November 1578, 1-5


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'Elizabeth: November 1578, 1-5', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 13: 1578-1579 (1903), pp. 255-270. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73380 Date accessed: 16 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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November 1578, 1-5

Nov. 1. 336. KILLEGREW to DAVISON.
I have received your letter, for which I thank you. I am still at Hendon with my wife ; both not the strongest, but I trust we shall to London before Christmas if the plague diminish as it begins to do, for the last certificates are less by almost 200. When I come there, if you acquaint me with my suit you have in hand I will solicit for you as for myself. To these persons you may be bold to use me : my lord of Leicester, who is my good lord ; my lord Keeper and my lord Treasurer, Mr Vice-Chamberlain, and Mr Secretary Walsingham. These are the men to whom I wish you would chiefly apply with advertisements and compliment. I have not imparted your occurents either to my lord of Huntingdon nor to my lord of Bedford for lack of conveyance, but hereafter I shall have better occasion. I am sorry to see the troubles there increase by so many particular circumstances, but God knows what to do ; and in my judgement I think it most fit that the Prince should join with the Gantoys, though not in open shew, for their course makes most for his strength and his surety, and for the advancement of the Gospel, which cannot grow among so many briers and thorns but by persecution. I cannot 'acquit' your news with any from here, but when any comes to my knowledge I will not be very negligent. In my last [see Dom. Add. Oct. 25] I troubled you touching my boy I left with M. Argenlieu ; and after the post was gone I heard through a friend of mine that the boy did not deserve I should have that care of him, for I hear he was twice in Antwerp without leave since the camp marched. So I mean to leave him to himself, seeing he will not obey me, but rather tends to put me to shame. Of a 'baster' [? bastard] vine seldom come sweet grapes. The money which of your friendship you lent him I shall 'answer' with thankfulness. If it were not over troublesome, I would gladly know in your next what towns or castles the States or the Duke have 'recovered upon' Don John, since Count Bossu was lieutenant-general. With my wife's and my hearty commendation to you and yours, not forgetting Mr Travers, and beseeching the Lord to nourish His faith and fear in us all.—Hendon, 1 Nov. Add. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 1 bis.]
A servant of Sir Henry Woodhouse, of whom this bearer can inform you, has lately fled out of this realm, and it is supposed gone into the Low Countries, having taken with him a good sum of his master's money. If he may be heard of in those parts, let this bearer have the best assistance you can give for his apprehension and the recovery of the money.—Richmond, 2 Nov. 1578. Add. Endd. 12 ll. [Ibid. X. 2.]
Nov. 2. 338. ROSSEL to WALSINGHAM.
Yours of Oct. 21 consoled me a good deal, when I knew that my labours were acceptable to the Queen, especially in the method which I have begun, which I adopted formerly in the advices which I furnished to the King of Spain when I was in his service in France. I shall not object to continuing it on every convenient occasion, provided you will kindly direct your secretary to put me right if there should be any misunderstanding, and to acknowledge the receipt of my packets. Touching the negotiation you mention, of the commissioners deputed to pacify the Gantois and Walloons, they have returned without result. The Gantois would not agree to the 'Religion Wlitz' unless all the provinces accept it, and permit the exercise similarly ; to which the Hennuyers are opposed. In that case they will restore the churchmen to their goods for the future ; as for what has been pillaged, it is dispersed and irrecoverable. Touching the prisoners they will guard them safely and do them no personal injury. On these conditions they submit to the States, not to the Walloons, who claim the indemnification [reintegration] of the priests and Catholics together with the discharge of the prisoners. On the part of the Estates they have been offered two months' pay in money and two months' in cloths, which they have declined ; being egged on in such wise that both sides remain in stupid and obstinate hostility. M. de Capres, Governor of Artois, hearing of the imprisonment of the magistrates of Artois on a charge of intelligence with the French, hastened thither with some troops, having stirred up the people and the priests against the Fifteen ; who were at once seized, the magistrates released, and three of the Fifteen hanged the same night. The Court being advertised of this execution, wrote to M. de Capres to stop the persecution ; which he said was the people's work, as well as the design they had to hang the others. This has caused an alteration among the people in several towns, especially at Ghent ; where the interruption of the negotiation was due as much to this tragedy as to their obstinacy. Count Egmont came to Ghent during the conference, to visit Duke Casimir ; who was informed by the Gantois that only respect for him kept them from lodging the Count with the other prisoners, as they believed him to be on the side of the Malcontents. M. de Fromont has been sent to Mons to recall the Duke of Aerschot and the other councillors ; who will not come without security. This causes them to be suspected and charged with scheming. The Prince of