|
Oct. 1.
St. James's. | 632. H.M. Commission to Thomas Caulfield to be Lt. Governor
of Annapolis Royal. Countersigned, James Stanhope. Copy.
[C.O. 5, 190. pp. 308, 309.] |
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Oct. 5.
Whitehall. | 633. Council of Trade and Plantations to Mr. Secretary
Stanhope. Enclose following. Autograph signatures. 1 p.
Enclosed, |
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| 633. i. Copy of Governor Dudley's letter, July 31st, 1714,
relating to Cape Breton and the Fishery. [C.O. 217,
31. Nos. 15, 15 i.; and 5, 914. pp. 297, 298.] |
Sept. 24./Oct. 5.
Rio Essequebe, Fort Kykoveral. | 634. Commandant Vanderheyden Rézen to the Directors of
the Dutch West India Company. Signed, Pr. Vanderheyden
Rézen. Endorsed, Read 25th Feb., 1716. Dutch. 2 pp.
Enclosed, |
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| 634. i.–xix. Inventories, clearances, accounts, bills of lading,
lists of requirements. Dutch. [C.O. 116, 21. Nos. 132–149.] |
Oct. 5.
Whitehall. | 635. Mr. Secretary Stanhope to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. Encloses following for their report, what may be
done for the release of petitioners, etc. Signed, James Stanhope.
Endorsed, Recd. 6th Oct., 1715, Read 6th March, 17 15/16. 1 p.
Enclosed, |
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| 635. i. Charles Earle and Thomas Abbott to Mr. Secretary
Stanhope. Martinique, Fort St. Pierre, 6th July, 1715.
Enclose following, and pray for his assistance, etc.
Signed, Charles Earle, Thomas Abbott. 2 pp. Enclosed, |
| 635. ii. Duplicate of No. 357 i. |
| 635. iii., iv. Duplicate of C.S.P. 1706, No. 357, iii. (a) and (b).
[C.O. 152, 11. Nos. 1, i.–iv.; and (without enclosures)
153, 12. pp. 380, 381.] |
Oct. 6.
Worcester, in St. John's. Newfoundland. | 636. Capt. Kempthorn to Mr. Popple. Encloses following.
No signature. Endorsed, Recd. (from Mr. Gaudy) 19th Nov.,
1715, Read 1st Feb., 17 15/16. 1 p. Addressed. Sealed. 1 p.
Enclosed, |
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| 636. i. Capt. Kempthorn's reply to Heads of Enquiry concerning the Trade and Fishery of Newfoundland. Describes
methods of fishing. (4) They receive hardly any
sustinance from the land. (5) All their provisions (fish
excepted) is supply'd from Ireland and New England,
but chiefly from the last, both which being able both
from the cheapness of their sailing, as well as from the
things themselves, considerably to undersell our
merchants, carry large quantitys there, and then their
factors resideing with them in the winter, have the
advantage in the winter season to exact what they
please, and are so exorbitant in their prices, that the
industry of the planter can't without a miracle, gett
the better of his debts. Their fishing craft comes most
from Brittain, their salt most from the Isle of May and
some from Portugall. (6) They make use of no more
then what's necessary for their fireing, and carrying on
their fishery, nor could I perceive any trees bark'd,
left standing; they do use barke for covering their
fish, and houses, but then I suppose 'tis taken from
their trees they fell for firewood. (7) There have
been some complaints of the kind which I have redressed,
and left the same upon record, that ye same pretentions
mayn't any more be trump'd up again. (8) No complaints. (9) The fishing ships are not quite so remiss
in this, as the by-boats and planters, who are allmost
to a man deficient in this part of their duty, and indeed
become so general, that I couldn't fall upon any method
to discountinance it, etc. (10 and 11) No complaints.
