May 1579


Institute of Historical Research



Arthur John Butler (editor)

Year published





Comment on this article
Double click anywhere on the text to add an annotation in-line

Citation Show another format:

'Elizabeth: May 1579', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 13: 1578-1579 (1903), pp. 502-516. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73399 Date accessed: 19 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


(Min 3 characters)


May 1579

May 2. 672. TOMSON to DAVISON.
The enclosed was sent me from Barn Elms where my master lies during the Queen's absence from here ; which has been since Wednesday last, 'being looked for' here again to-night. If I had anything worth advertisement before you set out for England, I would acquaint you with it, but we have no more than the letter contains.—Whitehall, 2 May 1579. Add. 10 ll. [Ibid. XI. 113.]
At the last Frankfort fair were published three Antipappi which I wrote for foreign Churches—yours for instance, those of Scotland, France, Italy, even Spain ; where there are assemblies of pious people, all of one opinion about the Lord's Supper, and all alike endangered by the condemnation set on foot in Saxony by Jacobus Andreas, whom Philip Melanchthon when he returned to Saxony after the colloquy of Worms in the year '57, used to call the Suabian fool. These Antipappi have however appeared without a preface from me, which should not have been. I have commissioned Hubert Languet to send some copies to you, my patrons, if he can get any ; for nearly all were carried off at the fair. I wish them however to submit to the judgement, which I know they do not despise, of yourself and the Lord Treasurer. I wish you would tell me to whom I should appeal, and to whom I should write the preface, so as to be able to rely on his patronage. I am thinking of our lady the Queen ; but as it is a great matter, I fear I might not satisfy either the cause of your churches which I am defending, or the wise and highly trained judgement of that Princess. I am thinking also of Augustus the Elector of Saxony, if my Antipappi might haply reconcile him to your side. I and my friend at Strasburg hear they give pleasure, and people wish they had been published two years ago when Andreas' formula of agreement was being discussed in Saxony. [I hope] you are willing and able to advise the Queen to send another embassy to the two Electors, Saxony and the Margrave, and some of the leading provinces. People think that the Elector Augustus is getting a little tired of the determination into which he was led by the persuasion of men few in number, but cunning and fraudulent ; whose wiles, what man is cautious and wary enough to avoid? I write what is approved not by me alone, but by many others, at this time when many who subscribed are hesitating and wavering. I may add that there is a quarrel between Jacobus Andreas and Saleneccerus ; and Saleneccerus has been removed by the Elector from his office, one of great dignity in Saxony. That seems indeed to be in favour of Andreas ; but I think otherwise and hope the Prince sees more sharply, and has made up his mind to wash away the darkness cast over him by crafty and ambitious men. So much for public affairs. I come to myself, who have been sticking on the same Caucasus and being tortured for 17 years and more. I wrote at length to the King of Navarre's Ambassador ; I will see that a copy is sent you by Languet that you may understand the disgraceful business. I am compelled to ask everybody's help, that I may not be wholly ruined. I have written to Daniel Rogers about the necessity of this ; and I intreat you to learn it from him and assist a poor old man. I was the first, sometimes the only one, to help all men, and now I am deserted by all men.—Strasburg, 4 May 1579. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. Latin. 2 pp. [German States I. 75.]
[May 9.]
(See Cecil Papers vol. ii, p. 292.)
674. The QUEEN to POULET.
'Duplicate of her Majesty's letter written to her ambassador resident with the Most Christian King.'