Chimay is come to Antwerp ; I think with a view of getting away his mother, the Duchess of Aerschot. The secession of Hainault and Artois is held to be certain. The Seneschal of Hainault, governor of Tournay, has received letters from Mons [?'Nous' in orig.] to get Tournay and the district to join this secession. He has sent the letters to the Archduke, and I think will hold to his party. M. de Willerval, governor of Lille, Douay, and Orchies has received similar letters from Mons, of which he has informed the Court. It is hoped that Valenciennes will not back the secession. M. de la Motte, governor of Gravelines, seems desirous to leave the Spanish party and join the league of Malcontents at Mons. Some days ago there was a rumour here that her Majesty had expressed to Casimir's envoy her dissatisfaction with him for going to Ghent without consulting the Archduke and the States. The people have much approved this. I am told that Villiers is practising by various means to set on foot the marriage of the Queen and the Duke of Anjou, and that things have made some progress. Indeed the Duke is said to have enjoined Queen Mother [?] not to solicit any further the marriage with the Infanta [?] as he is secure here. I know not if it is false. Our camp, after having received an instalment of 150,000 florins, has marched to Jodoigne, a little town abandoned by the enemy a good league from Tillemont. Some think they will go on to Diest, others that they will encamp at Louvain. On the 10th will arrive the Emperor's deputies to treat for peace. This will be necessary for us in order to break the leagues and designs of the French and the Malcontents. A person has been sent to arrange a new tragedy, which would be memorable if it could be brought to pass. I spoke of it formerly to your Excellency.—Antwerp, 2nd Nov. 1578. Add. Endd. Fr. 3½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 3.]
Nov. 2. 339. [ ] to [F. de Moncheaux.]
Whenever an occasion of writing to you offers, I cannot bear it to be lost : for I am glad to do so, both because I love you, and because as when an emetic takes effect, I seem to be relieved of a heavy burthen when I can pour my griefs into your bosom. I wrote to you in French and understand that you had the letter in the town where we were together lately. I also wrote another in Latin ; this I wrote at home, and having come to your country on business I handed it to your Giles, who know who. I wish the last may have been given to you [Marginal note : I have not received it]. I was, I frankly confess, a little upset when I wrote, and that on two grounds, public and private ; public, on account of this unexpected death and such a plague as is thought in all past ages never to have been in that town ; private, for the reason which you know and I hope approve. Perhaps I am abusing your friendship—and yet let me do it—in telling about myself ; there is nothing I will not willingly do for your sake. There is in that place an aunt of mine, Catherine Borch ; she lives in a small house in the Black Friars' Street. At the end of September she was in good health but in such distress and difficulty that it seemed hardly possible for her to subsist. I believe that if it could in any way be managed for her to be freed from the soldiers who are billeted on her, she might live, if not comfortably, at least not uncomfortably. The house, as I said, is very small, her means are limited, her age advanced ; I owe her much. If you can grant me this of your kindness ; get her some assistance in the matter ; you can offer nothing more agreeable to me, more suitable to your courtesy, or kinder. If anything can be obtained, let it be sent to the Head of the College of Savoy, together with my letter enclosed. In that Latin letter of mine I wrote to you further that the affairs of the Walloon provinces are in such a state that there never was a better opportunity of doing good. An honourable legation, tolerable conditions, seem as if they might establish eternal peace for us ; and I believe it now more than before for the sake of your city [Note : Arras] which has fortunately shaken off its servitude to some dirty scamps. I do not write about this for I suppose you know of it. The Walloons at Menin do not seem to fear an attack ; they have occupied Lannoy. M. de Hèze has been to them. There was a fight this week near Courtray and the reiters of that marauding Palatine were disgracefully routed ; a great many being drowned, many killed, some taken prisoners, a very ridiculous thing for their nation. Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Guelders, Friesland, Overyssel, and some provinces of Flanders, have met several times at Utrecht, and have agreed upon a new treaty, which I would send you if it was to be had in French. The conditions are as abominable as can be ; [but] there is one thing in them in which all agree alike—defence against the foreign guest [Marg. note : M. d'Anjou], whose ambition is punished with so great disgrace that I should think he will be wise at last, though late. The people of Tournay have sallied from the town in arms, and barred the passage of the Scheldt to them ; the people of Mons wish him not to be too curious in another's house, it is an ugly thing to want to be master where your footing is not sure. If you like what I lately wrote as to the legation get it done as soon as possible before they can coalesce into some new form under the new treaty. We often see in bodies badly disposed, with tainted humours, that one disease gives rise to another, and illness is piled on illness, until it seems to be not one disease but a mass of diseases. The body