America and West Indies
June 1709, 21-30

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Institute of Historical Research

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Cecil Headlam (editor)

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1922

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370-408

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'America and West Indies: June 1709, 21-30', Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, Volume 24: 1708-1709 (1922), pp. 370-408. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=73803 Date accessed: 28 November 2014.


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June 1709, 21-30

[June 21.]591. Lt. Col. Charles Floyer to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Recounts his service. He had a brevet for Lt. Col. in Col. Jones' Regiment in the Leeward Islands, with which he was serving, and a promise of the Regiment, which has now been given to a younger officer, a stranger to the Regiment, and a then prisoner of France. Prays that his case be considered, etc. Endorsed, Recd. 21st, Read 27th June, 1709. 1 p. [C.O. 152, 8. No. 20.]
[June 21.]592. List of poor Palatines, (names, trades, religion) arrived in St. Catherines May 1st—June 11th, 1709. With abstract. Total, 6519. Endorsed, Recd. 16th, (from Mr. Tribbeko) Read 21st June, 1709. 115 pp. [C.O. 388, 76. Nos. 68–70.]
June 23.593. Mr. Tribbeko and Mr. Ruperti to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Request assistance in work of relieving the German Protestant Refugees, etc. Signed, John Tribbeko, A. Ruperti Endorsed, Recd. Read June 23, 1709. 4 pp. [C.O. 388, 76. No. 75; and 389, 36. pp. 430–432.]
June 23.
Whitehall.
594. Council of Trade and Plantations to the Lord High Treasurer. Submit preceding Memorial. [C.O. 389, 36. p. 433.]
June 23.595. London Society for Mines Royal to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Further proposal for employing German Protestant Refugees in Welsh mines. Signed, Moses Stringer and 7 others. Endorsed, Recd. Read June 23, 1709. 4½ pp. [C.O. 388, 76. No. 76.]
June 23.
St. James's
596. Order of Queen in Council. Lord Baltimore's petition (May 19) is dismissed, the parties having been divers times heard before the making of the Order complained of. etc. Signed, John Povey. Endorsed, Recd. Read July 5, 1709. 1½pp. [C.O. 5, 720. No. 6; and 5, 1264. No. 75; and 5, 1292. pp. 141, 142.]
June 26.
Antigua.
597. Governor Parke to the Council of Trade and Plantations. I had not the honour to recieve any letter from your Lordshipps by this packett except two duplicates. I am the more surprised at it, because by the last packett, my Agent Mr. Micajah Perry, writt me word Nivin had delivered in the Articles, and they were referred to your Lordshipps, he alsoe sent me a coppy of them, which I have answered myselfe, every article very largely, which is in a manner a history of my administration. Refers to other enclosures. I don't doubt but your Lordshipps will be satisfied when you see them. The affidavits are made by the very best Gentlemen of the place. What the Lt. Governour and Councill have done is allsoe upon their oaths as Councillors. And your Lordshipps will find, if they have any affidavitts to support any Articles, they are made by Irish Papists, proffligate wretches, bankrupts, or some that depend on Coll. Codrington, or others that are affraid of the Court of Chancery. I wish part of their £5000 they have raised has not been lay'd out to stopp my letters, for I had not one in this packett, except a single letter from one Gentleman, who tells me Nevine offered your Lordshipps £30,000 security to prove all the articles, provided I might be suspended and Commissioners sent to hear it. I thinke it a piece of injustice to suspend me upon his request, or to be called home; but this my Lords I will agree to, that if Mr. Nivine will give good secureity, such as Mr. Micajah Perry aproves of, for £3000 to be paid me for my hazzard, cost and dammages, provided he does not prove before your Lordshipps all or ye greatest part of the articles, or soe many of them, for which your Lordshipps shall think I deserve to be removed, upon such condition I desire I may have leave to come home to answer them before your Lordshipps, for I am very sure your Lordships will doe me justice; but if they are to name one to command in my roome, and Commissioners are to be sent here to heare it, I may conclude I shall not have justice, for these reasons, first noebody will come here as a Commissioner but one of a small or decayed fortune, and such a man (let his character be what it will) is lyable to corruption, especially if great sums are offered, and I know Codrington soe well (though he is as covettous as a Jew) yet to gaine his ends and have his revenge, I know he would give £10,000, and I don't know but that sett of men would make up the sum they have raised as much more. Men need be very virtuous to withstand such a temptation. Then Nevine will have the opertunity of makeing himselfe acquainted with them and come with them, and though he is the most insolent fellow alive, yet when it is to gaine his ends, he can fawne like a spanniell. When these Commissioners comes over, to be sure they must not live with me, and there are noe public houses fitt to entertain them, soe that in course they must live with my enemys, or my friends, and your Lordshipps knowes, revenge is much more industrious then friendshipp, it being alsoe observed that friendshipp is coldest in hottest climates, though mallice is most inveterate. All these considered, I begg that I may have my cause brought before your Lordshipps, and that I may have noe Commissioners sent out. I once did think it best to have Commissioners on the spott, but these reasons which have been since given me, have altered my mind, I only fear bribery, for I am very well assured they can doe me noe harme if I have justice, for I have done nothing contrary to law, or my Instructions, and notwithstanding this claymour now against me, I had been very easy notwithstanding all Col. Codrington's mallice, had I had less regard to the doeing my duty. It is plaine I have quitted my owne intrest for the publicke good, for before I had recieved your Lordshipp's last instructions about my house-rent, I sent that message to the Assembly to lett my sallary alone and pay other people, and never demanded of the people of St. Kitts the 100,000lb. of sugar due to me on the same score. I shall with impatience wayte your Lordshipps' commands, etc. P. S. Col. Jones is my inveterate enemy, and did your Lordshipps' but see him, I dare say you would not thinke him fitt to command a foot Company. Mr. Harley is his relation and got him this post. I don't thinke either he, or the Lt. Governour of Nevis ought to comand in my absence, any more then a man ought to be foreman of a jury upon the life of a man whose estate he is to enjoy, provided he be brought in guilty. Signed, Daniel Parke. Endorsed, Recd. Sept. 10, Read Nov. 17, 1709. 4 pp. Enclosed,
597. i. Governor Parke's Reply to the 22 Articles of Complaint. (1). I alwayes look'd upon the people in this part of the world to have the sharpest and most penetrating witt of any I ever mett with; and therefore I must have been guilty of the greatest folly and weaknesse, if I could thinke to impose upon them after so gross a manner, etc. (2). It is very true I did all I could to have justice done Mr. Chester for murdering a harmless, honest Gentleman, but I had as bad success in this as I had in Mr. Pogson's case. I had no difference with Mr. Chester, nor did I threaten the Justices, but I told Col. Gamble it was remarkable he should act now as Justice, that never would before. I confess I told the Councill that I never knew baile taken in England for willfull murder, and that I thought it very extraordinary that when Mr. Chester was by a mittimus signed by themselves sent to prison, the Marshall neither sent him to prison nor confined him to any house. The Coroner could not sitt upon the body that night, but sent an order to the Constables to summons a jury against the next morning which they did by taking the next they mett with, by which means severall strangers were returned of the jury, as masters of vessells, etc. Mr. Chester and his friends were so allarmed at this jury, that immediately messengers were sent into the country for to get his Freinds to towne. His Friends Dr. Mackinnen and Mr. Morgan went out of towne to meete the Coroner and desired him to discharge the jury, telling him the deceased being a gentleman, he ought to have a jury of gentlemen; and the Coronor, who did not mistrust the juggle, discharg'd that jury, and presently there apeared a number of Mr. Chester's friends to be sworne, and one Mr. William Glanville was made Foreman, who himself, not long before I came to the Goverment, had had a jury of inquest upon his servant-maid etc. see supra. One Mrs. Wright, landlady to the deceased came and inform'd me all this as I was going to Church, and all that I did was to order the body to be brought into the open street (after the jury had viewed it) that every one might see ye wound, which plainly apeared behind his eare, but this, and the evidence, was of no weight with the jury, etc. All my brow-beating of evidence was, I desir'd the Coronor to aske this fellow and his wife some questions, which they answered soe as a London jury would have had little regard to their evidence, etc.
