he came from their friends in the north of England. To
better colour the matter the Queen wrote to Mary complaining of the reception of one of her open rebels, and
threatening revenge, and so well did Rokeby act his part
that both Randolph and Drury, the acting governor of
Berwick, warned Cecil against him. He appears to have
been successful so far as obtaining the information of the
names of the Queen of Scots favourers in England, but
had not time to acquaint Cecil with the extent of his
discoveries, for Sir Robert Melville, Mary's ambassador at
the court of England having got a clue of the true object
of his visit to Scotland immediately sent to his mistress.
Mary ordered Rokeby to be arrested and his papers
seized, amongst which a letter from Cecil was found
encouraging him to proceed in his undertaking and
assuring him of reward. We find Rokeby a year after
this a prisoner in the Castle of Spynie and making an
offer to Sir Nicholas Throckmorton (fn. 8) to murder the Earl
of Bothwell and desiring to know the Queen's pleasure
therein. Throckmorton, though he declined to openly
encourage him or his accomplices, knowing that the
Queen would not give her consent to any murder, advised
him to proceed to Secretary Lethington and declare the
matter, as he and the Lords had more interest in the
cause than the Queen had. The Earl of Huntly who is
spoken of as bearing Bothwell a very fair countenance
is stated to be a participator in this conspiracy.
10. The odious cowardice and treachery of Darnley,
the increasing breach between him and the Queen, and
his feeble threats against the nobility are fully described
by Randolph, as is also Bothwell's rise to power. The
documents relating to Darnley's death preserved in this
office are by no means full, and throw little additional
light on that circumstance. There is no hint of the
conspiracy before its completion, beyond a certain vague
expectation of some mischief intended towards him, which
was shared by Darnley himself, and which considering
the position in which he had placed himself and the
people by whom he was surrounded, was by no means
unreasonable even if it had been unfounded. The first
news was sent by Drury on the 11th Feb., and on the
14th he states that on the day of the murder a messenger
from the Cardinal of Lorraine to the Queen of Scots
passed through Berwick who bore letters warning her that
her husband should shortly be slain. There is not much
evidence contained in these papers beyond popular rumour
connecting Mary with this crime; her want of activity
in the pursuit of the murderers is accounted for by her
utter inability to do anything surrounded as she was by
Bothwell and his accomplices. Her alleged levity and
indifference to her husband's death are hardly borne out
by the papers before us. It is true that Drury on the
28th Feb. 1567, writes that a report has been brought
to him of her having taken her pleasure at Lord Seton's
house at Tranant with Bothwell and other noblemen, but
both M. de Clairvaulx on Feb. 16, and Henry Killegrew,
March 8, describe her as being extremely distressed and
doleful, and Drury himself writes at the end of March
that she had been for the most part either melancholy
or sickly ever since.
11. In considering Drury's despatches it is impossible
not to notice the strong prejudice against Mary running
through them, nothing however absurd or improbable that
might tend to her injury being omitted. Stories of witches,
her attempt to poison her son, who was not a year old,
with an apple, and all sorts of scandalous rumours were
eagerly caught up by him and transmitted to the English
Court. It may not be out of place to mention here that
there was a mortal quarrel between him and Bothwell,
which went so far that mutual challenges passed between
them (see Valentine Browne to Cecil, 16th May 1567).
A considerable number of sketches, ballads, proclamations, &c., some in manuscript and some in black letter,
relating to the events of this time are contained in this
collection. Amongst them is a copy of the celebrated
bond executed at Ainslie's supper on the 19th April,
entirely exonerating Bothwell from any participation in
the murder of Darnley, and promising to assist him with
life and goods in case he should marry the Queen; this
document is signed by Murray and twenty other noblemen. Kirkcaldy of Grange writing to Bedford on May 8,
and evidently referring to this document, affirms positively
that "the most part of the nobility for fear of their lives
did grant to sundry things against their honours and
conscience." There is also another document dated
12th June 1567 in the form of a printed proclamation by
the Confederate Lords (most of whom had signed the
former bond,) which charges Bothwell with having had
the principal share in the murder, and commands all
subjects, under extreme penalties to assist in his punishment.