of our commonwealth has admitted most grievous diseases into the part where its health and life subsist, which is the reason why one disorder springs from another. Unskilled doctors want to relieve them by some new-fangled drug, but if they were wise and had a grasp of the art they profess they would look for the source and origin of the evil, and would cure it. So long as they treat now one part, now another, they vary, not remove, the disease. But while their want of skill is intolerable, we have an endless number of them, and those in honour. They bind the wound with one treaty and another for bandages, but they achieve no more than sick people who roll from side to side, and cannot find the rest they seek. I think it would be a good thing to prevent those doctors. That you may the better understand how sick our commonwealth is, here is an example of fever terminating in frenzy. There is a cry at Douay that the French have been let into Tournay ; the rumour is persistent, the author uncertain ; they run to arms with such fury that you would deem them crazy. There are the banners, the soldiers, the market place crowded, disorderly shouts, the oath recited, hands raised, all with one voice, 'the country, the country.' If they had only gone so far it might have seemed a fever ; the amount of tainted humour is too great than to rest at that disorder. There is a rush to the houses of M. de Stracs, M. d'Yon, M. Bruoque ; they are turned out of bed in the early morning ; they are stripped of their arms, indicted, and banished from the city. The Jesuits are visited ; though the city owes them much, they cannot obtain leave to pack up library and furniture and defer their departure till the morrow ; in short, all who had taken refuge in the city are compelled, in one and the same proclamation, to return whence they came. The Walloons are said to have conspired with M. de la Motte whom they affirm to be at St. Omer. Your stepson [in margin : Rebreivettes] has gone to that town. I have received a letter from Lubeck, of Sept. 28, in which it is stated that 4,000 horse are coming to the Spaniards under the Duke of Lauenburg, the Count of Isenburgh, and Frundsberg. The Spaniards are said to be setting up their combs (erigere cristas), and plundering the suburbs of Brussels and Breda. I fear that salvation itself cannot save us. We shall fall under the wounds inflicted, if not by strangers, by one another.—Ex meo Musaeo, 2 Nov. 1578. Apparently intercepted. Endd. in French : The name of the author of this letter is written in the letter of François de Moncheaux to M. de Vaux [No. 374] thus ([symbol] 7 [symbol] [symbol]) ; and by L. Tomson, Novemb. 2 1578. Latin : Marginal notes in Fr. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 4.]
'3 Nov. 1578. To M. de Mauvissière from M. de Simier.'
By the tenor of your two letters I have seen among other things that the Queen of England seems still willing to 'make an interview,' and insists upon it as much as ever ; which I think would give cause to 'incur into' the danger of the discovery of this matter, of which, as Mr Walsingham and Mr Stafford write to me, her Majesty is so much afraid. It is certain that the length of time passed in securing and executing this interview, and the manner and place of it, will publish through the world what it is meant should be hidden till it takes effect. I say nothing of the difficulties in the matter of the interview, for if they should cease, the length of the time to make it 'as well of the carefulness for provisions and furnitures' as for the rigor of the approaching winter, very unfit to travel by sea, and the malice of some that desire the breach of it may bring so many difficulties to this matter that if her Majesty is willing to correspond to the amity which his Highness bears to her she ought to avoid this interview, and at the very first day to talk of the sureties which his Highness earnestly and in good faith offers and desires to give and to receive of her ; upon which point he has wholly resolved and upon which has been grounded the command I have to repair to her Majesty and not to negotiate for an interview, which can only serve to hinder this happy negotiation [in the other letter : a rock to hinder this happy navigation] and put off the entrance into a haven so desired. This I beseech you to consider, and to declare it both to her Majesty and to others when necessary, and to assure them that his good will is so, as he writes to her. This she ought to like, both for the causes aforesaid and for others which she may well judge of. Thereby also she may know a manifest witness of the amity of of his Highness, who through the greatness and vehemence thereof is impatient of all 'tarryance.' For my part, being appointed to conclude the marriage and to pass articles, I could not make a voyage thither for other effect, and unless I know the consent of her Majesty, which I will look for with your advice.—Paris, 3 Nov. 1578.
P.S.—I pray you to excuse me for not writing with my own hand ; I have lately been ill at ease. I pray you to let Mr Walsingham and Mr Stafford understand this. For God's sake, sir, so deal that the Queen 'stay not upon the interview ;' and send back the bearer with what diligence you may, that I may resolve according to the answer I receive. If she stays on the interview, it is a matter that cannot be. But if she will treat according to the authority which I have the 'view may be served' by articles apart. And if the parties do not like, no bargain ; and broken off, to remain good friends. English translation. Heading and endt. in L. Tomson's hand. 2 pp. [France II. 77.]