I must confess I have a very extraordinary quiet and innocent people to governe, for tho' it be the last Island settled, yet in three yeares I have been here there has noe one inhabitant [been] punished, neither hanged, whipped, pilloried, or so much as putt in the stocks; the reason is this. I have of late been served with Deputy Marshalls, that have been inhabittants, and have such engagements with the people they durst not doe their duty, and if I order the J.P.'s or Constables to doe what in other places is thought their duty, they looke me in the face and tell me it is not their duty, but can assure them had I an absolute power, would a beene arbitrary, the stocks, whippingpost, ducking stoole and gallows, too would have been severall times putt into use; the Deputy Marshall that gave Mr. Chester his liberty was very much in his debt, and if he had not been so, I have no doubt but he would have found meanes to have made it worth his while to have got such a jury as he desired; here are abundance of honest Gentlemen that would be very glad to assist me to have offences of all kinds punished (knowing it is for the good of the Island) but as yet myselfe and they have not been able to effect it, but in a little time I hope to doe itt, if I have not a Marshall of their owne choosing putt upon me, and have that protection I ought to have at home whilst I doe my duty here. (3). The severall persons they speake of in general termes is onely the one that is mention'd, (vizt.) Col. Codrington, whose person I suppose he thinks equivalent to a multitude. I thinke it was my duty to ask him what pretence he had to Barbuda and by what authority he presumed to apoint a Deputy Governor, Barbuda being almost as bigg as Antigua, and at one time there was about 80 families upon it, who were drove off only to make a pasture for one man's; whereas might that Island be settled by poore people, it would raise fresh provisions not only to supply these Islands, but Barbados too. I could not doe anything in itt without the consent [? of the Council], otherwise I would have settled itt, and given grants to all people that would goe and live upon it, and I could have brought up 150 or 200 familyes from Anguilla, Spanish Towne and Turtola, which are at present so many Families lost in effect to the Crowne of England, those small and barren Islands lying over St. Thomas's, that what cotton they make there, they sell it to the Danes. These ffamilyes have formerly been drove off these Islands by the rich men's ingrossing their land, and live very poorly on these barren Islands, and would be glad to come and settle on Barbuda, provided they had a good title made to the land; for they might not only make great advantages by raising horses, cattle and sheep, and all sorts of fowles, but also by cotton and Guiney corne, which would be sold at this Island, and the cotton sent for Brittaine, and now it is of noe advantage at all to the Crowne, to this Government, nor as he manages it, to himselfe. I hope your Lordshipps will lay this before the Queen, that I may have orders to grant the Island to people that would settle it; for Coll. Codrington cannot have any just right to itt. I can't think a Governour has power to grant a whole Island at once, nor could a patent be granted on that Island by and with the advice and consent of the Councill there, because there never was any Councill apointed there, nor any records kept, nor Deputy Secretary to record them, nor any Ministeriall officer to putt him in possession; nor is there any on Spanish-Towne, Turtola or Anguilla; indeed there is a Deputy Governor upon each, but they regard him not, they live like wild people without order or Government, and have neither Divine nor Lawyer amongst them, they take each others words in marriage; they thinke themselves Christians because they are descended from such, but I have got a parson to goe to them lately out of charity, to make Christians out of them; I would visitt them myselfe, but that I durst not leave these four Islands during the warr; now according to reason, I should thinke if he have a pattent (which I very much doubt) it can be of no vallue, it not being possible such a pattent should pass as is directed by the Commission or Instructions; suppose Col. Codrington should also have pretended he had a right to Nevis, Antigua and St. Christophers, and would have pretended to have made Deputy Governours for these Islands (for Barbuda is as much named in my Commission as they are) does the Law abhorr I shall demand bye what authority he pretends to hold what I have a Commission for from the Queen? (4). (5). These are the same Articles as were sent before, and answered to your Lordshipps' satisfaction. Additions answered. (6). The writts have been alwayes issued according to the ancient custome of this Island, but they made a law to alter them, and during the time that Law was in force, the writts were issued according to that Law, but that Law being rejected at home, the writts were issued as before. This appears by the records, and everybody knowes the constant custome was, that no one ever pretended to sitt as an Assemblyman, except he was Free-holder in the Division where he was chose. They cannot produce one president to the contrarye, nor was it ever offer'd at till now by Mr. Edward Perrie, and they were so well satisfied of it, that before the last election he was made a freeholder. The reasons they get a majority in the Assembly [are], against an election they make sham freeholders, and the Register being on their side, they can doe it and my friends not know it till too late; if the Register was my friend, my friends could and would I believe doe the same. (7). The custome is here as it is in England and all other Governments, to sweare those which are return'd members; and Capt. James Nisbett was return'd duely elected, and notwithstanding they would have had me swore Capt. Edward Perrie without hearing the cause, tho he was not return'd. Refers to House of Commons practice. But before they would go upon any business, without a petition or any hearing, they insisted that I should sweare Capt. Perrie etc. (8). Notoriously false. I was at St. Kitts several weeks before and after the last Assembly was called. (Refers to Minutes of Council). So that it was impossible for me to use menaces in that Election. The first starting the business of the negative voice was by the Lt. Governour and Councill. Having passed some laws, the Lt.-Governour and Councill sent to the Speaker to signe them, in order to send them to me, which he refused, tho it had alwayes been the method when the Generall was off the Island; and the reason they gave was, in case the Generall did not signe their law for privilledges, the Speaker should not signe any of the rest, when they should be return'd; this was plain by insisting upon their Speaker's giving the last sanction to lawes, which is taking from the Queen her negative voice. Nevine and some others of Col. Codrington's faction putt them upon it, for when they found I gave them no manner of handle for the least just complaint, they putt the Assembly upon insisting on such things, which if I granted, I must have betrayed my trust, or, if not, disoblige the Assembly. They concluded that I would give up the negative voice, and pass that bill for privilledges, rather than loose my sallarie for house-rent, which was what they call £1000 a yeare, and as sugar now goes is really worth £500; and when they found by a message I sent them, desiring them to raise a tax and pay off all others, and lett my sallerie alone, they then offer'd me a bribe; they sent me a message that if I would pass the Acts before me, and let their Speaker give the last sanction to them, then they would not onely pay me my sallery, but make me a handsome acknowledgement. I answered I could not give up the Queen's prerogative, etc. All this apears in the Minutes now before your Lordshipps, since which they have desired me to call them together. The Councill were of opinion, as well as myselfe, that it putt the Island to a great charge, and to noe purpose, for as long as they insisted on the negative voice, no Act could pass. But if they would give it me under their hands not to insist on the negative voice, I would call them together, but they refused. I often earnestly desir'd them to raise a tax to pay off the publick creditt, and that they might not thinke it was for my own ends, tho' I had my whole yeares sallerie due to me, I desired them to take no notice of that. I appeale to the Treasurer's Bookes, whether I have not been a very good husband for the publick; for I have putt the Island to very little more charge in three yeares than Col. Johnson did in one; they have raised but one tax in my time, and that to pay off the debts contracted by Col. Johnson, whose table they maintained, and to whome they gave £ 850 gratuity, which by a trick they found for it he tooke contrary to his Instructions for putting them to above £5000 charge to doe what they ought to be at the charge to have undone. For instance, there were severall great gunns, 24 pounders, which were to guard the principal harbour, St. Johns; these gunns he removed at a prodigious expence to the topp of Monkes Hill, where they were of no manner of use: for if Monkes Hill had been attacked, if they should have fired those gunns often, the concussion wou'd have throwne downe the wall, which for the most part is made onely of loose stones without mortar; at the same time left the harbour, and consequently the towne exposed; the bigest gun left being a 9 pounder, except 2 very bad 12 pounders, at some distance from the Fort, to defend the Roade, but they were found too short for that purpose, not being able to protect a shipp rideing in the Roade from a privateere that cutt her out. He putt them to a great expence to raise part of the inward area of the Fort (without any designe of throwing up a cavalier) by which meanes everyone that stood there would be exposed to the very knees to the fire of an enemy, etc. He built a great number of wooden houses contiguous, by which meanes one bomb or carcass would have fired the whole Fort, and severall little square houses on the walls, because it looked well at sea, and a plattforme with 6 small six pounders on it to defend Falmouth Harbour, tho' a mile from it. I asked Col. Johnson how he could be guilty of such strange blunders; he told me there was in the Assembly a very strong faction for Monk's Hill, and that the taking of Nevis and St. Kitts having putt them into a very great streight, they were for making Monkes Hill very strong; I told him he had not at all added to the strength, but quite contrary; he said he knew that well enough, but they themselves would be the Ingenieres, and he was only to governe them till I came, and was willing to get what he could from them. and if he had not humoured them, he should have got nothing. I find he was the wiser man, tho' I cannot much commend his honesty; at the same time they tooke up a great quantity of provisions and sent it to Monkes Hill some time after this freight was over; I came, and then all this foolish extravagancy was to be paid for, and like very honest people, they voted to pay the publick debts in sugar at 20s. per cent., the private people tooke the same advantage and paid their debts in the same manner, yet any man might buy sugar at 12/6 per cent. and at ten; so that it was not better nor worse than compounding the debts of the Island for 12/6 in the pound. I opposed this all I could, and to be even with me they never would give me an order for my sallerie till all the shipps were gone, and that there was nothing in the Treasurer's hands; so that to this very day I have not my first yeares sallerie paid me; there was one Capt. Mutton that putt in, being bound for Jamaica, he was laden with provisions, they bought his provisions and obliged themselves to pay him money sterling in England, but have not paid him. His owners have putt him in prison for selling his cargo contrary to his orders; and this was long before my time, so that it is no new thing among them, severall instances of the like nature, as the pressing of sloopes belonging to Roade Island and New England, for the hire of which they have never paid. It is no wonder the same men are my enemies for doing my duty etc. The Assembly say they were well disposed to raise a public leavy, if I would allow them their privileges, tho' in a message to them I offer'd them all the privileges of the House of Commons. etc. (9). There is not a man in this Island except Codrington's faction but will reade this Article with detestation to thinke of their base ingratitude and villany, etc. I tooke more paines to putt this Island in a posture of defence than any of my predecessors ever did. At my first coming I order'd a general muster of all the forces, but the Councill and officers disswaded me from it for fear least some Irish Papists or other amongst us might give the enemy an exact account of our strength; I then viewed the several Regiments; I did the same in all the other Islands. Their musters ought by law to be once a month, and whenever I was on the Island, if I had notice and was able to goe, I hardly ever missed seeing each Regiment exercised, and alter'd their dayes for that purpose, and tooke some paines to teach them their wheelings, which Col. Codrington never taught them, etc. etc. I never turn'd out but one officer, and that was a Captain for being a notorious coward, and everyone succeeds according to his Commission. Col. Blackman and his brother Col. Williams both layd downe their Commissions, but I courted Col. Williams to keep his Commission more than it was decent for me to doe. The reason Col. Blackman lay'd downe his Commission was this; the Quakers being excused from bearing armes are made orderly men to summons the troopes on extraordinary occasions, and by law the Col. has power to send those that does not appeare, when there is an alarme, to one of the fortes, there to be kept prissoners, untill he or the Generall himselfe discharges them; accordingly Col. Blackman on such an occasion sent three of the Quakers prissoners to the Fort at Saint Johns, their friends came to me to get them discharged, I sent them to Col. Blackman from time to time for 7 or 8 dayes together, and thought it very extraordinary that he should have no mercy on three Quakers for not doing their duty, when he excused 5 or 6 at a time on Nevine's