Whereas M. de Simier in the negotiation which we caused certain of our Council to hold with him on the proposal of marriage made to us by the Duke his master, insisted strongly on certain articles which in all similar treaties heretofore made on that subject have been refused to all princes who sought that marriage, including the King his brother ; a thing we find very strange seeing that we gave him to understand, when he was preparing to repair hither, on the occasion of certain letters written by the said Simier to the King's ambassador here, telling him that he was about to come to negotiate an interview and conclude articles, that we were resolved to enter into no discussion of articles, being determined to agree to none save such as were formerly agreed to with other princes, and advising him not to come here if that were the sole aim of his journey, going so far only as to say that, if any articles required fuller explanation, we would give him satisfaction in this matter ; we have thought meet to advertise you thereof in order that you may inform as well the King as Monsieur what we think of it. And to the end you may acquit yourself of your task the better and with the more certainty, we thought good to impart to you the articles treated of between those of our Council and Simier. They are three. First, the Duke to have equal and joint power with ourselves in dispensing all donations within the realm and its dependencies. Secondly, that after the marriage he should be crowned King of England, under guarantees that nothing should thereby be done to the prejudice of our realm. Thirdly, that he should be granted £60,000 for his life. As for the first, though those of our Council showed him evidently the evils which it involved as a thing directly touching the diminution of our regality, the said concession allowing him a negative voice, besides that in the treaty of marriage between the King of Spain and our late sister a similar demand had been expressly forbidden, and afterwards rejected in the assembly of our Estates, it was with great difficulty that he could be persuaded to give up his urgency for the granting of that article ; notwithstanding we caused it to be represented to him that our consent would be of no service to him, as plainly tending to bring on us the illwill of our subjects. As for the other two articles, it has been pointed out to him that the deliberation thereon having been committed to our Council, it was concluded by them after long discussion that they could not be deliberated and settled at present, but must be referred to the assembly of our Estates, without whose consent the articles in question could by no means be accorded, so that it would be proper to hold them over till Monsieur arrived. Which answer Simier not finding agreeable, ceased not to pursue the matter no more and no less urgently than before, openly protesting, both to ourselves and to our Council, that although he had ample and sufficient power to negotiate in the matter, he dared not on account of the spies who look askance at his actions and conduct in this affair undertake any modification of the articles. Nor would he be satisfied otherwise than by our assurance and promise to have the two articles concluded in the assembly of our Estates. Wherein albeit he has been shown how little it would agree with our honour to promise what depended on the will and power of another and how little agreeable it would be to our subjects that such a thing should be accorded before an interview had shown how agreeable we should be the one to the other, he has not been willing to abandon his urgency. Thereupon seeing that neither the reasons given by us, nor the representations made by our Council could induce him to accept our answer, we gave him to understand that such insistance on articles which had been refused to other princes, especially when he had already been told that we were resolved to make no change in them, only to explain them if any difficulties made it necessary, gave us cause to suspect either that they did not intend to go forward with the treaty, as they laid such stress on articles which could not be granted, or that they were seeking this marriage to some other end than had been hitherto alleged, trying to persuade us by protestations that one person alone was taken account of, while these proceedings showed the contrary, making it apparent, to all who considered even a little how difficult it was to turn them from these points which regarded our fortune rather than our person, that our fortune and not our person was what they aimed at. For if there was as much affection as they would have the world believe, neither would the Duke have charged him to insist on so hard conditions, nor have made so many difficulties about coming himself to see us without standing on ceremony ; being persuaded that the Duke of Anjou would do no hurt to his honour by visiting the Queen of England whatever the result of his journey might be, since there could but come of it a closer amity. For we feel quite sure that a journey to sea could not have been attended with so many difficulties as that into Flanders, honourable as that may have been ; and we do not see why one could not have been undertaken as freely and eagerly, if both had been embraced with equal affection and cordiality. It has also been explained to him that if they were treating with a princess who was ugly, or otherwise unsuited to him either through bodily deformity or other natural imperfection, or lacking in mental gifts suitable to our place and quality, in that case a mode of procedure so strict and savouring of obstinacy, founded rather on motives of profit than on love or goodwill, might have been tolerated. But seeing the graces which God has bestowed on us, besides the honourable estate that we hold, for which we thank Him without end as His goodness is endless to us, not boasting of that which is of His grace and not of our desert, esteeming it a thing unbecoming to chant our own praises, if we deem ourselves worthy of a prince as great as Monsieur without agreeing to conditions so hard as we refused heretofore granted to other princes, and they took it in good part, it