Nov. 3. 341. SIMIER to WALSINGHAM.
I have received yours of the 14th ult. in which you announce the wish of the Queen your mistress in regard to the reduction of my train in the journey which I have to make to her by command of his Highness. I beg you to assure her that my train shall be as she pleases ; knowing that the most acceptable service I can do his Highness is to conform in all respects to her wishes, whom he desires above all things to please. I beg her to believe that whatever may have been said, the train which I mean to bring on this journey is so moderate that (regard being had to the respect due to the greatness of the business in hand) there need be no fear of any inconveniences such as you mention, however it may turn out. I hope to have my equipage so reduced and so composed as regards the persons that her Majesty may have no fear of the negotiation getting wind through too great report, or of anyone having occasion to discourse thereof at his fancy. For as I know that my master's intention and the orders which I have from him are wholly turned to performance and not to appearances, common prudence teaches me that the negotiation of such business ought to be like the thunderbolt of which you perceive the effect before you see the flash or hear the noise. On which I am at this point constrained to enlarge a little, and to have an explanation with you upon what seems from your letters and those of Mr Stafford and the ambassador, to be still her Majesty's wish for an interview, upon which you say in your letters she fears ; [more as in the last letter], which she appears to be as much bent as ever. This as it seems to me would be to incur openly the inconvenience of discovery. Which is why I thought good to write you this line openly and frankly about the wish of his Highness and the cause of my journey, that you may, if you please, impart it to her Majesty, to whom his Highness has also written. She will if she so pleases by the answer she will bid you write, acquaint me with her wish.—Paris, 3 Nov. 1578. Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Ibid. II. 78.]
Nov. 3. 342. SIMIER to STAFFORD.
Same purport as the last, rather more briefly expressed.—Paris, 3 Nov. 1578. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. II. 79.]
God having of His grace preserved the town of Arras from the most barbarous and tyrannical oppression I ever saw, at the very moment when there seemed no hope of remedy, we must hope that this favour will extend further, and that taking what has been done for a beginning only of greater prosperity in the future, He will grant to that and all other truly Catholic towns a lasting and salutary reconciliation with their Prince ; without which the former favour would be of little effect, since in that way only can any release from the sufferings endured up till now be hoped for or even imagined. For to suppose henceforth that we shall find by way of arms such repose for the country as we promised ourselves when with too much simplicity we let ourselves be drawn into that pernicious association with heretics, is to deceive ourselves, and our experience hitherto ought to make us deem the contrary. But even if it were so that in the way of arms any hope still remained to us, what wise man would advise to try to obtain our desire rather by civil war with all its misfortunes than by reconciliation and agreement so far as it could be found in reason? Now gentlemen this peace has been for a long time past (passé a déjà long temps) offered you by his Majesty with all the securities that you can in reason desire. Up to now you have not accepted it, nor is this surprising, considering the hindrances placed in the way by the seditious and heretics, by whom you were in truth miserably commanded and oppressed, their intention being to suppress the Catholic religion and the King's authority, putting the country in perpetual slavery to foreign heretics ; nor was anything so contrary to their wish as peace. But as by the grace of God you have now regained your personal freedom, and your freewill to choose what is good and salutary, I cannot doubt that you will be very willing to get away from all these warlike pursuits, and embrace the reconciliation, which, as I have said, is offered you anew. This will I hope be clear to you from the letter of the Prince of Parma which goes with this. Having been commanded to send it to you, it seemed to me that I ought to accompany it with one from myself, to discharge my duty to the town of Arras as one of its citizens ; whereby you and I are alike bound not only to bring to knowledge whatever we may have heard contrary or mischievous to that town, but to conceal nothing that we know of which may turn out to its advantage, like this peace and whatever means may bring you thereto and remove all cause of distrust. I cannot see on what this can be validly grounded, since the King claims nothing of you save the maintenance of the Catholic religion and his obedience, which you are of yourselves ready to maintain. He entrusts the guardianship of the city to us, as always, with no garrison whatever, discharging us from all extraordinary imposts, to let the people recover from their distress. But to assure you still more of his promises, though I would not suspect you of doubting them, many of the nobility of Artois, who though they foresaw these troubles long before, preferred spoliation to consenting to the evils they foresaw, not only will make themselves responsible, but will be security for it, putting themselves and their families in your power ; etc. etc.—Paris, 3 Nov. 1578. I know, through traders who come here, that you have been and are very ill-informed of all that goes on in the armies, and of their state and strength. You are also told so many foolish things that I need not recount them. But all this is imputed to those whom you have chastised and we doubt not that in future, and since you have recovered your liberty you will be more curious to hear what happens in very truth. Since writing my letter it has been thought good that I should tell you that if for the greater quieting of the citizens, who perhaps on this point might not at once be unanimous, you preferred to treat with his Majesty rather than with another, I might have the honour [?] of offering to serve you and going without any expense to you, alone or in company with whomsoever you might choose, to his Majesty with your instructions and requests, and bring back his word and signature. This last article is written by the advice of M. d'Arcanty. Copy, made apparently under Poulet's directions. Endd. in same hand as No. 339 : To the citizens of the town of Arras from François de Moncheaux, and date. Fr. 3½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 5.]