account because they were drinking with him; therefore I sent an order under my hand to discharge them, which he took as an affront. I have endeavoured all I can to get such a law as they have in Berbados passed here, for regulating the Militia, by putting larger fines; sometimes the Assembly has answer'd my message by saying it would be too great a hardshipp on the subject, but to my last message they answer'd, they humbly desir'd me to divide the Horse into two bodyes, for that it was too great a fatigue for some that lived to windward when they met at St. Johns to come to muster. This Island is very small, and I don't thinke there are six men to ride 8 miles to come to muster, let it be where it will. Col. Codrington called this body of horse, tho' under 100 men, the Regiment of Carbineires, commanded by a Collonell, two Lt. Cols., two majors, 4 captains, 4 Lts., and 4 called Brigadieres; the Regiments of Foot are in proportion; all the men both horse and foot will not make one good regiment, and yet they are divided into four. In viewing one regiment, the Lt. Col.'s company amounted but to 4. etc. As for the disposition made in case of attack:—Here is a Law that gives a very great power to the Generall and Councill of Officers. By the orders made since my arrivall will be found, what I am charged with for acting not onely contrary to the opinion of the Councill and Councill of Officers to be false, there never being above 2 or 3 orders ever made by myselfe and Councill of Officers, which were for a meeting of the troopes at St. John's in case of an allarum, and for hireing standing guards, being forced to draw off the Queen's troops to defend St. Kitts and Nevis etc. I never called the Councill of Officers but when the Assembly would no longer allow me any nigroes to carry on Monk's Hill, etc. As for what I am charged with in the Minutes, was onely my opinion given, but never proceeded to an order, except that of ordering all the troops to meet in a body at Saint Johns. I appeale to anyone whether or no it is better to keepe a small force together in one entire body or divide them into three, which was the standing order before I came. It was alwayes Col. Codrington's opinion, and he had infused the same into the most of the officers, that it was better to attack the enemy into their boates before they landed, and at their landing. I am of a quite contrary opinion. It was my opinion to have all the troops rendezvous at Saint John's, and wherever I found the enemy designed to land, thither to march and to keepe out of reach of the enemyes cannon-shotts from their shipps till they had landed part of their men, and then fall upon them, and then if the enemy fired, their owne men would have been in as great danger of their shott as mine. As for retreating from pass to pass, and at last by unknowne paths to retire to Monkes Hill, is a mere jest, there being no pass in the Island but a place called Crabb Hill in a remote part of the Island, where the enemy has no business to come, and Monkes Hill is to be seene almost all over the Island; the woods are like small English copps, if they can't find the paths to goe through, they may easily goe above. And if I had been obliged to defend Monkes Hill, I would rather choose to draw up my men without the walls than within, for there is a hill within half musket shott that commands it, and most part of the wall is onely loose stone, such as the Duke of Beufort makes about his trees at Badminton, that if the enemy brought up but 3 or 4 field pieces to the opposite hill, they would make the stones so fly about our eares, there would be noe standing in the ffort. When I first came, I would have had them made a fort in some other place; but finding there was a strong party that were fond of this place, and that they had built small houses there for the reception of their women and children, I told them the only thing that was to be done, was to scarpe down the hill to make it inaccessible, and if they would spare me some nigroes, I would goe and live there untill it was done. I arrived in July, and untill February following I could not perswade them to anything; and then wee heard there was a French squadron coming out, which putt 'em into a fright, and then they consented to allow me some slaves to scarpe downe Monkes Hill; accordingly I carryed my bedd there, and was their inginiere and overseer for severall weekes, untill wee heard there was no danger for that yeare; I had gone by this time halfe round almost the hill though not halfe finished, and designed to have made a good covered way; I desired them to spare me but two per cent of their nigroes, and promised I would live upon the hill till I had finished itt, tho it was to me a very great fatigue, but they were growne such good husbands, they would not comply with my request, the danger they thought was over for that yeare, and by the next they hoped for a peace. Whilst I was scarping down the hill, Col. Lilly came from Berbados, by order of the Board of Ordnance, to view the fortifications of these Islands; he told them, as I had done, that Monkes Hill might be taken sword in hand. They were so angry, they passed a vote in the Assembly never more to goe on upon Monkes Hill. Everything went on very well, and the people were in good humour untill the hurrycane the last of August following, which threw downe a great part of the wall, and all the houses but one on Monks Hill. I could not perswade them to let me have any nigroes to goe on with until the end of November uppon hearing of M. Ducass's coming, I then easily perswaded them to let me have some nigroes to work there and also to make a line about the towne. Refers to Minutes of Council. I am charged with doing this of my owne head, whereas they mad'e a law for it. Nor did I in my life nor ever will putt them to one peny charge without a Law to justifye me, and all I gott or proposed to gett, was only a great deale of fatigue, riding 20 miles a day for 3 weekes etc. My reason for desiring to make a line about the towne was, all the houses for the women on Monkes Hill were blown down, etc. etc. The men I had, with the nigroes I could have armed, with the cannon I should have planted on the angles would have defended my line against any force can well be brought here. I had not above 3 per cent of their nigroes allowed me for the towne, and yet in 3 weekes I had brought my line quite round, and if they would have allowed me tenn (which I earnestly desired), I had finished them and made them as good as the lines in Flanders, which bid defyance to the Confederate armies for three campaignes, and at last were entered by surprize. They allowed Col. Johnson what number of nigroes he pleased to do what had better been left undone, and found his table and £50 the weeke for his trouble for 17 weekes. He put them to very neare as great expence in the little time he was with them as I have done in three yeares, tho' I heare it is said in London I had a good table kept for me all the time, yet I never had anything allowed me, except a mutton and a few turkies, the Treasurer sent me on the hill, and a pipe of wine, which I never meddled with, but I heare was sold after I came away. They make no scruple also to report that the merchants and shoppkeepers bribed me, which was the reason I was so zealous for defending the towne; when I was laying out the lines, an old Gentlewoman indeed used to send me sometimes a tankerd of wine and water to drink; and one Mr. Proctor, a merchant, made me a present of four sacks of oats for my horses, there being not any at that time to be bought; this is all the bribes or reward I ever had. As to the standing guards, they would be of no use, if the enemy were landed, they being only to prevent privateers from taking off nigroes. As to moving the great gunns, the Assembly consented, and some of them that have signed this Article, were very zealous to have it done. There are severall guns up and downe the Island more to please some leading man that lives neare the place than of any real use, any further than to give some lazie Gentleman a pretence to get a Commission to command them, by which meanes he is excused all duty in the Militia; and these are called platforms, tho not one stone lay'd one on another, and a gun or two buried in the earth; when I came to examin into it, I found there were hardly any fitt to bring away, except two from Willoughby Bay and 6 small ones on Monkes Hill. They were useless for defending the harbour etc. The guns are still there, for before I could bring them to St. Johns, Ducass sayl'd to Leeward, they no sooner had an account of his sayling, but all the nigroes were according to custome taken from the workes; I desir'd the Assembly to let me have one p.c. of their nigroes to finish the lines and the scarping Monkes-Hill, but I could not obtaine it, nor to make good the labour that was due by the law they had made. It was once thought my zeale for the publick workes was an agrievance, but, to make an article, I am accused of neglecting them. The truth is Col. Codrington and his creatures were not willing I should have the honour of finishing any publick worke, and opposed everything that was for the publick good, because he himself had neglected the publick workes, being of too lazie a temper, neither did he understand the Engineer's business. To conclude, they basely and villainously insinuate as if by making the lines at Saint Johns, tho' done by a law, and ordering all the troops to meete there, was with a design to deliver up the Island to the enemy; and yet Nivine, that drew those articles etc., for ought anyone here knowes may be a Papist, for I never could learne that he was ever at Church etc. I appeale to the Earle of Manchester who was ambassador in France what my behavior was to the Pretendor when I was in France, whether I did not disowne him to his face. My zeale for my country has sufficiently appeared this war. Refers to his 3 campaigns under the Duke of Marlborough, in which time I was in two battles, and was at the taking of 14 strong townes and forts, whereof Loudan was one, and had the honour of being sent to the Queene by the Duke with the newes of the glorious victory of Blenheim, for which her Majesty gave me her picture and a thousand pounds, and told me she would take care of me, and sent me back to the Duke with another express; I joyn'd the army at Philippsburgh, and that long and glorious campaigne being ended I had the honour of waiting on the Duke to the Courts of Berlin and Hanover, where I received severall markes of those Princes' favour; I had also at my coming to the Hague a gold chaine and meadall given me by the States worth 1500 florrins. etc. Notwithstanding I am charged with an unsoldier-like behavior, yet not one of those that have signed the articles are competent judges. Yet if the enemy had appeared, I should have acted as the majority of a Councill of War advised, for I have seen too much of the world to take that wholly on myselfe for which, if I had succeeded, I should have been thought a rash fool, and if I had miscarry'd, I should have forfeited my life.
Why I have such difficulty in getting them to spare nigroes for any workes [is, that] everyone is desirous to have a ffort neare his own plantation, that he may the easier remove his effects there upon alarum; when wee expected Ducass, I could not perswade them to let me have a nigro for Monkes Hill or the towne except I would consent that a campe should be lay'd out on a hill called Waldron's, tho' I told them it was impracticable by reason the hill was all in woods, etc. I was obliged to let them throw away about £1000 upon what could be no use, all because 3 or 4 of the Assembly lived neare that hill. Another party were for a hill called Horne's Hill, where might be made a good Fort, but they were outvoted, the Towne party were the weakest, there being a kind of a warr between the shop-keepers in towne and the planters, the tradesmen complaine the Planters pay them bad sugar, and made them take it at 20/s. the hundred for their debts, when it was sold for 12/6 p.c. and for 10/.; the planters complaine they sell their goods at excessive rates; both which complaints are too true. I am of opinion if an Enginiere were to make choice of a place, he would choose it where Col. Long's house and worke stands, and were this to be putt to the vote in the Assembly, not two men would vote for that place, for none of them lives neare it but Dr. Mackinnen, who has one maxim never to give his consent to what a Governour proposes. I sent them from Nevis 14 great gunns, and would have had them made a small plattforme on Creple Gate Point, which is a propper place to secure the Roade of Saint Johns etc. I disobliged Nevis by sending up these gunns, tho' they still have more gunns than men to traverse, etc. They let these gunns lye six weekes on board untill I came up, and they were asked £150 to land them. I got the soldiers and some saylors, and by giving them a little drinke and fatigueing myselfe two dayes, I landed them at the propper place, and did not putt the country to one peney charge; the Assembly indeed thanked me for what I had done, but they would have pleased much more to have built a plattforme for them; they promised me from time to time to doe it, but never did, though it might have been done for 4 or £500. (10). My holding Courts of Chancery is looked upon with a great deale of horror by Mr. Nevine and all those that are in danger of just and legal decrees that will make them restore the right owners what they have kept in their hands many yeares, and which they could not be made to doe by the laws of this Island; by holding this Court I broake all Mr. Nevine's measures, for he had such an ascendant over Chiefe Justice Wattkins, that whoever retained him was almost sure to carry his cause, and he made his markett accordingly, for 50 pistolles was but a common ffee, if the cause was of any consequence: and severall that had just cause of suite, if they found Nevine was retained against them, they gave over all thoughts of it; and everybody that had bad titles, or had any apprehensions of being sued for great sums tooke care to secure Nevine, who never failed of having a large retaining fee. I have often told him that I never would be governed by any law or president that he should avouch; for that I have often knowne him impudently to averr that to be Law that I knew myselfe to be otherwise. As for Injunctions, I never read any, and the Lawyers tells me my Lord Chancellor never does; when I see the Secretary's name to it, that it has past the Office, I signe it in course; and if he has made any gennerall injunctions, let him suffer for it, or on his oath declare if ever he had any such direction from me, either to pass such or any before a bill was filed; but all this was from one injunction done by his Clerke, but had no ill consequence, for I had enter'd imediately that it was his mistake, and intended only for the action depending etc. And whereas I am charged with making arbitrary and unjust decrees, I never made but one since my arrivall, but it is not to be imagined what good that one decree did, for it was against the Chief Justice and he and I were then very good friends, and this decree was the occasion of our difference, for when people saw, when I satt in Chancery, I neither vallued Chiefe Justice nor friend, those that were afraid of just decrees thought it best to compound with their adversaries in time. The decree referred to was in favour of Andrew Martin who had been sent from England to recover a debt. Justice Wattkins, acting as executor of the debtor, had kept Martin out of his money for two years. I was so careful in this matter of decrees that in another case in which Martin was concerned in behalf of one Jordan, though I believed he was right, I made no decree, it not being proved so as the law requires. This Martin is to be heard of at the Bull-head in New Gate. When any case has appear'd intricate and the Councill were doubtfull, I have sent it home, to have the opinion of two able Chancery men upon it, as in the case of Giles Wattkins, brother of the Judge. Col. Thomas Morriss brought his action at common law for some nigroes before Judge Wattkins, who gave possitive charge to the jury to find for his brother, which they did. Col. Morriss after this preferrs a Bill in Chancery against Wattkins for the same nigroes. Wattkins's Councill demurrs, declareing the cause did not lye before me in Chancery, it having been try'd by a jury at Common Law. Here I must owne, I was at a stand, for I am noe lawyer. The Lt.