1566.
12. After Mary's surrender at Carberry Hill and her
imprisonment at Lochleven, Elizabeth sent Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton into Scotland with instructions to mediate
between her and her subjects, and if possible to obtain
the custody of the young Prince. Throckmorton performed his mission with energy and discretion, and at no
small personal risk to himself. His despatches are very
full and interesting, and give a clear account of the
position of the different parties in Scotland, and of the
great peril in which the Queen consequently stood, not
only from the proceedings of her open enemies but also
from the secret machinations of the Hamiltons, who pretended to be her friends. (fn. 9) The common people also were
much enraged against her, both men and women, so that
a stranger over busy in her behalf would very likely have
been sacrificed amongst them. (fn. 10) Knox, notwithstanding
Throckmorton had urged him to use moderation in his
discourses, thundered forth the most "severe exhortations" against the Queen as well as Bothwell, and
threatened the country with the vengeance of God if she
were spared from condign punishment. In the meanwhile
the Queen with her train of ten or a dozen persons was
most straitly guarded at Lochleven. This severity was
chiefly caused by her refusing to lend her authority to
prosecute the murder or to abandon Bothwell. (fn. 11) Throckmorton, who was in every respect friendly towards her,
and who favoured her pretensions to the English crown,
says that she vowed constantly that she would live and
die with Bothwell, and said that if it were put to her
choice she would leave her kingdom and dignity to live
as a simple damoisel with him, and would never consent that he should fare worse or have more harm
than herself.
1567.
13. (fn. 12) There was no dissimulation in Elizabeth's efforts to
serve the Queen of Scots, as she was most bitterly angry
with the Scotch Lords for daring to rebel against their
Prince, and she ordered Throckmorton to declare plainly
that if they determined anything to the deprivation of
the Queen she would openly revenge her and make them
an example for all posterity. (fn. 13) Leicester, in a private letter
to Throckmorton, warned him not to send anything that
might sound against Mary, as it would have no effect
except to hinder his own advancement. Although she
did not carry out this threat, the appointment of Murray
as Regent was most distasteful to her. Throckmorton,
when offered the usual present of plate at the termination
of his negociations, in the name of the young King, did
not venture to accept it; and it is worthy of note that
Murray, although in his letters to Cecil and others, he
signs himself James, Regent; in those to the Queen of
England invariably subscribes himself James Stewart.
(fn. 14) Throckmorton writing of Murray says that he found him
very honourable, sincere and direct, not resolved what he
would do, abhorring on the one side the murder of the
King, which he would not have pass with impunity; and
on the other side, that he found in him great commiseration for his sister. Bedford, whom he visited on his
journey homewards, says that he found him neither over
pitiful nor cruel towards the Queen, but that he meant
that in no wise should her life be touched. Throckmorton
in speaking of him says that he sought rather to imitate
some that had led the people of Israel than any captains
of the age; and that he saw no disposition in him either
to bereave the Queen of life or to keep her in perpetual
imprisonment, although he was resolved to defend the
Lords who had taken this matter in hand.
14. The rest of the papers relating to Scotland contain
a few particulars about Mary's abdication, her imprisonment and escape from Lochleven, her subsequent flight
into England, and the commencement of that series of
intrigues which ended so disastrously for her. The
number of those who supported her interests in the North
of England was so great as to cause serious alarm, whilst
by means of her party in Scotland (fn. 15) the Borders were kept
in a constant state of disturbance, in the hope of provoking a war with England. (fn. 16) Drury accuses her of having
incited the Hamiltons and their faction to enter into a
conspiracy to murder the Regent, and states that Murray
of Tullibardine was selected to carry out the enterprise,
which should have been executed in a similar manner to
the assassination of Rizzio. The famous casket letters are
not included in this volume, but will be found in the
second volume of a separate series of documents relating
to Mary Queen of Scots during her captivity in England
which has already been calendared by Mr. M. J. Thorpe.