Nov. 3. 344. 'A note for the obligations to be given for £401 2s. wanting of the £12,121 4s. received of Baptista Spinola.' Memo, in writing of L. Tomson, endd. as above. Latin. ⅓ p. [Ibid. X. 6.]
Nov. 4. 345. WILSON to DAVISON.
As you have served very faithfully hitherto, so the scope of your travail must be to bring quietness to that country and peace universally. And whereas great division has of late arisen among the people themselves, the common enemy being ready upon this occasion to devour them all, I doubt not but as I wrote to you before to deal with the magistrates and people there to agree among themselves and convert their forces jointly against their enemy, so you have discharged your duty in that behalf, as was her Majesty's special command. God grant that after so long troubles the effects of your and others' travail may speedily appear. If the Emperor thoroughly prosecute his intention to send away strangers (and that the Estates have all forts and towns delivered up to them) I see no reason why quiet should not follow, unless the people wilfully break the peace among themselves as 'malicing' one another for the matter of religion, whereas they should love one another if they were Christians and everyone bear with his neighbour's error or imperfection and not seek to kill him for whom Christ died. But I fear the devil has cast his club among them and carries many of them to their own destruction. Unhappy is the country where the meanest sort has the greatest sway, for in a base multitude is never seen good counsel or sound judgement. God keep England from any such confused authority.—Richmond, 4 Nov. 1578. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. X. 7.]
Nov. 4. 346. The DUKE OF ANJOU to the STATES.
Like you I am much displeased at the contentions which have come about between the Gantois and the Walloons, being no less sorry than yourselves for all that can disturb your repose. For having espoused the cause of your preservation, and embraced your fortunes, I cannot but participate in your good and ill. Therefore, upon the news I have what is going on in Flanders, well-knowing that the first care of those who love the common liberty is to prevent one of the members from being injured by another, nothing being more contrary to nature than to attack one's neighbour with whom one ought to join forces, I have in all haste dispatched M. des Pruneaux to explain my intentions to you, and my wish to seek all means for extinguishing this fire. He will also explain to you the reasons why my army disbanded, that you may know how much benefit your delays and postponements have brought me. I often warned you and begged you to satisfy me, both for the relief of my sick and wounded and the publication of the treaty in the army which not having been done, I could not honourably or in sufficient strength join the army, as otherwise I was very willing to do. From this and from the delay in handing over the towns have sprung a number of troubles which those who have witnessed them can represent to you. Many gentlemen and soldiers have died in a strange fashion, for which every humane person will feel compassion, through having no place of security. The hardest hearts might be softened at the thought of the wretched fortune of a courageous nobility, who, exposing itself to every danger for your benefit, could not but have been relieved by a suitable place of retreat where their wounds might be tended. Those who have seen what has happened have been so much vexed (traversés) by it that it has been impossible to keep them. Other causes have since supervened, which des Pruneaux will recount to you. If you had taken heed of those reasonable proposals, I feel sure that you would have received inestimable benefit. I have not, however, lost the wish to assist you, and I can still raise a good number of forces beside what remain with me. Lastly, you may have heard what the Estates of Hainault have proposed to you for the good of the country and what they think necessary to establish a good repose. I think you ought to fall in with this, as a matter agreeable to reason and equity.—Mons, 4 Nov. 1578. Copy. Endd. by L. Tomson : The copy of a letter of credit for Pruneaux from Monsieur to the States. He is sorry for the division happened in Flanders. Blames them for not performing the articles contained in the accord ; etc. Walsingham's mark Another endorsement gives the names of various negotiators between the States and Monsieur. Fr. 2½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 8.]
Nov. 5. 347. POULET to BURGHLEY.