-Governour, who is the only Gentleman amongst us that understands anything of the Law, was not possitive, and the Councill could not advise me; at last I perswaded both parties to state the case and send it home for the opinion of two able Chancery men. I told both parties I should be governed by the opinion of the Chancellors at home. For my arbitrary proceedings, though I am sole Judge, yet I never sat but I had the Lieut. Governour and Councill for my assistance, I have alwayes asked their opinion and have been constantly governed by it. In the decree against Judge Wattkins wee were all unanimous. It is impossible to imagine what a clamour there was in this Island about that decree and the attachment to oblidge him to comply with it; they cry'd out I had trampled and broke in upon their constitution, and the Island would be ruined if I was not removed, and that was the first beginning of caballing, etc. People subscribed to get me removed in proportion to the horror they had for the Chancery; but all the Councill and those gentlemen that have unquestionable titles to their estates, nor any demands from home, commended my steddy and resolute proceedings and firmly stand by me, etc. I begg to informe your Lordshipps why it is so difficult for any man to come by his debt in this Island. Dec. 22, 1698, they passed an Act for establishing Courtes, which is confirmed at home, some part is very good, for you soone obtaine judgment, but when you have judgment, you are never the neare; for by the Act you are to give 20 dayes notice before you can levy an execution, in which time the debtor may remove his cattle and house-hold goodes, for you are not suffer'd under 18 months to levy your execution upon his nigroes; the Act setting forth what shall be lyable to be seized and what not, by the first, second and third execution, and what time there must be between the several execution, and still 20 dayes notice to be given; so that the debtor knowing what you can levy every execution upon, has that time to remove it; but what is worst, if your debt be so large that you can afford to make it worth the Marshall's while to be so very diligent to levy the execution, you are no nearer your debt than before; for the Law sayes, what taken in execution shall be appraised by two planters and two merchants, and they must all meet and agree, and the penalty if they do not meet is but 40s., so that a man must be very ill belov'd that can't find one man that will either not meet, or not agree with the others, if he does meete. There is another very extraordinary clause, every Freeholder's person is as sacred as the Duke of Sommersett, Lord High Chancellor, or Archbishop of Canterbury; his person is not to be arrested, and every man is a Freeholder that has tenn acres of land, which in some parts of the Island may be purchased for £10, so that lett a man owe what he will, if he have but £10, he is safe enough, and let him owe never so much, he has time enough to dispose of it before his credittors face; but then they will tell you he cannot goe off the Island without giving security to pay his debts, but that is easily evaded by buying a small boate, which will carry him to one of the Dutch, French', or Danish Islands, from whence he may goe where he pleases. Your Lordshipps may see in the first Minutes of Councill sent home, how often [I] desired the Assembly to noe purpose to repeale this abominable Law and lett the Common Law of England be in force, or make some good one. I believe the Chancery and my zeale to repeale this Law is their greatest grievance. I am charged with bringing bonds for ⅓rd or ½ the vallue of the debt; all this is false; I never had any bonds at all brought before me. This Article is concluded, as the rest are, with a scandalous lye. Extravagance rather than avarice has always been my fault. I confesse I live worse than ever I did in my life, but take care to maintaine my dignity whenever any stranger comes upon the Island, and would live better if there was a markett or provissions were to be had, tho' at any rate, and yet as bad as I live, I have 16 servants about me, and spend my full sallerie, which will not goe farr, considering fresh beefe is at 9d., and all other meat at 12d. per lb., and everything else in proportion. I brought over with me a good French cook, and everything necessarie for living like a Generall, but the fellow in a little time desir'd me to discharg him and send him home, for feare, if he stay'd much longer, he should forgett his trade, so that I sent him and severall others back, paying for their passages and wages to their arrivall in England, and three months more, when I might have made a great advantage by selling them, and have found presidents for it. I appeale to the Minutes of Councill, what an avaricious temper I was of when I quitted £1000 a year and £1000 gratuity rather than pass a law which would have given away the Queen's prerogative, and putt in the power of the Assembly to tyrannize over the people. Let Lt. Sherard (who is now in London) upon oath declare, what a large offer he was desir'd to make me from a gentleman of Montseratt, if I would suffer the Danish sloops to come and goe unmolested, and what answer I made him. The King of Dominico's sons came downe to me some time ago, to complaine that a Jamaica privateer had landed there and killed some of their men, and ravished their women; I promised to doe him justice if ever that privateer came into my Government, and to putt him in a good humor, I gave him a paire of pistolls garnished with silver, and cloathed him and treated him and sent with him a caske of rum and another of sugar; if I had not done this they would have taken their oportunity to have been revenged, having formerly landed on this Island and cutt off some of the inhabitants; the Island ought to have been at this charge, not I. The Weymouth coming to our assistance, at my request, after we had lost our guardshipp, the Adventure, putt me to upwards of £200 charge, this country money; had they not been of an avaricious temper, they would have made Capt. Legg a present of 500 pistolles for the service he did us; but insted of that they sent him, with an ostentatious, rediculous letter, one paragraph of which was a lye, with a reflection on Governor Crow, signed by almost all these that signed these articles, I say their present, thus introduced was one small bullock and 6 indifferent sheepe. I undergo some fatigue in always holding a Chancery Court when anybody, poore or rich, has any business; and the reason there has beene no more decrees is, I perswade them to agree amongst themselfes; and whereas in some other Governments the Chancery Court is a Revenue to the Governour, for Governour Crowe's Secretary gives him £500 the yeare for it; I have no manner of advantage whatsoever by all I doe in Chancery; I grant injunctions, subpœnas, etc., and make decrees without either fee or reward. (11). I never threatened to displace, or have I ever turn'd out a Judg, or so much as a J.P., except Coll. Hodges of Montserratt, which I did at the request of the principal inhabitants; as for Judge Wattkins, tho I had several very great complaints against him, as supra, I never threaten'd to remove him; I sent for him when I was setting in Councill and told him that I hoped he wou'd take care to give no occasion for any more such complaints, and checked those who made frivolous complaints, and one Mr. Mallett a lawyer, who drew up a complaint against him, Judge Wattkins having committed him for his undecent behaviour to him in Court. As to the mandamus, there never was but one ordered, and that never issued. I am no lawyer, and cannot tell if it was or was not agreeable to the Common Law of England, for the lawyers on one side averred it was, and those on the other side, it was not, etc. The Chiefe Justice refusing what was agreed to by all the other Judges on the Bench, complaint being made to me, I called the Councill and they unanimously gave their opinion he ought to signe the process, and if he refused it, then to issue out a mandamus, whereupon he immediately sign'd the process. The Judges that complained against Wattkins have signed this article. I beg to informe you the true intrigue of Wattkins laying downe his Commission, for I did not designe to remove him, for I knew it was what they desired; nor did it at that time signify anything to remove him, for he satt till the Courts were over, and then there was no occasion for a Chiefe Justice for six months; therefore it was contrived for him to lay downe his Commission to give some colour for this base and false article; and they made a great jest of it, and offer'd wagers, that the Generall would be removed before Christmas and Wattkins Chiefe Justice againe before the Courts began etc. This Gentleman was made Chiefe Justice by Col. Johnson at the request of Col. Codrington, tho he had been guilty of the murder of Capt. Weatherly, who was run through by him for words spoke, the poor Gentleman having no sort of weapon about him, was cleared; but had he been tryed before my Lord Chiefe Justice Holt, upon the statute of stabing, a Midlesex jury would have gone neare to have hanged him. I thinke a man with such a staine upon him not fitt to beare any office: had he not laid downe, I designed to have desired leave of your Lordshipps to have removed him before the opening of the Courts. (12). Being informed that several boates had come loaden on shoare at an un reasonable time of night, I presently suspected they had landed prohibitted goods, and it was most likely to be brandy, from on boarde one Reade. After the Councill broke up about sunsett, I sent for Capt. Newell and order'd him to place centinells at Mr. Chester's, Mr. Rose's and some other warehouses, where I thought it most likely to bee. I then ordered the Collector and Deputy Navall Officer to search Read's shipp and the warehouses. They asked for a warrant. I order'd the Secretary to draw one, which I signed; Mr. Brett also copied the said warrant, which I also signed. Whilst this was doing, Mr. Chester came to me and told me that I had putt soldiers at his ware-house doore; that he had only got a little clarett and brandy for his owne use, and he hoped I would not order it to be seized; I told him I was obliged to give orders to seize it, but I promised him, when it was condemned, to restore it halfe back; he seemed dissatisfied, and went away and stood on the bridge, which was between the warehouse and where I stood; there came several to me and told me the towne was alarumed at my setting soldiers at the merchants' warehouses, and to satisfy the people, I order'd the soldiers away, which I have since very much repented; but before I did so, I deliver'd the warrants to the Collector and Naval Officer to execute them; then as I stood alone, Mr. Chester came back, and seeming very uneasie, I told him I was obliged to doe what I did, being sworne to the Acts of Trade; as to my part of it, he should give me what he pleased; by this time it was neare 9 at night, my usuall time of going to bed; I went home not doubting but the officers would have seized it, but the next morning enquiring about it, I was surpriz'd when they, told me, they could not find it. I have been since informed there was to the vallue of £1500 in brandy; if I had seized it, I had a right to ⅓rd as Governor and ⅓rd as seizing of it; what reason had I to quit £1000 for £150 to an enemy; I have been informed they saved it by taking up the ffloore and hoisting of it up; others told me, while they were searching one place, it being in the night, was by a great number of nigroes, removed to another. As to the £150 Mr. Chester allowed me, this was on account of negroes which he had supplied to me at an excessive rate, etc. etc. (13). I do owne I have strictly charged the Custom-house officers to doe their duty, and not to suffer that smugling and clandestine trade that has been for many years carryed on to the Dutch, French and Danish Islands; for if great care were not taken, in a few yeares foreigne states wou'd reape the whole benefit of these Islands; for that severall large sloops were heretofore kept for no other use but to carry sugar to Curacoa, and bring back from thence nigroes, linnens and other Europian goods etc.; and it being a common practice here to putt