will not be imputed to us as a fault. Therefore to make an end we let him understand that inasmuch as we perceived by their mode of action that we were not desired to such end as we thought, we had reason to think that they had not walked so roundly with us as beseemed our place and quality ; being with difficulty brought to be willing to marry in the event of our pleasing one another upon an interview. At which point we showed him that if the Duke knew the advertisements which we received from all parts, with the reasons and arguments used by those about us to turn us away from his proposal, and the trouble which we shall have to win for it the hearts of our subjects, who do not much favour foreign marriages, he would have seen the wrong he did us—we will not say himself—in sticking at conditions of profit and honour ; assuring him that, seeing the just cause we had to think that our actions towards him in this matter, wherein we have guided ourselves with all roundness and amity, were not so accounted of as we expected and think we deserved, the Duke will henceforth find it difficult to induce us to condescend to his wishes as much as we have done in the past, unless we find him by effect in devotion otherwise inclined to us than we can at present perceive ; advising him meantime to counsel his master to proceed in the other marriages which his nearest friends are promoting (as to which we cannot be in the dark), and which to all appearances he seems to affect rather than ours. As for Simier himself, who we found took it much to heart that we could not approve his insistance in standing upon the said articles, a thing very displeasing to us, we have assured him of the satisfaction which we took in his services, being persuaded that in this matter he has only borne himself as his instructions imported, or as was necessary for him, looking to the danger which might supervene for him in respect of those who wish him ill, so that however ample his commission might be, he could not conduct himself according to his own wishes. He has shown himself faithful to his master, sage and discreet beyond his years in the conduct of the case, and very devoted to the furthering of the marriage ; so we had cause to think well of his offices, and wish we had a servant of whom we could make such good use. We wish you to represent to the King and the Duke how agreeable the gentleman is to us, and how fortunate his master may deem himself to have such a servant. Having fully set forth to you the course of our negotiations with Simier and the sum of the reply made to him by ourself and through our Council, we doubt not but that you will impart it to the King and the Duke in such sort that both they may be led to see their error, and we may be rid of the calumnies which some of our illwishers in that Court will go about to cast on us. Draft in hand of L. Tomson. Endd. by him : . . . 26. Copy of the letter in French sent to Sir Amyas Poulet. Fr. 5 pp. [France III. 23 bis.]
May 10. 675. [DAVISON] to WALSINGHAM.
I wrote nothing to you by the last post, because I was yet 'suspended' for my full answer from the States, who, partly in regard of their multitude of business, partly desiring to hear from their deputies at Collen before my departure, delayed me. What now detains me is the expectation of the ship appointed for my transport, which by extremity of weather put into 'Scluse' and still awaits both wind and tide to come from thence. As far as I can see, it can hardly be here in six or seven days, and I would for better expedition have laded my charge in some other tall ship of divers that are at present here from our country, but that I am bound by order to this and put by the master in daily hope of her coming. As soon as I hear of it, you may be assured I will 'foreslow' no time to 'quite' myself from hence. Meantime please let her Majesty know the cause of my delay. The most important news that I have is the resolution taken in the last assembly at Mons by the people of Hainault for their reconcilement with the King ; for which they have dispatched their deputies to Arras fully authorised to conclude with the Baron de Selles and other commissioners from the Prince of Parma, whom they have agreed to accept as their provisional governor till they hear further of the King's pleasure ; he promising to deliver up into their hands all such places as he occupies in their country, and utterly to withdraw his forces thence within 20 days from the agreement, and from the whole Low Countries within six weeks. The 'unlikely success' of this is apparent enough. The States have as yet no news from the deputies at Collen, and what hope there is of the issue of their negotiations you may guess by their particular treaties. At Maestricht, the enemy profiting as little by his mines as by battery is now in hand with divers fortifications to hold the town in subjection, hoping to have them by famine as he cannot prevail by force. But in the judgement of the wisest it is like to prove a Haarlem siege. Here they are levying the hundredth penny, besides a voluntary loan in aid, wherein the people of this town show themselves very liberal. This week it is thought they will begin to 'redress' some sort of a camp ; upon intelligence of which the enemy has drawn divers companies of horse and foot to Diest and Aerschot, both as suspecting an intended enterprise on one of those places, and to be ready to make head against his adversaries, whatever way they take, but leaving a sufficient number to continue the siege. The Walloons who were in Cassel, suspecting the neighbourhood of la Noue, have this week abandoned the place, and retired to their rest [or nest] at Meenen. It is thought they will be this week declared enemies and la Noue employed against them with the force he has, till things are ready for the succour of Maestricht. The Gantois have of late had a practice in hand for the surprise of Alost, and not long before, another against Douay ; both which failing, especially that of Douay, has 'bred' the imprisonment of divers of the inhabitants, suspected of favouring the enterprise.— Antwerp, 10 May 1579. Draft. Endd. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 114.]