Being advertised by one of my servants lately returned from England that you were well recovered and intended shortly to be at the Court, I will not trouble you with many words ; not doubting that my letter to her Majesty by this bearer will be imparted to you. And indeed the matter in it is so diverse and tedious that it could not well be reduced within the compass of an ordinary letter. Yet, as I am not sure where this will find you, I have given a few details. This country does not enjoy long quietness, the contention between Damville and Chastillon in Languedoc and that between the Count de Suze and the Count de Carces in Provence being grown to be of dangerous consequence. Chastillon is seised of the castle of Beaucaire, and in revenge Damville has taken d'Andelot and Mme de Teligny and detains them as prisoners. The Count of Susa is appointed governor in Provence by the King, and the Count of Carces, assisted by a great part of the nobility of both religions, will not receive him. Towns are seized on both sides, and now Queen Mother is prayed by the King to go to those provinces, trusting that her authority and policy may serve to reduce them to quietness. Marcel d'Oria is arrived at Marseilles with 22 galleys for the King of Spain, and pretends to be bound for Spain and thence to Oran on the coast of Barbary. But Spanish pretences are often fair without and foul within, and therefore it will be meet to have my eye on those galleys. It is reported here for truth that the eldest son of the King of Spain is deceased. The house of Guise continues in its froward humour and refuses utterly to come to Court. Their faction is mighty and reaches into most parts of this realm. Poverty, ambition, and discontent are of great force to move these men to stir the coals. Their opportunities abroad are much decayed by the death of Don John ; and in their own country they find matter at pleasure. The Bishop of Ross is expected here daily. Unless you have my revocation in hand during this winter I fear next summer will be so hot (I mean, so full of troubles), that new occasions may be taken to keep me here some time longer than perhaps is now intended. I humbly pray you to assist me with your friendly favour.—Paris, 5 Nov. 1578. Add. Endd. 1½ pp. [France II. 80.]
Nov. 5 348. POULET to the SECRETARIES.
I perceive partly by M. Simier, but especially by du Vray, that great jealousy is conceived of a letter sent lately by you, Mr Walsingham, to Simier ; so that they now seem to 'stand upon' new consultations and I think have sent to Monsieur for his resolution. Du Vray tells me that they ground themselves upon a letter from Monsieur to the Queen, in which he promised to send Simier with full powers to conclude this intended marriage ; and because she answered that Simier would be welcome, they infer she accepted the conditions mentioned in the letter, which they say 'imported' to resolve all things touching the marriage. These men seem to be greatly perplexed, and if they seek only to be satisfied of their doubts, their alterations are the more tolerable. I have written at length to her Majesty of two conferences which Simier has had with me. Sir Francis Englefield is lately arrived here ; and the Bishop of Ross is expected daily. I hope to give you some good account of Sir Francis Englefield.—Paris, 5 Nov. 1578. Overleaf, in autograph : My will is good enough to trouble you both with particular letters as in time past ; wherein I pray you to hold me excused this time. I have dispatched the messenger in some haste, because I think it convenient her Majesty should hear from me before she hears from Monsieur. Add. Endd. 1 p. 5 ll. [France II. 81.]
Yours of the 26th ult. reached me only yesterday. This morning Treasurer Schetz and Spinola coming to me, I thought it well to impart 'with' them your opinion touching the bond for 30,000 florins, which was very agreeable to them. The treasurer has promised to take some pains himself in framing the letters on the points I delivered to him, to procure their speedy dispatch from the States, and to send them after me to Ghent ; so I guess you will have them by the next. For the £400 2s. I write of in my general letter, though I have bound myself to repay it to Spinola in case her Majesty does not give her own bond for it or add it to the 30,000 florins, yet the Prince and States have promised their counterbond for my indemnity. For the general bonds for this last sum I had obligations sent me, but not in the form I desired. The treasurer has however undertaken to see them dispatched to my full contentment. I had the greatest difficulty to get the bond of Antwerp ; but now the way is made, I think I shall get the rest much more easily. Your letter to the Governor came too late, as he departed homeward last week ; but all things are well compounded between him and me, and between him and Mr Travers, who goes peaceably forward in his good work. You have done us a singular benefit in advancing it by your 'well-handling' of our adversary, and I think we shall hear no more of those curious difficulties. Your former letter with advice as to my dealing with the Gantois and Duke Casimir was much liked by the Prince, Schetz, and divers others to whom I thought good to communicate the greater part of it, both to maintain them in their favourable opinion of your labours for the common cause, and to remove the suspicion conceived of her Majesty's intelligence with Casimir ; to which it has greatly profited, though the impression be not yet removed out of the minds of a number. I would wish therefore her pleasure were to write somewhat roundly to Duke Casimir and the Gantois, and that copies might be sent to me, to impart where I found most convenient. Surely that action is so important to prevent, that if it pass a little further, I shall despair of the health of this country. But those two violent natures met together, I mean Embize and Beutrich, are able to set more on fire than either they or the wisest are like to quench till it has wrought irreparable hurt. Junius is kept here to solicit his master's causes, because Beutrich would still rule alone, knowing those honest counsellors would be impediments to his dangerous plots. I pray God the Duke find not his error in respect of Beutrich too late. Zuleger has written to you by my man, and has prayed me to 'put to' my hand towards his furtherance, though I know it needs not. If you vouchsafe to signify your resolution by letter to him or myself it will be welcome.—Antwerp, 5 Nov. 1578, scribbled in haste. P.S.—I had been at Ghent long ere this but for these money matters and my bond, which I durst not leave undispatched. But I will not fail to be there as to-morrow night. If during my being there I might have letters of 'creance' or others from her Majesty for my better warrant, I hope we should do the more good. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson with precis of subjects. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. X. 9.]