sugars on board without taking out a cockett, pretending to doe it before it was shipped on board the vessell designed to transport it to Europe, by which meanes an opportunity was given to the unfaire merchants of defrauding the Queen, I gave orders the Law should be strictly putt in execution. Pursuant to these orders, several parcells of sugars etc. have been seized and justly condemned, and to encourage the under-officers, I gave them my part. The 4½ p.c. has considerably encreased since I came; yet notwithstanding wee had a hurrycane, if I might be allowed the overplus, I would desire no other sallerie; and I don't doubt but none to encrease this Revenue every yeare. This is a great grievance to the little smugling factor or planter, but none to the generous fair trader, etc. It is true I heard it whisper'd that the tobacco and butter referred to belonged to Mr. Barbottaine, but he had the wisdome to disowne it; for they were seized going to Martinica; for being informed that they used to loade the flaggs of truice with tobacco., provissions and cordage to fitt out French privateers, I gave strict orders to search all flaggs of truice, and Capt. Grey, of the Hector man of warr had the good fortune to seize one full of French goods, with invoyces in cant names, but truely Mr. Chester had 2 or £300 in goods in his owne name, amongst which were a great many pieces of lutestrings and alamodes. The Naval Officer told me the butter and tobacco were kept till they were spoiled, no owner appearing for it. Notwithstanding all the care I have taken, yet they do trade by putting into bye-places, and it is impossible to prevent it, except I had two or three armed sloops on purpose. And for the Judges I made to condemn them, when I came here, I found Col. George Gamble Judge of the Admiralty Court, who laid down his Commission; whereupon I made Mr. Herbert Pember Judge, and notwithstanding Nevin's base reflection, there is not a man in my Goverment that has a fairer and better character; he is a gentleman and was bred up to the Law, and came over with his family in as handsome and credittable a manner as anybody ever did into this Island. Lett them shew any advantage ever was taken of a faire trader; there never was any advantage taken of a master that had lost his register, etc. Instances to the contrary. (14). The Councill, reading this Article, could hardly believe it possible men could be guilty of so much baseness that the very same men that had addressed me to exempt the Island sloops from paying powder, should make it an article against me, I did it in response to an Address from the Assembly, but told them it would be thought extraordinary in me, and I would superceede my order very soone, unless they passed a law to the same purpose. There was a great quantity of powder in the magazine. After the hurrycane, there was like to be a great scarcity of powder, there having been a great quantity destroy'd by that storme; and the Assembly not having made a Law, I superceeded my former order. Notwithstanding their villainous wording this article, it is not so strange a thing in these Islands for the Governour's order, made with the advice and consent of the Councill and Assembly, to have the same force of a Law; even the Lt. Governour's order; though I must confesse I thinke it not right. This was the only order of the kind I ever gave. (15). By my Instructions, myselfe and Councill are to regulate all fees; the first place I had occasion to have the fees settled was at St. Christophers, and there it was not only done by the Councill, but for the greater sanction, by the Assembly too; the Deputy Secretary collects them, if he has taken more than was so settled, I desire he may be punished, or make oath he did it by my order; they were so inconsiderable since the first yeare I gave them to the several Deputy Secretaryes of the other three Islands for their encouragement etc., and I had given my ffees to the Deputy Secretary of this Island, if that would have obliged him, but he was soe linked in the interest with Nevine and Col. Codrington's party that I had no reason to give away anything to a man that I found would doe me what disservice he could; he knowes I order'd him not to take anything from poor people; and had the Councill or Assembly ever found fault with the ffees, I would have quitted them, tho' they are as low as any other ffees in ye Island, and less in proportion to the ffees in England than are all sorts of goods; my ffee for the Great Seale was settled by the Councill before my time; in 3 yeares I don't thinke I have had 6 ffees for it; I would have no ffees settled for what I do as Chancellor, etc., for I would give no manner of handle for them to say my zeale for doing Justice was only to enrich myselfe; all my ffees are for registering of vessells, lett passes, for letters of administration, probates and lycences of marryage, and letters of guardianshipp; the registering vessells and lett-passes I have given now to the Deputy Naval Officer for his encouragement, and all my other ffees amount to no more than 113 pistolles. (16). Refers to Capt. Roach's affidavit. It was at least six weekes after I registered his brigandine, that he came and made me this noble present; I never tooke my ffee of Mr. Chester for my register, and daresay he had as many vessells registered as my lawfull ffees had come to more than would buy 10 very good barrells of flower; and his were so much damnifyed with salt water, my nigroes could not pick any of it fitt to eate; so that this present was not only not worth one farthing but cost me above 3s. a barrell to send it to St. Christophers, where it was throwne out of doores etc. In Berbados and other places, it is the custome when any Guiney shipp arrives, for the master or owner to present the Governour with one or two, three or four, according to the number of slaves they bring, and yet never anybody thought this was a bribe. Mr. Chester once got £800 by my giving him timely intelligence: this putt him into so good a humour that the next nigro vessell he gave me two nigroes, which he sold for me for £100 this country pay; I wonder this is not also putt downe as a bribe. (17). The only one that I ever made was Mr. Pember, he is a sober gentleman of a good family and bred up to the Law in the Temple, of as faire and good a character as anybody whatever. In making J.P.s., I putt in all the men of estates in the division, friend or foe, upon the Chiefe Justice's laying downe his Commission in granting the new for the Judges, I lay'd it before the Councill (as I do everything) and they advised me to the men they thought most propper; there were to be but six, and three they advised me to were three that had signed the Articles: I had no regard to that, but putt them in, thinking it for the service of the Island, wch. shall alwayes have the greatest weight with me; I owne part of this is very true, I have made Justices of the Peace of most wretched characters, nay even the Chiefe Justice Wattkins, if that be a wretched character for a man to stab another, that has no weapon in his hand; I made also the Commissioner of the Customes, Mr. Edwd. Perrie a J.P., tho he has had a molatto bastard, and now letts one Keate Attkinson live with him, who has all her life-time been a profligate woman and is another man's wife; and yet I dare say this good man is on the wrong side of fiffty. The Justices of the Peace may doe me good, and take a great deale of trouble from me if they would act as they ought, and keep good orders; but this they won't, because it will disoblige; it is true wee have stocks and whipping post; and I got them to putt up a ducking-stool, but it is only for forme sake; but no inhabitant was ever punished since I came; I saw two women fighting in the street, and would have had them both duck't, but one of them being a house-keeper's wife, tho' a notorious jade, her person was sacred, and not to be punished, but the other being a soldier's drabb, I had her duck't. When I came over I renewed all Commissions, and was a stranger to everybody; if there were any new ones added, they were added by the Councill, for I knew them not; there has been no new Commissions for the Peace, therefore none could be left out or added; there are several of these 43, that have signed these articles, in the Commission of Peace, nor shall I displace any; and yet I think it a very scandalous character for any man to set his name to 22 articles, that he knew himselfe to be false, etc. (18). The Councill are of opinion that by the late Act I am obliged to grant Commissions to every one that desires them and gives securitty accordingly; and those Gentlemen, on purpose to affront me, that I should be forced to give a Commission to one Hall, a ffellow of a worse character than Ham, and has also cheated me, fitts out a privateere, and demands a commission for him, and were in hopes I would have refused them, but I gave him one, tho' myselfe, they and everybody else knew him to be a very great villaine; and after they had thus affronted me, they in a little time discharged the privateer. When any man gives me a petition for a Commission, I referr him to the Judge of the Admiralty for him to give in good security, as the Law directs; and on his certificate that he has so done, I order a Commission. This Ham did the same, and for the scandal throwne on him in this article is false, as they tell it; and it is false to say he never apeared till after my arrivall, for long before he had a Commission, he was a house-keeper in Saint Christophers, and it is almost a whole yeare since he deliver'd up his Commission, and yet he lives there still; he has no pardon from me, nor never asked for any; if anyone will let me know any crime, for which he ought to be punished, I will soon order him to be taken up; as for killing 5 or 6 Spaniards, it was to get from them, they having taken him and made him a slave, which is their custom, etc. (19). This is notoriously falce, and the affidavitts of Col. Rogers himselfe, Col. George Gamble and Mr. Joseph French makes appeare; what I said was, complaining of the ingratitude of the people and how I had been deceived in my expectations as to the profitts of my Government, that it was represented to me in England to be three times better than it is, and if it were not for the sake of my friends, I did not care how soone I was out of it, and that I had rather be Captaine of a Foot company in England than Gennerall of the Leeward Islands. The people here are in extreames, very good or very bad; all those that are my friends, are so because they think I have acted like an honest man; I have no places absolutely in my gifft, worth anybodeye's acceptance, and yet I have disobliged severall, because I wou'd not consent to doe some injustices, by suspend ing those few that are in places of profitt, and useing my interest to get them for themselves, etc. They would have had the Treasurer removed without assigning any cause; because two or three leading men in the Assembly had a great mind to his place; and because I would not doe it, they were angry with me, and would have had me passed a Law, which would have made the Treasurer so meane, as that he must have quitted. They settled his accompt with all imaginable niceness, and after all it was found the Island owed him £4,800; and he told them if they would pay him, he would quitt his place; I never had the least obligation to the man; but I think whilst he faithfully discharged his duty, I ought to protect him, etc. I appeale to all with whom I ever keepe company, if it has not constantly been my custome, after I had dranke the Queen's, the Prince and Duke's health, to drinke the prosperity of this Island, and every one knowes that the other Islands are angry for nothing elce, but that they thinke I favour this Island more than them, tho' in that they are mistaken; if one Island wants what another has to spare, I alwayes supply one from the other; and if I send the troops to Antigua, and take care to be there myselfe, when I have an account of a French squadron, it is because it is the Windward Island, and the richest and most likely to be attacked; and from thence I can assist the other Islands if attacked: but if I should be to Leeward and have the troops with me, and Antigua should be attacked, I could not assist them time enough. I have no interest in Antigua, but a very good one at St. Xtopher, and that Island I thinke much healthier, and very much cheaper to live at, etc. (20). I am very sure I never said what I am here charged with, I think Lt. Reyly, Mr. Reyly's son, one of the Commissioners of Excise, was with me, and can inform your Lordships. There could be no occasion for my saying so, for there was not at that time any faction against me; for Col. Codrington then pretended to be my friend, tho' I knew otherwise. There was a discourse about Sir B. Granville and the difference at Barbados, and I was excusing some of his actions that had been misrepresented. Mr. Nevine's chamber for 3 months together was a perfect office for everybody to bring in what they knew or heard. People were sent to the rest of the Islands to gather what they could against me; and they sent to Col. Ward at St. Christophers by no means to come to any agreement with me, for they would pay him more than he demanded, and accordingly he broke an agreement with me, which he had made. They had, once a weeke, a general meeting. and a feast to engage all they could, and have offer'd money to several to sweare what they desired; at that meeting they had at Mr. Perrie's, I sent them a letter to let them to know, if they were drawing up any articles against me, if they pleased to give me a copy, I would answer them, and signe a tickett for one or more to goe off the Island to carry them home; I declared to all the Councill, and bid the Secretary tell Mr. Nevine, if he would give security, as the law directed, I would give him a tickett to goe off, but he scorn'd to be governed by the lawes, and pretended to goe off without for feare of being stopp'd; and yet there was not a child in the Island but knew of his going, and he went off publickly etc. My ffriends would have had me tooke him up for scandalous words spoken of me, and several times perswaded me to disperse their factious and seditious meetings; but I never would; but told them I desired my actions might be enquired into, etc. After he went off, I could easily have taken him up at Montseratt, etc. (21). I