Drury, 25th June 1567, mentions the seizure of the
Queen's papers "wherein are practises between her and
France." On 28th Oct. in the same year he says, "the
writings which comprehended the names and consents
of the chief for the murdering of the King is turned
into ashes, the same not unknown to the Queen, and
the same which concerns her part kept to be shown."
Under the 4th Dec. is a paper entitled An Act of the
Secret Council of Scotland, "which plainly states the
existence of letters in the Queen's handwriting proving
her complicity in her husband's murder."
1566. France.
15. The correspondence relating to France consists
chiefly of the despatches of the English ambassadors, Sir
Thomas Hoby and Sir Henry Norris, and their enclosures,
together with the letters of Ninian Cockburn, a spy in
Cecil's pay. Hoby, who had been appointed to succeed
Sir Thomas Smith in April 1566, died on the 13th of the
following July, and his successor Norris did not arrive in
France till the ensuing January. Norris's despatches are
very copious, and he appears to have had abundant and
accurate information of all that was passing, even in the
Privy Council of the French King. In the meantime, in
order that he might obtain intelligence without observation he took a house outside the town of Paris, with a
private door into the fields, from which however he was
obliged to remove by the Queen Mother. Norris, in a
letter dated 9th Feb. 1568, gives an amusing account of
Catherine De Medicis professions' of anxiety for his safety
in living in such an exposed place, and persistence in
urging him to remove into the town.
1567.
16. In 1566, the hollow peace between the Catholics
and the Huguenots established by the Edict of Pacification of Orleans, still continued to be observed. Although
the Admiral and the Chief of the Huguenot faction were
received with apparent favour at Court, and the Cardinal
of Lorraine and the Admiral were responsible for each
others safety, still practises were secretly made to assassinate them. The Admiral was also charged with compassing the death of the Queen Mother, but the accusation
was disproved and his accuser, Du Moy, broken on the
wheel. The troubles which broke out in the Low
Countries, and the violation of the provisions of the
Edict of Pacification which granted freedom of worship
to the Protestants, and the determination of Catherine
de Medicis to carry out the secret articles of the conference at Bayonne, soon produced dangerous disturbances
in different parts of France. The King went so far as
to order the Marshal Montmorency to arrest the Admiral;
and in January 1567 commanded the Provost Marshal
to hang a preacher of the Queen of Navarre before her
gate, and although the man escaped, yet the Queen and
the rest of the Huguenot party thought it was time to
leave Paris and depart to their own houses. By the end
of the ensuing summer the House of Guise had resumed
all its old influence over the King and the Queen Mother,
and troops were levied on both sides for the struggle
which was now inevitable. In addition to their native
forces both parties sought assistance from abroad, the
Huguenots drawing theirs chiefly from Germany, whilst
the King levied troops in Switzerland and Italy. In the
beginning of September 1567, matters were brought to
a crisis. The French Court being at Meaux whither
also had arrived the Cardinal of Lorraine and the young
Duke of Guise, it was determined in Council utterly to
revoke all the privileges granted to those of the reformed
religion by the Edict of Orleans, and to banish all their
preachers from France. The Prince of Condé's request
that the King would observe the terms of the Edict and
dismiss his foreign soldiers, was answered by an order
that he should at once disarm his followers. The
question of taxation was not without its influence in
producing the ensuing troubles, as amongst the principal demands of Condé was one insisting on the abolition
of all taxes imposed since the reign of Louis XII.,
and that an account should be given of the management of the finances during the preceding seven years.
This latter request was more especially intended to injure
the Queen Mother, Catherine de Medicis. Open hostilities
were commenced towards the end of September, by an
abortive attempt on the part of the Prince with 700 horse,
to seize the King on his journey from Meaux to Paris,
which was foiled by the gallantry of the Swiss.