Nov. 5. 350. DAVISON to KILLEGREW.
Since my last I have received two letters from you [See Dom. Add. Eliz. XXV. nos. 116, 117]. I would have recompensed you with the like from my own hand at some length, but being ready to take horse for Ghent, I have scarce the leisure to afford you one 'self' line. I have therefore caused your nephew to write out a copy of such occurrents as my man takes with him ; which I enclose. From Ghent I shall be able to give you some better light on these things. —Antwerp, 5 Nov. 1578. P.S.—Pray remember my wife and myself heartily to Mrs Killegrew, and to the three sisters, whom I pray God to bless. The places taken by the Duke and Count Bossu since they have been in the field are only Nivelles, Binche, Gemblours, and three or four little castles ; but by this time we hope they are also in Tillemont and Diest, whither they have marched since last Friday. Draft. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. X. 10.]
Nov. 5. 351. DAVISON to LEICESTER.
The disorders in Flanders breeds such confusion here that I see 'not what' good hope of the result if it be not soon redressed. All that the Gauntois can be brought to is that they are content to restore the goods of the clergy that are recoverable, and to accord the toleration of both religions in their town, so that those of Hainault and Artois will permit the like in their provinces. But they will by no means agree to release the prisoners till the troubles are at an end ; promising however that in the mean time no violence shall be done them. So this answer sufficing not, and 'having' little hope of inducing them to better, the compounding of that difference grows every day more desperate. The Walloons meantime grow strong, having lately received to their succour divers companies of French besides Combell's regiment lying about Lannoy. Their cause is also favoured and in a manner openly embraced both by Monsieur and the Estates of Hainault and Artois ; who, together with our malcontents, as the Duke of Aerschot, the Marquis his brother, now a great Frenchman, the Marquis of Bergues, and divers others retired thither under the Duke's wings, seem inclined to embark their fortunes in this civil war against the Gauntois, as men that think to redress one mischief by a greater, not foreseeing or not regarding the danger into which their strife will throw themselves or their country—the rather when it will open the gap to their common enemy, who, as appears by the prophecies of Escovedo, has long since gaped for this advantage. Divers of the chief towns in Flanders and Brabant, to prevent this mischief, have sent deputies to persuade those of Ghent ; to whom the States also are sending to-morrow other commissioners, and have requested me to join in this good labour with them. Meanwhile they have sent others to Monsieur and our malcontents of Hainault and Artois, to divert them if it may be from taking part with the Walloons ; which I doubt will be a desperate labour, unless the Gauntoys incline to some better conformity. A great part of their obstinacy is imputed to the pressure of Duke Casimir, who daily withdraws both horse and foot from the camp thither ; being drawn into this course by the counsel of Beutrich and Dathenus, his servants, both men more able to confound than redress the state of things—dangerous I fear both for this commonwealth in general and for the honour of the Duke in particular. And though I and others that know the Duke's wonted sincerity are satisfied in conscience that his error in this behalf is unwitting and so in part excusable, yet he is blameworthy in suffering his good nature to be abused by unsound counsel. But you shall know more particularly what I find on my coming to Ghent. Our camp increases in penury and sickness. It removed last Friday from beside Gemblours and should be to-night before Diest, which town they mean to attempt and having taken it, to lodge their whole army there, at Tillemont, and at Aerschot for part of this winter, leaving the bare fields to their enemy if he come out of his holds. He will this year be able, owing to the spoil of the country and consequent penury of all things, to attempt nothing of importance ; if this division in Flanders do not, partly for lack of pay, partly by subornation, withdraw the forces of the States into that rich province. This has been already threatened and with much difficulty hindered hitherto by their commanders.—Antwerp, 5 Nov. 1578. Draft. Endd. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 11.]