not only exacted one tenth, but also of one privateer sixteen shares, and in another fourteen, and in another one fourth part; but they were all of my owne fitting out; etc., yet for all this I lost by my privateeres. I cannot but smile at their ingratitude, they have quite forgott why 'those privateers were fitted out. After the hurrycane, having lost both our men of warr, the Assembly desired me to take up a sloope at the publick charge to be fitted and man'd for a private man of warr, and to give a commission to one Capt. Dodson, who had been Lieut. to Capt. Doyly, which I did; with orders to cruise to keepe off the enemy's privateers from insulting us; and if she had taken a galloone, it had not been a peny advantage to me; and thinking to oblige them, I bought two sloops myselfe, and fitted them at my owne charge; the publick privateer tooke nothing at all, and all that mine tooke were some nigroes from Marygalant and Guardeloupe, and one brigandine loaden with sugar and ginger bound for France, and one small sloope of little vallue, which I made into a privateer; the prize sugar and ginger could not be sent for England, because of the great duty upon it, therefore I sent it in a sloope for Curacoa, with orders to sell it for pieces of eight, and to fitt the sloope and bring me up the rest in money; I gott Col. Panton to manage all this for me, and by his account I was brought something in debt, for the sugar and ginger did not sell for so much as was lay'd out in fitting the sloope. As soon as I had the Act for encouraging privateers in the West Indies, I sold off all mine, and since that Act I have given commissions to everybody that petitioned for one, and gave security to observe the instructions; and this I have done without any fee or reward; it is true, before this Act I did refuse com missions to one or two that were strangers; but not because they refused to give me 10 p.c., for I had reason to believe they would only stay here till they had got men, and then would goe to Curacoa, which would have been a loss to the Islands; I also refused to one or two that had been guilty of roguish actions, who would have willingly given me the tenths; it being a custome long before my time. I don't understand, before this Act passed, I was obliged to give commissions to every idle fellow that asked for one; though now every master of a little sloope will have a Commission; and I grant it in course; I had the 10 p.c. but of 2 or 3, and that was before the Act, and not for giving a Commission, but for finding them with great guns; for I bought more guns than I wanted for my owne vessells; and let Capt. Roach have some for his sloope commanded by Hall, and also to one Darby Dunavon and one Akers; I got by this 10 p.c. in all about £150; I had about £90 paid Lieut. Sherrard for me by Coll. Hodges of Montseratt and the rest paid me by Hall; I should have had more indeed, but Hall both cheated his owners and me too. (22). Evesdropping is an employment fitt for such as Nevine. When this Regiment came over at first, I was obliged to keepe good part of it in the towne. I gott an house for an hospitall for them, and kept a guard there, and another at the Magazine, and six more at the Little House, they have made such a noise about; the rest were either in the Fort or lodged where they could about the Towne; there was scarce a morning but I had a great many complaints of some disorder or other committed by the soldiers in the night, upon which I gave out orders that the tatou should beate every night at 8 o' clock, and if any soldier was found in a punchhouse, or out of his quarters after that time, he should be sent to the guard and punished; my orders were not punctually obeyed; for still some of the inhabitants complained, which made me goe the rounds myselfe in the night, but not in disguise or to bring my person or authority into contempt, but quite contrary, etc. Nor did I think myselfe in any danger, tho I used to weare a bayonett, which I alwayes wore in England when I hunted, being lighter than a sword, for I had two stout soldiers of my guard that kept behind me armed; this was farr from being a secrett; for I never went but I sent severall to the guard, which were punished. Nor did I disguise myselfe, till I found the soldiers used to sett centinells to watch when I came; then I only pulled off a laced or embroider'd coate, which I had worne that day, and putt on a plaine one, or sometimes without my coate, in a waist-coate only, and made my two soldiers keepe at a greater distance; I have sometimes tooke Capt. Newell along with me; I did once or twice disguise myselfe by borrowing of Capt. Newell a granadeer's coate and capp; but never was discover'd; but have since told of it myselfe; by this meanes I brought the towne in a little time to be as quiett as the city within the wall; and before I did this there was somebody or other wounded and crying out murder every night, firing gunns and pistolls all houres in the night; I also saved the towne from being fired. This was a great grievance to Nevine, who seldome went sober to bed; but it had this good effect, to make him and his drunken companions drink at their owne houses, and there remaine all night for feare of being sent to the cage; for I ordered the Constables to send all disorderly people there, but in this I was not obeyed. One way Nevine had to ingratiate himself was, he never would be entertained in any cause by a stranger 'gainst an inhabitant; then he would promote feasting and play, tho the pretence was for shooting and to play at quoites, in which he would engage all the young merchants, debauching them with drink etc., and teaching them to game. They took it in turnes to make the feast, which seldome cost less than £50. I was at two of these feasts, and I discouraged it by telling some whose employers and fathers I knew that such feasting and gaming was not fitt for them etc., by which meanes it was broke off; this was another mortification to Nevine etc. Refers to Minutes of Council and Affidavits (see June 20). I could a sent more, but I think two to any one poynt, if people of any reputation, and no wayes depending on me, are as good as 200. All the affidavitts I send are made by the best people, and those they have taken, by profligate wretches, necessitous bankrupts or those who have the Court of Chancery in great horrour, etc. I hold a Court of Chancery whenever any desire it, and take no fees. This is a great grievance to such people, considering, that by a law in the Island, confirmed at home, no man neede pay his debt, except he himselfe pleases, and whereas in all other places in the world the debtor is afraid to disoblige his credittor, it is here just the reverse; for there is nothing more, common than for a debtor to tell his credittor, I will not pay you, because you have disobliged me, knowing very well he cannot recover it by law, tho' he has his bond. The repealing this Law I take to be worth the Parliament's consideration; for I have often press't it to them, it being both for the honour and good of the Island, it should be repealed, but to no purpose. P.S. I could have avoided all the trouble and expence these articles have and are like to give me, if I had pleased; for Capt. Buor can informe your Lordshipps that Nevine told him, that he might tell me, that if I would make Dr. Mackinnen my friend, I should live easie, which was as much as to say, if the Generall will make Nevine his friend; I told them I would, as vacancys happen, sweare Dr. Mackinnen and Thomas etc. of the Councill, and accordingly putt them on the list sent to your Lordshipps in the ffront; but this would not doe, the Lt.-Governor, the Treasurer, and everyone that had any place of honour or profitt, must out, to make roome for that sett; and Nevine was to be chiefe Minister; had I done this, they would have left Codrington; for some of those hate him in their hearts. And were your Lordshipps to know what these men were but a few yeares ago, you'd admire at their impudence, and because I would not do all this injustice, to gratify them, I am everything that is bad; and therefore the Island must be in danger; just so I remember, because the Queene would not gratify some great men, that were willing to governe, they presently cry'd out, the Church was in danger, etc. Signed, Daniel Parke. Endorsed, Recd. Sept. 10, 1709. 51 large closely written pp.
597. ii.-xxvi. Duplicates of Nos. 589, 589. iff. [C.O. 152, 8. Nos. 43, 43. i.–xxvi.; and (without enclosures) 153, 10. pp. 427–432.]
June 27.
Antigua.
598. Lt. Governor Yeamans to the Council of Trade and Plantations. The restless spirits of some men, on pretentions for the publick good, has allready complained to your Lordships against Col. Parke etc., are still at worke and so very busey in frameing projects, which are in such a clandestine manner and unusual secrecy endeavoured to be carryed on in their private caballs, that every man in post (tho' never so circumspect in discharge of his duty) has cause to suspect there's someevill forgeing against him; and being privately informed somewhat of this nature is perticularly aimed at against myselfe., refers to his character with the Council as expressed in their letter, etc. Signed, John Yeamans. Endorsed, Recd. 20th Sept., Read Nov. 17, 1709. 2 pp. [C.O. 152, 8. No. 44; and 153, 10. pp. 433, 434.]
June 27.
Baibados.
599. Representation by Messrs. Sharpe, Cox and Walker to Governor Crowe, Sept. 1, 1708, with their observations thereon. Signed, Wm. Sharpe, Alexander Walker, Saml. Beresford. Endorsed, Recd. June 27, Read Aug. 10, 1709. 21 pp. [C.O. 28, 12. No. 35.]
June 28.
(N.S.) Fort Kykoveral Essequebo.
600. P. Vanderheyden Rézen to the Directors of the Dutch West India Company. Signed, P. Vanderheyden Rézen. Endorsed, Read Oct. 20, (N.S.) 1709. Dutch. 8 pp. [C.O. 116, 20. No. 18.]
June 28.
Whitehall.
601. The Earl of Sunderland to the Council of Trade and Plantations. I am commanded by the Queen to referr to your consideration the enclosed petition, H.M. being desirous to have your opinion how far it is practicable and may be for H.M. service and the benefit of her subjects etc. Signed, Sunderland. Endorsed, Recd. 8th, Read 11th July, 1709. 1 p. Enclosed,
601. i. George Ritter, Burgess of Berne, to the Queen. Prays permission for 4 or 500 Swiss Protestants to settle as H.M. subjects, with their own minister, upon the S.W. branch of Pottomac River in Virginia, etc., near the settlement of Francois Luis Michell. Prays for free passage and freedom from taxes for the first 10 years, etc. French. 3½ pp.
601. ii.–vii. Petitions of Christopher de Graffenried and Luis Michell to the Queen, for the settlement of a Colony of Switzers in Virginia. With Map etc. 8 pp. [C.O. 5, 1316. Nos. 20–27; and (without enclosures) 5, 1362. p. 394.]
June 28.
New York.
602. Col. Vetch to Mr. Secretary Boyle. I could not so far neglect my duty and the many obligations I ly under to you as not to tender the most grateful acknowledgment of the same to you, by those few lines you will see by the Journall of my transactions since I landed in America, transmitted herewith to my Lord Sunderland, that I have at least made good all if not more then I proposed to your Lordship and the Ministry, though not without a vast fatigue and a great expence, which I doubt not your Lordship and the rest of the Ministry will be pleased to consider off, which have wrote the Duke of Queensberry, my Lord Sunderland, my Lord Treasurer, and my Lord Sumers, and doubt not of your justice and favour with regard to the same. I doubt not but your Lordship remembers that after your Lordship had agreed to the putting my scheam in practice for reducing Canada and Newfoundland, that I gave in a memorial to the Cabinet Councel, praying that after the success of the affair had made the truth of my proposals, and the advantages of the same appear, that I might be left Commander in Chief of Canada untill the Government should be regularly modelled, wch. my Lord Sunderland was pleased to give me some assurances of, concerning which I wrote both to my Lord Treasurer and his Lordship from Portsmouth that the General of the expedition might have a perticular instruction about the same, there appearing now nothing (humanly speaking) which can disappoint this noble designe, the success of which (I am almost morally sure) will be attended with more advantageous consequences to Great Britain's Empire then the many millions have been expended in the European wars (save the too late arival of the Fleet from Europe) for which we impatiently wait, I have therefore in case it should have been forgot, put the above-named Lords of the Ministry in mind of what they gave me reason to expect, and that in case it should have hitherto been neglected, they will please by the first express directly to Quebeck to send me such a Commission and power; have likewise proposed to my Lords Queensberry and Sunderland the forming a regiment out of the volentiers of the Country troops, who go upon this expedition, whose knowledge in the use of birch canoes and snow-shoes makes them more serviceable then our European troops by much, and will in a short time discipline the others in those exercises. This regiment to be left in garison at Quibeck under my command as Collonell, and under me by such other officers according to their ranks as have most signalised themselves in the present expedition. I have likewise proposed to their Lordships the absolute necessity of allowing us a brigantine and sloop to attend that place after reduced, as well to cruise off the mouth of that great River, in order to give us timely notice of the appearance of any Fleet to attack us, that so we may have time to get the troops downe to Quibeck from Montreal and Trois Rivers, or if need be to send them express to Old or New England, to acquaint them of our circumstances, that so they may send us the necessarie supplys, to the obtaining in all which, I humbly begg your Lordships favour and assistance, which I doubt not after your perusal of the papers directed to my Lord Sunderland, and the Duke of Dover, your Lordship will be convinced are absolutely necessarie for the good of the service etc. Signed, Sam. Vetch. Endorsed, Recd. June 19, 1709 [? 1710]. 1½ pp. [C.O. 5, 1091. No. 16.]
June 28.603. Col. Vetch to the Earl of Sunderland. To same effect as preceding. Signed, Sam. Vetch. Endorsed, Recd. Aug. 20. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 9. No. 23.]
June 28.