17. Norris's despatches are then taken up with accounts of the military manœuvres on either side. He
gives a very full description of the battle of St. Denis and
the death of the Constable Montmorency [Nov. 1567],
and also sent a spirited sketch or plan of the engagement
drawn by his two sons and William Berkeley, who were
present at the battle.
1568.
18. A letter from Frederic, the Elector Palatine to
Charles IX., dated 19th Jan. 1568, contains a clear summary of the political situation in France. The Elector
declares that he has allowed his son, Duke John Casimir,
to assist the Prince of Condé and his adherents on no
other ground than for the defence of their religion. The
King's envoys, Lignerolles and Lansac, having sown
reports throughout Germany that the Edict of Pacification had always been properly observed, and that the
Prince had no other object in his rebellion than to deprive
the King of his crown, and moreover had money struck
as if he had been King himself, the Elector sent his
councillor, Zuleger, to ascertain the truth of these
statements. Zuleger on his return informed him that
when before the King's Council he demanded proofs of
the Prince's intention of making himself King; the
Queen Mother replied that it was a mockery, and that
the money struck by the Prince bore the King's own
superscription and arms. The chief noblemen of the
Prince's party also told Zuleger that if they had the
slightest suspicion that the Prince wished them to change
their sovereign, or to take up arms for his private quarrels
against the house of Guise or others, not one of them
would stop with him, but that their religion and the
preservation of their lives and property was the sole
cause of their being in the field. The Elector then disposes of the assertion that the Edict of Pacification had
been properly observed by the King's own public acts,
and also by statements made by him and the Queen Mother
to Zuleger, which differed so widely from the assertions
of his envoys, that the Elector considered himself bound
to send aid to the Prince of Condé. The Peace of Longjumeau concluded on 4th March 1568, although it put a
stop for a short period to open movements in the field, did
not in the least alleviate the disorders under which France
was suffering. The mortal hatred that raged between the
Houses of Guise and Montmorency caused the most
violent dissensions and quarrels even in the Privy Council.
On more than one occasion the Marshal Montmorency
charged the Cardinal of Lorraine with being the cause
of all the mischief, and once declared that his devices
were "so pernicious and strange that he must needs
conclude that they proceed from the malice and rancour
of strangers." Another time the Cardinal of Lorraine
after giving the Chancellor L'Hôpital the lie and telling
him that he deserved to lose his head, would have
proceeded to personal violence but for the intervention
of Montmorency (Sept. 25, 1568). In a letter dated
12th May 1568 Norris gives a full description of these
two factions, and of the tortuous policy of Catherine de
Medicis. In connection with the peace of Longjumeau
Norris mentions the fact of the Queen Mother consulting
her astrologer Messire Nonio as to what he found by the
stars touching it. (fn. 17) Nonio, after talking about the eclipse of
the sun and "the virtue of the conjunction of Saturn
and Mars which was in Aries last year," very prudently
concluded with stating that the heavens did not constrain
the inferior powers but only disposed them. (fn. 18)
19. Nearly every letter contains notice of some cruel
murder or outrage perpetrated by one or the other of the
contending parties. The state of the country is described
as utterly miserable; the people (the poverty) having
ceased to cultivate the soil or practise other industries,
being either impressed as soldiers, or (fn. 19) "not daring to
approach town or village all being replenished with
reiters or those who treat them as ill, whereby they
miserably die in the fields." In Paris matters were
equally bad, as all who were suspected of being Huguenots
were murdered openly in the streets or thrown into the
river by the populace. The Queen Mother could not ride
in the streets without an increased guard on account of
the violence of the commonalty who were exasperated
against her by their preachers. Many of the religion who
dwelt in the large towns understanding with what cruelty
the Protestants were used, would not return to their houses
but kept the field under their captains. (fn. 20) The King hereupon addressed secret letters to the different governors