Nov. 5. 352. DAVISON to the SECRETARIES.
Much the same information as in the last. M. de Hèze has this last week declared for the Walloons, not unlike to be seconded ere many days pass by the Duke of Aerschot, the Marquis, his brother, now a great favourite with Monsieur, and the rest of the crew of malcontents retired into that corner. Their common enemy, partly heartened with this opportunity, partly strengthened with his new supplies, estimated at 6,000 or 7,000 men, besides certain forces of Swisses which he expects, rejects the overtures for peace, and hopes ere many days to have the advantage, as in likelihood it will fall out ; the States abandoning the field to him as of necessity they must, both because they grow inferior to him in number—for it is incredible how much their forces are decayed, especially the foot, some by sickness, some having retired voluntarily, the rest either cut off by the enemy or peasants as they ranged over the country for spoil—as also because this unhappy accident in Flanders has bereaved them of the means to maintain their army longer in the field. So, if things be not redressed they can expect no better than a general meeting for default of pay and a dispersion of the whole army, some into Flanders, some elsewhere, as they shall find best commodity to spoil. The other three Members of Flanders have by advice from hence sent commissioners to see if they can do any good with the Walloons, and have deputed others to their fellow-members and neighbours of Ghent, and to Duke Casimir, who has incurred general blame for entering into this cause, letting both plainly understand that so far from approving these proceedings, they are resolved neither to meddle nor make further in their cause than shall be approved by the Prince and Estates. And although they have received as little comfort from those of Holland, Zealand, this town and Brussels, upon whose conjunction they greatly depended, and have besides this last week lost their hold of Arras, now at the devotion of M. de Capres—the 15 men that had imprisoned their magistrates being by him apprehended, four of the chief executed, the rest prisoners, the magistrates released and the garrison expelled, to the great disadvantage of the Gauntois with whom they had good intelligence—yet all this works so far no change of humour in them. To-morrow the States dispatch other commissioners to them, whom partly requested by the Prince, partly presuming my service there will be acceptable to her Majesty, I have determined to accompany. And to bring them the sooner to reason, it has been advised that this town, Brussels, Lierre, Bois-de-duc, and other towns should also send deputies, which they have accordingly done. The States have also sent to the Duke of Alençon and those of Hainault and Artois, to divert them from joining the Walloons.—Antwerp, 5 Nov. 1578. P.S.—Of the progress of our camp, their removing from beside Gemblours on Thursday or Friday last, we have yet no certain news. They meant to take their way to Diest, but the enemy, we hear, has reinforced it with 12 companies of foot and some horse ; so they must be fain to alter that resolution. Draft. Endd. 1¾ pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 12.]
Nov. 5. 353. DAVISON to the SECRETARIES.
Identical with the last but an additional P.S. I have delivered the 64,000 guilders remaining in my hands upon the contract with Spinola, into the hands of the Prince and Council of State, according to your direction ; having their promise that the whole should either be consigned into the hands, or employed upon the forces, of Duke Casimir, who have, as the Prince tells me, ere now received it. Of the whole sum there was £400 2s. which Spinola made a difficulty about delivering because his particular obligations, through the fault as it would seem of the clerk, came so much short of the £12,120 4s. ; as appears by the abstract which I have had drawn by a notary and send herewith. Which sum the Prince and Council insisting upon (their great necessity making them unable to forbear it), I was fain to promise by my bond, that Spinola should either have his obligation supplied from her Majesty, or that I would myself reimburse it within 2 months. Wherein I beseech you I may be indemnified, the matter being else like to lie on my shoulders. Before delivering the money I got the particular obligations of this town for the £45,000 before disbursed ; which I hold with the general bonds. At Ghent I am promised the like of that town, Bruges, and Brussels and the rest on my return. Meantime I should be glad to know whether I should send them over or keep them here. Add. Holograph. Endd. by L. Tomson. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. X. 13.]
Nov. 5. 354. DAVISON to BURGHLEY.
Identical with that to Leicester. Add. Endd. by Burghley's secretary. 1 p. [Ibid. X. 14.]
Whereas the ambassador of England has on various occasions requested us to deliver to him your obligations for £45,000 sterling lent us by her Majesty for our resistance to the enemy, and has so far received none from you, and whereas he has again besought us to have it drawn up according to the tenour of the obligation which those of Antwerp have given to her Majesty for the sum aforesaid, whereof a copy goes herewith ; we hope that you will give him and her Majesty full satisfaction.—Antwerp, 5 Nov. 1578. By order of the States-General. Copy. Flemish. 1 p. [Ibid. X. 15.]