N. York.
604. Col. Nicholson and Col. Vetch to [? the Earl of Sunderland.] This being the first oppertunitie which hath offered since our departure from Portsmouth Mar. 11, wee could not but judge it our duety to give your Lordp. a short abstract of a Journall of our proceeding. Describe their departure in the Dragon, being obliged to leave behind some officers who had failed to come on board. Wee made the best of our way out of the Channell, the wind came cross about seaven at night, so that for five weekes afterwards wee had not one days faire wind, our busking so long to windward in such stormy weather had pretty much chattered our ship, as well as rendered our water a little scarce, which upon the Captain's application (copy enclosed) was the cause of our going to Boston. Accordingly wee landed at Boston upon April 28th about 6 in the evening, and as soon as wee had waited upon the Governour, and delivered H.M. letter to him, wee sent away an express that same night with the letters from H.M. to the Governours of Road Island, Connecticote, New Yorke, Jersies and Pensylvania, covered with a particular letter to each of them containing the substance of H.M. Instructions, and what was proper for them to be doing towards advancing the Expedition before wee arrived in theire Governments, etc. Next morning at Boston the Governour and Councill mett, to whom wee communicated H.M. Instructions, which were received with all the duetifull obedience becoming good subjects, and all the marks of joy and thankfulness which became the subjects of so great favours, etc. That same day wee sent to find out a fitt person and a vessell to send to bring us an account of the state of Newfoundland, and accordingly found Capt. Pickering who perfectly well knew all that countrey, and was then master of a fine bergentine, which was ready to sayle for that place, when wee arrived' and brought the news of St. Johns being taken by the French. Him wee dispatched as a flagg of truice to bring off the English prisoners in case any Frenchmen had mett him, and a small quantitie of provisions, which was to be pretended was to maintain the sd. prisoners on their voyage home; but with all gave him private orders (coppie enclosed). May 2nd arrived from Road Island Coll. Wanton, one of the principall men of that place, he came in place of the Governour for whom we had wrote; but the yearely election of a Governour happening to be that weeke, the Governour wrote us the reasons why he could not come, not being sure his power would continue; but sent Col. Wanton to recieve H.M. further orders from us, and to assure us of a very ready compliance with the same. etc. Wee gave him a coppie of what part of H.M. Instructions related to that Collonie, and a letter to the Governour with directions what necessary preparations to make before wee should come there, which would be in a few days; and so dispatched him againe to Road Island; he being the leading man of the Councill of that Goverment, having setled with him their Quota of men, which was to be 200, for whom wee acquainted the Governour, who must gett their Assembly (which was then sitting) to lay on a subsidy for maintaining and paying the sd. 200 men for foure months at least, for providing transport, pilots, surgeons. and all other necessaries excepting arms and amunition. May 3rd. The Governour and Councill and wee began to enter upon the particular preparations to be made both for raising the troops and providing everything necessary for them, which wee first digested into the following heads, and then tooke the most expeditious methods could be thought of to put them in execution. First wee laid an embargo upon all shipping except coasters, as well to prevent the Frenches having intelligence, as to hinder the exportation of provisions untill such time as enough was secured for the present expedition, the which embargo wee caused likeways to be laid forthwith in all the Goverments concerned in the expedition. Finding it impossible to keepe the enterprize secret in the severall Goverments, wee caused scouts to be placed all along the fronteers to prevent either Indians or Christians carrying any intelligence by land to the enemy. Secondly, wee began to modell the men who were to be raised by those Goverments, who were to act by sea in conjunction with H.M. troops who were to come from Brittain; the which troops wee formed into three regiments as followeth; the New England men were resolved to make 1000 effective men besides officers to 2 regiments, one of which to be commanded by Sir Charles Hobbie as Coll., the other by Col. William Taylor, one of the present Colls. of their Militia. The third regiment to be formed of the Road Island men and New Hampshire men to be commanded by Coll. Wanton, the which wee hope will make about 400 good men, to each of those regiments wee assigned one of the officers, a second which wee judged fittest for the same to be second major to teach them the exercise of their arms, thirdly wee directed them to provide surgeons, chaplains, pilots. etc. Ordered all persons who had been prisoners in Canada and were able for service to be taken up thorow all the countrey to go upon the present expedition; fourthly wee contracted with builders for tenn flatt-bottom'd boats to carry 60 men each at least for landing our men, to be built conforme to H.M. Instructions, and see one of them finished, for each of which wee were to give £23, etc. Then wee setled a method of sending expresses from Albany to Boston, and ordered baraks or wooden houses to be built upon an island by the harbour mouth' for putting ashoare any such men might be aboard the fleete was to come from England, then upon the desire of the Governour and Councill wee published a Proclamation as well to satisfie the countrie troops, they should not be left in garrison at Quibeck or Mountreall (if reduced) unless they are willing, as to acquaint them of H.M. further bountie and encouragement. The Governour and Councill signed an Address to H.M. for her care of them (the Assembly not being to sitt untill May 25). Having done all could be untill the Assembly satt, wee prepared for our departure for Road Island, having hired 11 carts to carry the stores designed for the land expedition as farr as Bristoll, being about 60 miles where they could be embarqued, wee then hired a sloope to bring them and ourselves as farr as New York, which is about 70 leagues further. Just as wee were preparing for our departure from Boston, wee received an express from New York, May 6, signed by the President of the Councill, that my Lord Lovelace dyed the 5th, this wee feared might prove a great retardment to the service, so wee resolved to make all possible dispatch thither, to give the necessarie directions for putting in execution H.M. Instructions. They likeways acquainted us that the Assembly, which was then sitting, designed to continue so, untill our arrivall, that so they might be ready to comply with H.M. orders. Att this time the Commissioners from Boston to New York returned to Boston, who had been there to solicit my Lord Lovelace with the people under his command, and the five Nations to joyn with New England against the French. Wee arrived the 13th at night at Road Island, next morning the Governour and Councill métt; and gave us an account of what steps they had taken in order to comply with H.M. commands. And indeed wee must do them that justice to acquaint your Lodsp. that they had taken care both to provide their men, transport, provisions and all other necessaries, and their Assemblie had made dew provision for payment of the same, as their Address to H.M. herewith transmitted does make appeare. Att this place wee mett with one Coll. Church, who was employed by Coll. Dudley to raise about 200 whaling Indians, who were very dexterous and nimble upon the water in their whaling boats. This Col. Church who being bred up amongst those Indians demonstrated to us the vast use those whale boats could be of in the great River of Canada, being farr nimbler then any pinace, able to carry 15 men each being about 36 foot long, yet so light that two men can easily carry one of them, those wee found would be of so great use for surprizing of places or vessels in the night, their padles making no noice as oares do, that Col. Dudley and wee agreed to cause provide 35 of them, which will carry 500 men upon any suddain and and secret design. The Goverment of New England provides 15 at their charge, and the other 20 is to be paid for by H.M., their common price being always £6 per boate this countrie monie, so that the 20 will not cost H.M. quite £100 sterling. Wee sett out from Road Island the 16 of May designing to call upon Coll. Saltonstall the Governour of Connecticote, who was upon the 12 of sd. month (which is the time of their yearly electing their Governours) elected anew for that year. Wee had upon our arrivall at Boston sent him a coppy of that part of H.M. Instructions which related to his Goverment, which he had communicated to his Councill and Assembly, whose hearty concurrence with the same, he had before signified to us by an express; and that they were getting everything in readiness according to H.M. orders. Wee called upon him at Newhaven, where he had left a letter to acquaint us that he could not leave the Assembly for some days untill they had finished everything, but follow us to New York in 2 or 3 days. Accordingly wee proceeded on our voyage, and on the 18th of May arrived at New York, the 19th the Lt. Governour Coll. Ingoldsbie summoned ye Councill att Fort Ann; where wee presented to them H.M. originall Instructions, coppies of which wee had transmitted them before. After they had been read over in Councill, and wee had acquainted them with severall things to be done not exprest in the same, and their having given us an account of Coll. Rensler and Mr. Robert Livingston, Secretarie for the Indian Affaires, having been sent to Albany to dispatch the spys according to the Instructions to my Lord Lovelace, then it was thought convenient to send for the Lower House. Wee severally made a speech to them, giving them a short acct. of the designed expedition withall shewing H.M. great care and concerne for their welfaire, in sparing such a number of troops and summe of monie for their releefe att a juncture when both men and monie were so much wanted for carrying on the great affaires of Europe etc., and witha'l recommended to them a hearty and expeditious compliance with H.M. commands, the season of the year being so farr advanced; wee gave the Speaker H.M. Instructions to Col. Vetch to lay before the House, as also an abstract of what steps they had made in the Goverments through which wee had passed; which might be of some use to them by way of president. Then they appoynted a Committie of the Assembly to attend a Committie of the Councill, which were joyntly ordered to waite upon us att the Councill Chamber, in order to concert the particular preparations which were to be made, etc. Col. Gookin, Lt. Governour of Pennsylvania, to whom wee had wrote to meete us here, wee tooke along with us to the meetings of the Committies of Councill and Assemblie, that so he might see the methods of our proceeding with them, and be able to informe his Councill and Assembly of the same, whither time would not allow us to go. Col. Saltonstall arrived in three days after us, who was likeways daylie present in all the Councills and consultations, and shewed a hearty zeale for obeying every part of H.M. commands. All the Governours of the severall Provinces concerned in the land expedition being here at New York together, wee began to fall upon modelling this land armie which was now a raising, my Lord Lovelace death having made considerable alteration in the sceam of affaires: Col. Vetch in order to lay a right foundation for the sd. modell, gave in a memoriall to the severall Governours, shewing the necessity of their joyntly appoynting a Commander in Cheefe over the sd. Armie. Upon which the severall Governours with the Councill and Assembly of this place unanimously addressed Coll. Nicholson to take the sd. command upon him. To this Coll. Nicholson shewed a great deal of aversion, aleadging the greatness of the charge and his inabilitie for it; but willingly offered to go along as volunteer to give them all the advice and assistance he could, though when he came to this place, he had no other designe, then in returning to go by sea with Coll. Vetch. However upon the pressing instances of the severall Governours, the Councill and Assembly of this place, and Coll. Vetch his declaring that it was his opinion that the Expedition could hardly go on unless he undertooke it, Coll. Schyler who was to command next to him, and upon whom the five Nations, and all this and the neighbouring Goverments have such dependence and trust declaring he would not go unless Coll. Nicholson undertooke the cheeffe command, which Col. Schyler said he knew would be very acceptable to the Indians, rather then H.M. service should be retarded, he accepted, etc. It was agreed upon unanimously in the next place, that Col. Peter Schyler should have the next command to Col. Nicholson etc., then was setled the troops of the foure Goverments in foure batalions, etc. Wee could not forme them according to the scheam in H.M. Instructions, but the regular companies neither being so full as was expected, and there being but one Capt. who was able to go upon this command, wee judged it better for the service and to prevent debates upon command to modell the foure regular companies into a batalion by themselves, to be commanded by their owne proper officers, and the rest in three distinct batalians. Wee have likeways sent along with the armie foure small field pieces which they will be able to carry along with them over the Lakes, the charge of them as also of the cohorn mortars, as also the harquebuses with swivels, blunderbushes etc. is committed