May 14. 676. Copy and translation of a letter written to His Excellency by those of Flushing. 14 May 1579.
We have received your letter touching the differences among us and Fernand Pointz, together with the request presented by him to the Lords of the Queen of England's Council. We cannot be sufficiently surprised at the indiscreet, inopportune, and dishonest procedure of Pointz in this matter, considering that pursuant to your Excellency's letter of Aug. 13 we submitted to all reasonable conditions for the sake of agreement. For whereas your Excellency at Pointz's request dispatched the treasurer Taffin to Walcheren, to put an end to the difference, we sent our deputies to Middelburg, and after some communication had passed, finally remitted and submitted the difference to Taffin, treasurer Maumaker, and Master Peter de Rycke, councillor of Zealand, as neutral persons chosen by the parties. Whereupon, after divers conferences they got so far that the difference was settled, albeit greatly to our prejudice and to the advantage of the said Pointz ; so that he has every right to be ashamed of not accepting and approving the agreement arrived at by the deputies, and still more with charging them with partiality. As may appear by the copy of the agreement that we send ; which from respect for the gentlemen who were engaged upon it, we continue to approve. And considering that we have been ready to forward matters by all reasonable way conformally to your letters, and that Pointz will not listen to any reason or means of settlement, we rely entirely on the report which Taffin will make to your Excellency, begging you to hear him and interrogate him thereon the great wrong and superfluous expense which Pointz wants to inflict on us with extraordinary proceedings. We add that his claim is for the most part frivolous, and founded on untrue reasons, and so ought not to be heard by an extraordinary judge, and we doubt not that your Excellency will take it as such. Copy. Fr. 1 p. [Hol. and Fl. XI. 115.]
May 15. 677. D. T. to the PRINCE OF ORANGE.
I have already written to you by Captain Desme, thinking he would start before this messenger. I will explain the most part of it to him, that by one channel or the other you may be advertised of what is going, and I will add what I have learnt further. Instead of 10,000 men who it was said were being levied in Italy by 'Don Pedro,' brother of the Duke of Florence, they talk now of 20,000 Italians, 10,000 Germans, and 10,000 Spaniards, counting those who are now arrived with those who had arrived before. They are fitting out all the vessels, great and small, galleys and others, that there are in Italy, and making a great provision of biscuit. Those who hold the truce made by the Turk with the King of Spain as assured (of which, however, many doubt) conclude that this cannot be on account of Eastern Barbary, inasmuch as that recognises him, nor, as they think, of the Western part, the kingdoms of Fez and Morocco being his friends, and of the same religion. It is thought too that these preparations are too great for use entirely in Portugal and Flanders ; nor can it be believed that they are for France, for many reasons too long to set out. So the inference is unavoidable that they are for England. If he attacks that, with such intelligence as he may be able to get, the King of Spain will at the same time forward his affairs in Portugal and Flanders ; and it is to be feared that Duke Casimir will at the same time have to defend his own house. Even if he does not make provision for their great designs, it is certain that by beating or striking down that prince and princess, who are deemed the sole succour and support of those of the Religion, they will have to endure much alike in Flanders and in France, seeing that the King, averse as he is to war, will be dragged into it by force.—Paris, 15 May 1579. Apparently the original, written on a half-sheet. Add. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 116.]
By my last letter you might perceive that the cause of my stay depended upon the ship appointed to transport my charge, which could not come from 'Scluse' till within these three or four days, for want of wind. It is now arrived, and to-morrow is to take the parcels I have to transport, so that I hope to take my journey with the first fair wind, having now dispatched all my other business and taken my leave.—Antwerp, 17 May 1579. Add. Endd. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 117.]
May 18. 679. The PRINCE OF ORANGE to the QUEEN.