commanding them to put them to the sword, and if they
retired into the cities to deprive them of their arms, and
that those who left their armour in the country were
not to be suffered to enter the towns but charged to return
and fetch their arms. The ambition and violence of the
Cardinal of Lorraine gave rise to another party who are
thus described by Norris, "there be two kinds of people
whom the Papists term Huguenots; viz., Huguenots
of religion and Huguenots of state; the one of these
perceiving that the Cardinal works to ruin them, and
their peculiar force not sufficient to withstand his
malice have shown appearance that they will join with
the other, who seeing themselves excluded from all
authority and those of Guise to usurp the whole
authority, presently practise a firm faction and league
between themselves, either part promising to support
the other." (fn. 21)
20. The true origin of the proposed match between
Elizabeth and the Duke of Anjou is disclosed in a letter
from Norris to Cecil, dated 23rd June 1568. He tells him
that a gentleman named Menillie, a great friend of the
Admiral Coligny, had desired to have a conference with
him, and that he had accordingly sent his secretary to
him. Menillie pointed out the critical position in which
all those of the reformed religion stood more especially
through the persevering enmity of the Cardinal of Lorraine
who was chiefly maintained in power through the influence
that he had over the Duke of Anjou. He said that he was
commissioned to state by the Marshal Montmorency that
he saw no way so good for counteracting that influence
as that there should be some overture of marriage between
the Queen of England and Monsieur even though she
never intended the marriage itself to take place. Montmorency by breaking this matter to the Duke was certain
that not only he but also his mother and brother would
most eagerly embrace the idea, and Montmorency taking
upon himself the management of the negociation would
so creep into credit with Monsieur as to supplant the
Cardinal in the favour of the Court. This was a matter
of such vital importance to the Huguenot party that
they spared no pains to bring it about, and Norris' letters
are full of details of real or pretended conspiracies in
England, and threatened invasions from France, which
were reported to him with the evident desire of exciting
the apprehensions of Elizabeth and her advisers. Though
they even went so far as to declare that special persons
had been sent over to assassinate the Queen, yet as they
never gave the names of those in England who were
concerned in the conspiracy, neither Cecil or Norris seem
at first to have put much faith in their statements.
Nevertheless, on the 29th June the Earls of Leicester
and Pembroke, together with Cecil, wrote to Norris,
signifying their approbation of this scheme, insomuch
as it would tend to the downfall of the Cardinal,
though at the same time they said that there was no
likelihood for sundry respects of the marriage ever taking
place. Norris' letters continue down to the end of the
volume to be full of warnings of designs against Queen
Elizabeth, and of the danger incurred by the residence
of the Queen of Scots in England. (fn. 22)
1566.
21. Amongst minor matters of interest mentioned by
Norris there is a curious account of a quarrel in the
King's camp between M. de Mirru, the colonel of the
Swiss troops and the Seigneur de Martigues, which nearly
produced very serious consequences (Jan. 29th, 1568).
Eighteen of the English taken prisoners in 1562 at Rouen
still survived and were detained in cruel captivity in the
galleys at Marseilles notwithstanding the remonstrances
of Norris. The restitution of Calais was not yet entirely
despaired of as late as May 1567, see No. 1186. Captain
Ninian Cockburn, another of Cecil's correspondents, was
originally one of the Scotch guard, and is described by
Sir James Melville in 1553 as being a "busie medler;"
at this date 1566, however, he appears to have been
deep in the confidence of the Queen Mother, and was in
receipt of a pension of 1,500 francs; he was, nevertheless, in very close communication with Cecil and professed himself to be an ardent follower of the reformed
religion. In July 1568, his treason being discovered, all
his papers were consequently seized and himself forced
to fly for his life. The letters of Cockburn are almost
entirely taken up with disclosures of the intrigues
between the French Court and the Queen of Scots
against England.