to Col. Redknap, who was here as Engenier, who for his assistance hath along with him one of the Bombardiers Coll. Vetch brought from the Tower, and twelve matrosses which he raised at New York by vertue of an order of the Board of Ordinance to him for raising 80 matrosses for the train of the present expedition (the rest to be raised at Boston, they being to go from thence by sea along with himselfe, where the other three bombardeers he brought over from the Tower dayly exercise them in exercise of the great gunns). These things being adjusted, wee sent away from hence about May 26 a detatchment of about 400 of the regular and countrey troops of this and Connecticote, with about 200 Indians with carpenters and proper artificers to go directly to the Wood Creek, there to make a Fort to secure the forces in, and to build canoes for the use of the armie which is to follow them, where wee designe to make a strong stockadoed fort for the securitie of our provisions and magazines untill our troops have made themselves masters of Shambly on the other side of the Lake, where will be a convenient place for another store howse; wee having with the advice and consent of all the Governours concerned in this land expedition thought it absolutely for the good of H.M. service, and the present Expedition, that all the Indians who can be raised, that are fitt for service, should be encouraged to go upon this Expedition, and it being havie enough upon the severall Governments to victuall and pay their respective Quotas, to whom they are oblidged to give foure times the pay of Europe, each man being allowed at least 18d. per day, besides their provisions, and generally £10 per man advance monie besides, wee have therefore judged it for the good of H.M. service to provide a small reward either of a gunn to such as want them, or as much strouds or duffalls as will make them an Indian suite, which does not exceed three yards to a man, for which Coll. Vetch hath drawn bills upon my Lord Treasurer as is desired in the Memoriall to H.M. herewith transmitted, etc. The arms in the Magazine of New York being extreamly out of order, having been entirely neglected for want of a proper store-keeper, and an armourer, as by report of the Committie of the Councill appeares, and there not being a sixpence in the Treasury here to pay for anything, wee were necessitate to engage to the severall gunnsmiths to pay them for mending and cleaning the sd. arms before they would medle with any of them, an acct. of which expences is charged to H.M. amongst others. Then a new Proclamation was issewed by us and the Governour [s] of the Countrey[s] concerned in the land expedition to assure their severall men either of arms or the value of them in monie to such as brought good arms. The Assembly of the Jerseys being conveened about this affaire at Perth Amboy, wee went downe to meete them, at the desire of the Lt. Governour and Gentlemen of the Councill, betwixt whom and the Assembly there hath' been for some time a great variance, as your Lordps. will perceive by theire severall complaints against one another to H.M. These misunderstandings and fewds do not a little retard H.M. service, as well as ruin the countrey. Upon our arrivall, after being received by the Lt. Governour and Councill, and communicating to them H.M. Instructions relating to their Governments, the Howse of Commons were sent for to whom wee made a speech severally as at New York, with relations to H.M. Instructions, and that their hearty and speedy complyance with the same was expected to which all the rest of the Goverments wee had been in, had shewed them a faire example, then they desired a conference with us and the Councill, in a Committie of their whole Howse, where after wee had answered any objections which were only raised by the Quakers who made a half of the house, they came at last to a resolve to raise £3000 for H.M. service for this present juncture; but would not have it named for paying or raising souldiers, that being against the pretended principles of the Quakers. And indeed, might wee be allowed humbly to offer our advices to your Lodsp. wee should think it absolutely necessary that H.M. should send over an Instruction to her severall Governours, where they are, to allow none to be of the Councill or Assembly of those parts, but such as qualifie themselves by taking the oathes appoynted by the Act of Parliament, this would totally exclude them, whose very principles ought to exclude them from all Goverment, for what betwixt their pretended conscientious scruples against having any hand in warr, and the jarrs betwixt the Councill and Assembly, the bill for raising the men and monies in the Jersies is not yet agreed to, and they are like to be worse in Pensylvania, where the Assembly are mostly all Quakers, though att the same time all H.M. subjects in both these Goverments are very willing and ready to comply with H.M. commands; but the Goverment being in Pensylvania wholly in the Quakers' hands, and mostly so in the Jerseys, wee feare they will hardly be prevailed with all to raise men, if they do monie for carrying on warr, however hope wee shall have numbers enough, to effectuate the matter without them, for which reason wee must raise all the Indians wee can to supply their want.
Your Lordship will percieve by the foregoing Journall, as well as by the Addresses, Minutes of Councill, Acts of Assembly, and other publick papers, that wee have spared no pains to fullfill H.M. orders, which all the Goverments everywhere gave a hearty complyance withall, so that your Lodsp. will percieve, that hitherto the state Coll. Vetch gave H.M. and your Lodsps. of the Ministry hath answered what he promised in the Scheam. And though the Quakers should not performe their part, yet wee doubt not but both by sea and land, wee shall have considerably above the number ordered in the scheam, and hope that the Christians and Indians together who go over land will make a body of 2000 men, and the troops from New England, Road Island and Newhampshire including Indians and saylors will make about 2000. So that in all humane probability nothing can occasion the designes miscarriage, except the too late comeing of the fleete. The bergentine wee sent for Newfoundland is returned to Boston about the begining of June, etc. Your Lodsp. may easily beleeve that travelling foure or five hundred miles by land and sea with so manie officers along with Coll. Vetch and in so publick a character, could not be without a vast expence, for the officers' whole months pay, would not have payd for their horses' hire; could not be expected to go upon their own expences, so wee hope your Lodsp. will please to lay the state of this matter before the Queen, who wee doubt not by your Lodsp's. and my Lod. Treasurer's advice, will give him an allowance conforme to his disbursements, he having been necessitate likeways (having such a vast deale of writing and being oblidged to keepe coppies of all letters and papers of moment as well as to transmitt duplicates to your Lodsp. of the same) to hire a good clerk to whom he is oblidged to give 5s. per day untill the Expedition be accomplished, which is but the pay of a common labourer here, hope your Lodsp. will speak to my Lod. Treasurer to order the payment of the same amongst the other accts. And when the Expedition is over shall not faile to give your Lodsp. and the rest of the Ministry a new and impartiall acct. of the same attested by the principall people concerned in the Expedition. Signed, Fr. Nicholson, Sam. Vetch. Endorsed, Recd. Aug. 20. 8 closely written pp. [C.O. 5, 9. No. 25.]
June 28.
New York.
605. Col. Nicholson and Col. Vetch to the Council of Trade and Plantations. We could not but judge it our duty to acquaint your Lordships of our safe arrival here, and in short of the success hitherto of our negotiation, which your Lordships contributed, so heartily your endeavours for advanceing. We have met with the wish'd for success in all the Governmts. who are concerned in the same, save those of the Jersies and Pennsilvania, the first of which hath one half of its Assembly Quakers, and the latter the whole number is almost so; whose pretended principles being against fighting, they have not as yet raised either men or mony for the expedition, and indeed, as their principles are inconsistant with Government, so their practice is to oppose all good order, and especially any directions from the Crown, as we have but too visibly seen at this time, for wch. reason we have joyned with the Gentlemen of the Councell and Assembly of Jersies, who are not Quakers in representing to H.M. the necessity of giving an Instruction to her Governors not to admitt any into the Councell or Assemblys but such as qualifies themselves as the Act of Parliamt. directs. This we doubt not your Lordships will think fitt to advise H.M. to doe when it comes before you, as likewise to advise H.M. to proper methods with relation to Pensilvania, who have wholly refused H.M. commands. And though we hope they shall not be able to obstruct this noble enterprise, the success of which we doubt not will be attended with such consequences as will sufficiently convince both your Lordships and the Ministry that nothing could have been enterprised which could have contributed so much to the honour and advantage of the Crown and subjects of Britain, than this present expedition, which the Quakers have not been wanting to their power to obstruct, etc. Signed, Fr. Nicholson, Sam. Vetch. Endorsed, Recd. 20th, Read 23rd Aug., 1709. 1 p. [C.O. 5, 1049. No. 106; and 5, 1121. pp. 370, 371.]
June 29
Whitehall.
606. Council of Trade and Plantations to the Earl of Sunderland. Enclose letter from Mr. Graves, April 4, reporting that the French and Spaniards have taken possession of the Bahama Islands. This being a matter of such consequence to the trade from hence as well as from the Northern Continent of America to Jamaica, we thought it our duty to transmit a copy to your Lordship. [C.O. 5, 1292. p. 138.]
June 29.
Whitehall.
607. Mr. Popple to Mr. Burchett. Encloses letter from Col. Jenings, March 21, relating to the great want of guardships for Virginia, etc., to be laid before the Lord High Admiral. [C.O. 5, 1362. p. 392.]
June 30.
Admiralty Office.
608. Mr. Burchett to Mr. Popple. Reply to preceding. Some time since the Guarland a forty-gunn'd ship sayl'd for Virginia, and is ordered to cruise between the Capes; and another ship for the same service is ordered to be bought at New England. Signed, J. Burchett. Endorsed, Recd. Read July 1, 1709. 1 p. [C.O 5, 1316. No. 19; and 5, 1362. p. 393.]
[June 30.]609. Memorial of Col. John Higginson of New England. Whereas the French inhabiting Canada are endeavouring might and maine to gaine over to their religion and intrest all the Indians at Canada and places adjacent the Eastern Rebells, and those inhabiting about Missipa Ruio and on the backside of Carolina, Virginia, Pensilvania, Jersey, New Yorke and part of the Maques, it may be considered the danger those Plantations wth. the Massathuset and New Hampshire will be in when they have brought that to pass, their barbarities and makeing our people slaves to the heathen shew what wee may expect from them in time to come. For preventing whereof, and as an addition and advantage of the Crown of England, itt will be highly necessary that Canada be reduced to the Crown of England. Nova Scotia and Canada did formerly belong to the Crown, etc. It is a country proper for the produceing Naval Stores, there being a great quantity of mast trees, white and other oak, pine, spruce, firr etc., and the land is supposed to be propper for hemp, and good hemp has been produced there by the inhabitants for their use, and a great quantity of pitch, tarr, rosen and turpentine may be produced there. It is a healthfull place, etc. and as good for fishing as any in ye world, and provisions of all sorts may be raised there for thousands of famileys, the meadows bear as good wheat as any in America, it is stored with many good harbours, where good towns and villiages may be erected, there is alsoe store of sea coales. If H.M., the Parliamt. of England, and the Gentlemen Commrs. for providing stores for the Navy were sensible of the great advantage it would be to the Crown to take and settle Nova Scotia and Canada with a Colony of suitable people, whose business should be to provide stores, it is not doubted but the Navy of England might in a little time be suplyd with considerable stores from thence on reasonable termes, and spare the vast quantities of ready money which they are now fore'd to disburse to foreigners etc. And it is proposed that whoever comes to settle the countrey there shall be a saveing to all or any of H.M. subjects to have a free liberty of fishing on those coasts, harbours etc. Port Royall is to these Northern Plantations as Dunkirke to England, a den of privateers, etc. Sea coal is not known to be in any part of H.M. Dominions in America, but only in Nova Scotia, and the wood is soe much consumed in New England that it is fear'd in a few years they will not be able to subsist without sea-coale for their fireing, and the French will not even in peace permitt the English to get sea-coale there, but have in such case formerly taken their vessells that went for that purpose. Endorsed, Recd. from Sir Stephen Evans, Recd. June 30, Read July 8, 1709. 2 pp. [C.O 5, 865. No. 17.]
June 30.
New York.
610. Thomas Byerley to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Announces and deplores death of Governor Lord Lovelace. Lt. Governor Ingoldesby is so influenced by my Lord Cornbury and his party that whatever his Lordship desires is put in execution, etc. Prays to be appointed to the Council, etc. Set out, N.Y. Col. Doc. V. p. 80. q.v. Signed, T. Byerley. Endorsed, Recd. 29th, Read 30th Aug., 1709. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 1049. No. 110; and 5, 1121. pp. 395, 396.]