Among the great benefits that you have done this country I esteem it not the least that you sent Mr Davison to the States. By his prudence, vigilance, and sincere affection to the furtherance of our affairs, we have received many good offices, nor has his service to your Majesty been forgotten. We cannot therefore but take much displeasure from his departure, especially at a moment when our affairs are in such perplexity as you will hear from him. Our only consolation, since it is your pleasure that he should return to England, is that we judge it to be for your service, which we would desire to advance by all means in our power, while at the same time we are persuaded that in recalling a person of his quality you will not fail to obtain his advice as to the means of succouring this country, which you have always had in special commendation.—Antwerp, 18 May 1579. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XI. 118.]
May 24. 680. The MARQUIS OF HAVRECH to the QUEEN.
Your ambassador being about to return, I would not let slip the opportunity of saluting your Majesty and assuring you of the good and honourable manner in which he has comported himself in these countries. He has so conducted himself that the Estates generally and as individuals rest well satisfied with him. You will understand at length from him the state of affairs here. We are devoutly awaiting the resolution to be taken at Cologne, and while we hope it will be good, appearances up to now are meagre enough. I am of opinion that the particular treaties entered into by those of Hainault and Artois will be prejudicial to a general agreement ; the Spaniards being persuaded that similar divisions lay open to them a door whereby they may reach their end, which is to bring final ruin on all. But I will not lose confidence that over and above that which we shall not fail to do for ourselves, your Majesty will, as a sharer in our fortunes, use all the means you can devise to hinder them. When I was last in England I left with your ministers my private and personal obligation for the £5,000 which you supplied to the Estates. Now, hearing that the Estates have, as was agreed, furnished the obligations for the sum in question, I beg that you will direct mine to be returned to me.—Antwerp, 24 May 1579. Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 119.]
May 24. 681. William Davison acknowledges the receipt from Baptista Spinola of the States' obligation for £3,636 7s. 4d. as guarantee to the Queen for a similar sum for which the States are asking her to give them her obligation and that of the City of London payable in June next ; and promises in the event of her not granting their request, to return it to any person designated by Spinola.—24 May 1579. Endd. Contra obligho del Sr Imbasse Davison. Fr. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 120.]
May 25. 682. 'Report laid before his Catholic Majesty's Council of War and put in writing 25 May 1579 as to the steps to be taken to gain possession of Portugal, whenever it is necessary to employ arms. Translated from the Spanish.'
The first part of my report to your Majesty touching my views as to the arguments produced in this meeting, falls under three heads ; after which I will give my own ideas. First, as to the justification of this enterprise before God, His vicar on earth, and other Christian princes ; for if this is not done, ill-success must be feared. Secondly, as to the prayers, which as I have heard and seen, always precede the opening of any enterprise in which your Majesty personally shares, after the example of the Emperor ; remembering the unfortunate enterprise of Algiers, which it was sought to handle so secretly that the duty of asking God for a happy issue was forgotten. Afterwards the Emperor used to say that God was wroth with this and had for our sins caused the disaster that we saw ; as has often been related by Antonio d' Oria and other gentlemen of judgement, who were sorry that such a thing should be forgotten. Thirdly, as to the great reputation of your Majesty, for whose greatness we your vassals have to take thought. I do not see that you can without disgrace omit to acquire what is undoubtedly your own, by all the vigour of arms, if it be necessary to have recourse to them ; since, as we hear, things have been said and written prejudicial to your reputation. Nevertheless it behoves to seek by gifts and all other possible ways to draw that realm to obedience without the bloodshed and ruin that would ensue were you to achieve your intention in that way. By far the easiest and most honourable road, and that demanded by every Christian vassal of your Majesty would be, if the affairs of that realm could in that way be appeased ; and your forces engaged in the service of God need not be ordered elsewhere. This much as to the principal heads ; I will proceed to state my views as to how to effect the enterprise. It is assumed that 59 galleys and 30 ships will be assembled, making 14,000 tons, and other 12 small vessels. 