22. At the end of the documents for 1566 will be
found an interesting despatch from Don Francisco de
Alava, the Spanish Ambassador in France to the Duchess
of Parma, which probably came into the hands of Norris
through the Ambassador's secretary who had been corrupted by the Admiral Coligny. (fn. 23) Alva advises the Duchess
to temporise with the "serviteurs masques" (meaning
most probably Egmont and Horn), and to let them know
what a good opinion the King has of their actions, and
that he believes that it is through them that the Low
Countries still obey him. If she thinks this deceitful
she must consider that the times and the King's service
require artificial language. This had already been done
with Montigny and the Marquis of Bergen who had gone
to Spain and had been completely won over to the King's
side; nevertheless it was determined not to let them
return, and such an espionage was kept over them even
in their households that they could not do or say anything
which was not well known. The King would rather
risk the whole of the rest of his kingdom than fail in
giving those of Flanders an exemplary chastisement. He
then details the means that he has adopted to break off
a proposed league between the French Court and certain
Lutheran Princes of Germany which he considers would
be disastrous to Catholicism in France, and to the interests
of his master. He also gives his opinion of Catherine de
Medicis whom he terms one of the most deceitful persons
in the world, and complains that he can get nothing
from her but words, but declares that he will take care
that they shall not boast of outwitting a Spaniard. The
French correspondence in this volume concludes with
attempts at the assassination of the Huguenot leaders,
the massacre of their followers, the consequent renewal
of civil war, and the movements of the different forces.
Flanders.
23. The papers relating to Flanders commence with
the despatches of Lord Montague, Dr. Wotton, and Walter
Haddon who were sent over to Bruges to arrange the
basis of a treaty of commerce between England and the
Low Countries, and are confined chiefly to accounts of
their negociations with the commissioners appointed to
act on the other side. Richard Clough, however, who
was Sir Thomas Gresham's agent at Antwerp, intersperses
his business letters with descriptions of the rise of the
troubles in the Low Countries, the proceedings of the
Iconoclasts, and the confusion and disturbances that
reigned at Antwerp and the consequent emigration of
the better class of citizens, both native and foreign from
that town. Notices will also be found of the establishment of the inquisition; the celebrated march of Alva
to the Low Countries, the siege of Valenciennes, and the
arrest and execution of Counts Egmont and Horn.
24. At page 159 the reader will find mention of a
History of the Netherlands consisting of 154 pages of
closely written manuscript which was unfortunately too
bulky to admit of analysis. In addition to the general
history of the Netherlands from 1369 to 1566, it gives
an account of the rise and progress of the reformation
in England, France, and the Low Countries, and finishes
with a very graphic and interesting description of the
proceedings of the Iconoclasts.
Germany.
25. The papers relating to Germany are chiefly taken
up by the negociations for the marriage between the
Queen and the Archduke Charles of Austria, for which
purpose Thomas Dannett was sent over to Vienna in the
summer of 1566. His directions were merely to sound
the Emperor and the Archduke, and more particularly
to remark the personal appearance of the latter. On page
99 the reader will find the results of his observations
in a very minute description of the Archduke contained
in a report sent by Dannett to the Queen.
26. The letters of the Earl of Sussex who was sent
in the following June to invest the Emperor with the
Garter, and to bring the matter of the marriage to a
conclusion; certain accounts of his journey, his honourable reception by the Emperor, and the different negociations on the subjects of freedom of worship to be enjoyed
by the Archduke, and jointure in case the marriage took
effect. Mundt, whose correspondence was so copious and
interesting in the former volumes of these calendars, will
be found in the present to have almost ceased to write;
comparatively few letters bearing his signature.
Italy.
27. The Italian papers consist of newsletters containing
information of a very disconnected and often contradictory
character, and seldom of any importance, and have therefore much shorter abstracts accorded to them. On page
161 will be found a comparison between Italy and
Germany which is rather amusing from the strong feeling
of prejudice evidently entertained by the writer against
the former country and its inhabitants.