'Monsieur di Sta Croce' [qu. Santa Cruz] as I hear thinks this number most necessary, and I think it cannot be reduced, and that it would be well to provide 9 or 10 more in case of accidents. The number of men you have ordered to be got together is 36,000, and that it may be seen that this number will be sufficient, I will consider the resources which that kingdom has for resistance ; the number of cavalry and infantry which it can number, if all were agreed not to obey your Majesty. I am assured that after the rout they had in Africa, conformably to the reports of Don Juan de Silva, Alfonso de Larguas, and Marcello d'Oria, besides the people in Lisbon, which makes 40,000 men, they can bring together, from the two 'battalions' that they have for exercise in all manner of arms, another 50,000 ; which is likely, seeing that in the country between the Guadiaval and the Tagus are more than 250 ensigns of soldiers with their captains and officers, who are regarded as the most warlike soldiers in Portugal. As for cavalry, I hear that they cannot do much ; perhaps because the largest and most esteemed part of it, and their caparisoned horses, were lost in Barbary with the King ; nevertheless it is said that they can put together 1,500 to 2,000 horses, of all sorts, though weak, by withdrawing some of those which they have on the confines of Africa ; and that is the 7,000 or 8,000 horses that they say they can put men on. But it must be considered that they of Lisbon if united could assemble a large force of infantry to give a bataglia cieca ; so that I think his Majesty's army ought not to be less than 50,000 men ; but supposing that he cannot now do more than 36,000 both those from Italy and others, since the sole matter of importance is to take Lisbon, I should advise that 3,000 Spaniards and 3,000 Italians should be put on board the galleys and ships, besides the ordinary complement of soldiers, and that the 36,000 men, infantry and cavalry, light cavalry, mounted harquebusiers and other horse, to the number of 10,000, with 3,500 or 3,000 cavalry, should be taken to form an army-corps (corpo d'armata) which might march by either of two ways. One is by Coria and along the Tagus to Lisbon through the easiest country in Portugal ; but there is a serious objection to that route, that a mountain has to be crossed which is stated to be impracticable for artillery ; and though, as it is said, the places in that kingdom are not fortified in the modern style, they have good walls, and if artillery is not used, can be easily defended, being hard to escalade. This will prevent the army from getting to Lisbon at any fixed time to operate with the fleet. So I am of opinion that the army should go by Merida and Baldaies [Badajoz] with two demi-cannon, three medium culverins, and two field-pieces, enter the district of Biburga [?] and take the three small frontier places of Olzbenga [Olivença], Eblis [Elvas] and Porta Degna [Portalegre] with the neighbouring castles, to secure our rear. This will not take long ; and then let the fleet come to meet them at some suitable point on the Tagus, and let them ravage the Duke of Braganza's lands, if they do not prefer to cross over to the country between the rivers Tagus and Ruero [? Douro], the richest in Portugal ; being always on the alert to hinder the inhabitants all they can from joining with the people of Lisbon. In this way, and if they are broken up on the frontier from Andalusia to Galicia, they will fall into disorder and panic. But it is especially necessary that the coast of Galicia should be well furnished and armed, for it may easily be judged that English, French and rebel Flemings will come to the help of Portugal and attack ports and places in Galicia. Special heed should be given to the side of Bayona and Corua [qu. Coruña], which as I hear is in bad case and great danger. It is also necessary to have a fleet in Galicia for the transport of troops and the conveyance of garrisons for the places captured, so as not to weaken the army, which will advance to Lisbon or 'Sto. Giovanni' or wherever the Marquis of Santa Cruz shall advise, and should join the fleet on which is to be shipped all the artillery, munitions, and fighting material. We must soon have advices from Antonello and the others who were sent to reconnoitre Lisbon, the tower of Balez [? Balem] and the fort of St. John, in respect of the orders that the Marquis should give, to the end that all steps may be taken accordingly, and it may be decided where the enterprise should begin. If it is to turn out well, riper judgement will be needed than we have had hitherto. In case the King of Portugal should die [movisse, qy. morisse] before the men and fleet from Italy arrive, considering the small force which the Marquis has in the galleys and the little he could do by land or sea, I think we should not make a greater demonstration ; because those in the country who wish to serve your Majesty would easily change their minds if they saw that the Marquis's first operations came to little ; and I think it would kindle their zeal to see that your Majesty was making preparation in all sincerity, which could hardly be said with the small forces the Marquis has at present. That would be the way to give advice to the enemy that he may provide his own forces. They might even attack you and take some place, which would be disgraceful to you and very important to them as encouragement. So I think it is more expedient to watch the coasts with galleys under pretext of guarding against Turks, Moors, and Corsairs, and thus hinder the bringing of aid. If the King of Portugal be not dead [mosso, qu. morto] by the time the force arrives from Italy, I would advise that as many as possible be put on board the galleys, on the chance of their being to do something, and the rest landed on Iviça. The air and water are good there ; while if they come here trouble will arise from the indolence of the soldiers, and the quarrels between old and new Spaniards, and between the people and the Germans and Italians. It would be well to move the infantry levied in this state to such place as your Majesty shall resolve ; noting that whenever it is reckoned that they will be embarked within two months they stay four or five, especially when they have to be drilled. Time and hard work are needed to arm them conveniently, because if they are armed far from the place where the fleet has to meet them, most of the pikes and corselets will be lost, while those who are trained to arms have enough to do, especially when new soldiers may be falling ill. If the others, those of Signor Giovanni Andrea [Doria] and private persons, arrive at Cartagena as soon as it is said, with the infantry they have on board, viz., 1,000 men, they can be put with the Spanish, or left there to rest, which will be more to the purpose, and to strengthen that coast, which is unarmed, there being news of vessels from Algiers ; and if you would order them to put some harquebusiers across to Majorca they might make the journey from Cartagena and bring back the recruits who are being got ready at Vion all finished and trained. The arms required for 14,000 men should by now be in the places ordered by you, in full number. Provisions, biscuit, &c., should be got ready. Every captain of men-at arms should be told to raise 12 mounted harquebusiers. I conclude this report by reminding your Majesty to take order on the French frontier, since you have begun, sending a viceroy to Navarre, and a captain-general to Giupsea [qy. Guipuzcoa] ; and bidding the viceroys of Arragon and Catalonia have an eye on Jaca and Salsas [qy. Solson], places, with St. Sebastian, liable to be seized. Endd. by Burghley : 25 Maii 1579. Advice to the King of Spain for recovery of the kingdom of Portugal. Ital. 6½ pp. [Spain I. 21.]
May 30. 683. BONIVET to DAVISON.
Hearing that you are about to leave Antwerp for England I would not omit to write and ask you kindly to move Her Majesty to be pleased to account to Mme de Grevenbroek for the sum in which she stood indebted to M. de Grevenbroek, my late father-in-law. You know better than anyone else how the matter stands, owing to the frequent communications which have been made to you by my father-in-law and myself. If you can help me, I shall be much obliged. My wife and I salute you.—From 'your' house at Thiennes, the last but one of May 1579. Add. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 121.]
I make no doubt but that you have heard of the disturbance which took place in this town upon the matter of religion since your departure ; but as you said my letters were acceptable, I would not fail to send you the story in detail. It is as follows. On the 28th inst. the Archduke and the priests of this town informed the colonels and captains that they had decided to have a general procession. Upon its being replied that there would be a danger of exciting the people, and that they would do better to be content with going round the cemetery, to avoid a scandal, they pressed the matter several times, but received no other reply. Notwithstanding, on the following day they thought fit to pass the chains which are stretched across the approaches to the cemetery, though warned of the inconveniences which might arise. The people, seeing the procession advancing, opposed it ; and, finding them obstinate, by degrees armed themselves, sounded their drums, drove the priests and all those who had gone out with them into the 'great temple,' broke and trampled on their torches and processional trash (drogues processiales), and committed other violences ; with the intention, as common report had it, of going on to personal attacks, if the colonels and captains had not kept the door of the temple shut by force, and the Prince had not come in person to appease them. In this he had much difficulty, and was even in personal danger through trying to moderate their fury. Anyhow, with all the persuasions in the world he could only obtain from the people permission to enter the temple to speak to the Archduke and the Marquis of Havrech, who were shut up there with all the nobles, Italians, and priests in the town, all assembled for the procession. At length after three hours' parley before the doors the Prince managed to persuade them to let the Archduke with his suite and the nobility come out, not however without giving them a pretty fright and uttering a good many insults as they went by. After this the Prince could only prevent them from falling on the priests by declaring that if they offered them violence, he would leave the city and government, promising that he would with the Colonels, Captains, and Deans consider means for settling the matter to the assurance of the town and their satisfaction ; on condition that they might keep the priests shut up till some resolution was taken. This was granted him under protest, and with a general shout that they wanted to be rid of them that very night ; which came to pass, for about 8 