28. On page 514 is a letter from Mr. Arthur Hall to
Cecil, which mentions the building of the House of the
Inquisition at Rome, and complains of the disloyalty of
the colony of English refugees in that city.
Sweden.
29. Of Sweden there is very little mention in this
volume, the documents consisting of two or three letters
from Eric XIV. to the Queen, and an account of his
deposition sent from Denmark by Captain John Clerk, (fn. 24)
who had gone thither to demand the extradition of
Bothwell.
Spain.
30. The papers relating to Spain are not very numerous
and consist principally of the despatches of Dr. John Man,
the ambassador at the Spanish Court. The appointment
of Man was peculiarly distasteful to Philip, as he was
a married ecclesiastic of the reformed religion; he also
appears to have been extremely unguarded in his language
and contrived to mortally offend the Duke of Feria, which
led to his dismissal with disgrace from the Spanish Court
(see April 23rd, 1568).
31. He appears to have been a man with little tact
or judgment, which is the more to be regretted as it was
during his embassy that that mysterious eposide in Spanish
history of the arrest and death of Don Carlos took place.
He is unable to throw much light on this matter, as from
his position he could only gather his information from
the common rumours of the day. On page 405 is an
account of an interview with Ruy Gomez, who was sent
by the King to communicate to Man such knowledge of
the causes and circumstances of the Prince's arrest, as
Philip thought it was advisable for him to forward to his
mistress. The Spanish series is filled with complaints of
piracies committed on the King of Spain's subjects by the
English, and concludes with the seizure at Southampton
of a large mass of treasure belonging to Philip on board
a Spanish vessel by the Governor of the Isle of Wight (see
Horsey to Cecil, 24th Dec. 1568).
Russia.
32. In this volume we begin to have mention of Russia,
though the papers relating to that country consist of the
reports of the agents of the Muscovy company, which
contain little else than mutual recriminations and complaints. On page 480 we have the instructions given to
Sir Thomas Randolph who was sent to the Czar Ivan
Basilswitz in June 1568 to establish a treaty of commerce
with Russia. Randolph landed in Russia on the 3rd
August, and wrote to Cecil announcing his arrival after a
very disagreeable voyage, and informing him of the great
cruelty exercised by the Emperor, expressing his desire to
get quickly out of such a country where "heads go so
fast to the pot."
33. Amongst matters of miscellaneous interest it may
be well to draw attention to the process of Jacques
Spifane ci devant Bishop of Nevers before the Syndics of
Geneva; who being accused of all kinds of abominable
offences, was found guilty on all counts and executed the
same day, see March 23d, 1566. At page 285 we have
the punishment of Regulus repeated, a captain of the
Emperor being rolled down a hill in a cask studded with
nails by the Turks. (fn. 25) A coloured drawing of the Kirk
O'Field showing the position of Darnley and his servant's
body when found; (fn. 26) also another of the banner used by
the confederate Lords at Carberry Hill, and afterwards
carried before Mary into Edinburgh after her surrender;
together with a drawing of the surrender are preserved
amongst the papers of the Scottish correspondence. (fn. 27)
Under July 20th, 1568, will be found a rather obscure
allusion to Sir William Stewart, King-at-Arms, who was
executed early in the following year for attempting to compass Murray's death by witchcraft. The word "yachte"
applied to a ship occurs in a letter dated 24th Oct. 1567.
No. 930, a letter from the Duke of Alva to Elizabeth,
announcing his arrival in the Low Countries, and dated
7th Feb. 1567, should have been placed after No. 1993
in 1568, to which year it manifestly belongs.
34. Although the Scottish papers undoubtedly possess
more interest than any of the others herein calendared,
they have been for the most part dismissed with comparatively brief notices, as many of them are already
printed at full length in different well-known works.
A. J. Crosby.
Rolls House,
29 October 1871.