o'clock some 200 priests were led out of the town, without any other disturbance or sacking of churches. Next day an edict was made that no Church property was to be touched or priests' houses broken into, under pain of the gallows ; and the Prince foreseeing the confusion into which the town was like to fall if order were not taken, had the Great Council summoned, to make proposals, and hear from them how they intended to govern themselves in future. After much debate, the more part inclined to maintain the religions-vrede here, and in conformity therewith to retain a small number of priests and pastors for the Catholic service, bidding good-bye to the four orders and other superfluous priestery. It is not certain if the lower classes will listen to this. There, at full length, is the story of what happened. You know the state of the country well enough to judge what effects may be expected from it. My opinion is that it will greatly reinforce the malcontent party, and hasten the division of the country on one side, and the resolution (sic) on the other. The Archduke is much offended, and demands to be allowed to return to his own country, but so far there is no answer. I am reminded of the proverb, Lupum auribus, etc. The Maestricht people have lately discovered and laid open three more large mines, which the enemy meant to spring when he gave another general assault. In the mines they took two captains, and continue to make five sorties every day. They are still in good heart ; but there is no courage which does not wear out at length. The succours are making such progress as they can ; lack of money, of forces, and of union makes them slower and more feeble than the occasion seems to allow. M. de la Noue with his little force is near Rousselaer, where besides the ordinary garrison, which was 10 ensigns, four or five companies have entered, sent by Montigny. He is massing his forces at Massene and Menin, and they are about 7,000 foot and 1,500 horse. He seems decided to fight M. de la Noue, if he gives him the chance, or to besiege some place ; and it is feared it may be Courtray, where it is suspected he may have intelligence. Eleven guns have been sent him from Aire and St. Omer. It is rumoured that M. d' Hierges has come to conduct their operations ; and la Motte is beginning to join them. In short they are going very strong. I foresee nothing but misery on all sides. There is little appearance of the peace which is being treated at Cologne, the arbitrators being mostly bishops and all papists, who will not care to grant the religions-vrede, without which all the rest will be nought. That is all the news I have to write you ; when anything presents itself worth sending I will not fail to do the same duty. Here I may thank you for all the courtesy you have shown me in the short time that I have had the honour of knowing you.—Antwerp, 31 May 1578. P.S.—Please send me a word to say if this reaches you safely ; and I shall feel all the safer about sending my letters through the same channel. Add. Fr. 4 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 122.]
While we were greatly delighted to learn from the Spanish nuncio that you were interested in our affairs we were somewhat sorry that we had not had notice of this in time to send letters to so eminent a patron by the messenger whom we recently dispatched to Lisbon. Seeing however that our only object is to secure the administration of Christ's sacraments after the Catholic rite to people which love the Catholic faith, and therefore deserve all commiseration, and since to care for this is pure religion and undefiled, let those who hinder this holy work see of what religion they would be held by Him who judges not by words but by works. We therefore beseech you, who are ready enough for every good work, as the father of children and widows, so to do God's business as to make it clear to all men that you look not for a corruptible but an eternal reward. For if I seek to please men, I shall not be the servant of Christ. If we have the arms at once, the salvation of Ireland and England, not to say Scotland, Flanders and France will be thought due to your efforts ; for it is from England that this great evil of schism is propagated into all the neighbouring countries. If however there is no hope of this, care should at least be taken lest, while pretending to hand over the arms soon, they not only fail to do so, but also delay us in rendering to the Catholics such small help as we can render without the arms. Let them therefore give up other people's goods which they are detaining against the will of the owners, or know that, whatever they may say, they have refused them to us, to his Holiness, nay, even to Christ Himself. Let them remember the damage they are doing us by causing so many persons to incur so many months' expense in a foreign country, and let them believe that there is a just judge who will requite them. Not without cause are we wroth, being subjected to so many inconveniences and injuries. The greater these are, the more glorious will be your prudence if it quickly puts an end to them ; which may God grant.—Ferrol in Galicia, 31 May 1579. Add. Illmo et Rmo Dno D. Alexandro Frumento, suæ Stis in regno Portugalliæ nuncio. In writing of [?] Dr Sanders. Endd. : from Lisborn, 1879. Latin. 3 pp. [Portugal I. 12.]