(12) Their owne intrest will oblige them, to put their
stages into good repair, and should they do it to the
prejudice of other stages, it would be immediatly complain'd of, for ye people never loose an opportunity
of differing with one another. (13) I have met with
complaints upon this head, and I reckon it remains a
constant greivance till a ship of warr arrives. (14 and
15) The Admirals without the arrival of a man of warr
would never be able to adjust any of their differences,
and if they doe comply with any of their orders, 'tis
more out of feare to the man of warr whose arrival is
yearly expected, then out of any regard to their persons,
or office, both which they so constantly abuse, by making
their authority so scandilously subservient to their
intrest, that 'tis in everybody's mouth as well as mine,
that they're become a nusance to the country; and
take away the yearly expectation of a man of warr,
they would soon find they had made themselves both a
useless and ridiculous authority: as to appeals, I've eased
myself of that trouble in St. John's but undertooke a
much larger, and much more difficult taske in the room
of it, by allways being present at their courts, and
prevaling upon 'em to make the first decission just etc.;
but when appeals have been made to me that concern'd
distant ports, they've not so strictly submitted to my
decision, as particularly the Admirals and masters
fishing in the Bay of Bulls, who deny'd obedience to my
repeated orders, very much to the prejudice of that
justice, and good order I would have established
amongst 'em: and whose names I shall mention in the
postscript, with some others, that they may stand the
marke of their Lordships' resentment, to be an example
to others, etc. (16–18) No complaints. (19) New
England vessells here are very frequent and make
as great a part (by all report) as any of the Trade, they
seldom fish, but purchase with their provisions, and make
sale again to the sack ships, their loading from hence is
generally with salt for New England. Besides our
owne plantation vessells, there was two Spanish ships,
25th April one from Bilboa and the other a Biscayer,
who demanded fishery of the Governor of Placentia,
but was deny'd and turn'd out of the port, but 'twas
said they fished about 16 leagues to the N.W. of
Placentia, but left that shoar on the arrivall of the
Gibraltar, who I had sent to Placentia amongst other
things to enquire after them ships, according to the
Admiralty's instructions: the resort of the French is
only at Placentia, etc. (20, 21) Their owne intrest is the
best motive to engage their care in these particulars, and
therefore suppose all due care is taken in curing and
salting, and I haven't heard anybody surmise the
contrary. (22) The commodities the New England men
trade in are chiefly bread, live cattle, molossus, rum,
shingle-board for covering of houses, deale board in
small quantities: the planters in ye winter season as
they have then little business to employ ym. are very
much adicted to drink, and generally at that time
runn themselves deeper in debt then summers labour
can satisfie for. (23) From Leghorn, Lisbon, Fyall
etc. the English ships bring wine, lemmons, anchoves,
sweet oyle, olives and such like to vend for fish: but
of these are such small quantities brought that 'tis not
worth naming. (24) I have not been made acquainted
with any other dealing then, that every ship's venture
is design'd to purchase fish only. (25) Molosses, rum
and tobacco of plantation commodities I have observed
brought here, and but very small quantities of the latter,
especially for this last season, and of other commodities
mention'd in this article I have not been acquainted
with any. (26) Refers to scheme (v. Jan. 10, 1716).
Thô the price is according as the markett breaks it at,
and everybody is obliged (as it were) to govern themselves
by that rule, or very near it, yet the planters' gain can't
be so considerable as the fishing ships because they
buy their craft, and provisions at second hand from
them, and therefore are under a disadvantage both in
craft, and servants' maintenance. (27) Their sustinance
during the fishing season, is chiefly bread and fish:
according to the charges given, and charge of maintenance considering with all the badness of the season,
the generality of them must have been loosers, if fish
had sold at 50 ryals per quintal. (28 and 29) The first
price broke at 39 ryals, and fell before I left to 31: and
train was valued at £4 5s. per hhd.; most of the sack
ships were bound for Spain and Italy, some few for
Portugall, and all the oyle for Great Brittain etc. (30)
The ships don't contribute so much to this ill practice,
as the by-boat masters, who when they make a bad
voyage, leave their servants unpaid and consequently
unable to purchase a passage home, and to make
enquiry into it here, is impossible, ships may be made
answerable for their owne companys, but not for her
passengers etc. Repeats former report. The means to
prevent this abuse, and many others, and to raise this
trade to as great reputation as ever formerly it bore,
will be to make all servants wages goe by such a share of
the fish, and to make all other hires unlawfull, as
prejudicial to industry, the New England fishery goe
by this method, and if these people don't soon alter
their scheme, their New England neighbours will stock
and undersell 'em in all the marketts in Europe and get
their fish from them by their owne men, this Fishery
prosper'd very well while it kept to this scheme, but
then so much fish was taken, that the masters (I suppose)
though[t] it was too much for a servant, and though[t]
it would be better to give stated wages, but the servant's
intrest was no sooner seperated from his masters, but
he flag'd in his usual industry, and if he caught but
enough, to answer his owne wages, and was but watchfull
enough, not to have his indifference excepted against,
he cared for no more: and from this managment date
the decrease of this Trade: and if it continues much
longer the ruin of it. (32) The French use Bank Fishery
in great numbers, and at all seasons, but we have no
certain account of 'em, the coast of Canada may imploy
about 30 saile of ships every yeare, which carry provisions
to their settlements in America: For Cape Britton the
Fishery is very bad, and the present settlement is not
like to prove a place of Trade as the people of Placentia
are informed. Postscript. For denying obedience to
my orders, and charg'd with unjust and arbitrary
dealing gives a list of masters fishing this year in the
Bay of Bulls, v. supra. 9 pp. |
| 636. ii. Scheme of the Newfoundland Fishery for 1715.
Returns given for each harbour. Totals:—Fishing
ships, 108; Sack ships, 38; ships from America, 42;
burthen of fishing ships, 11, 525; men belonging to the
ships, 3, 056; fishing ships boats, 376; by-boats, 197;
inhabitants' boats, 464; by-boatsmen, masters, 283;
servants, 2,091. Fish, made by ships, 33,375 quintals;
by by-boats, 20,716, by inhabitants' boats, 35,531;
carried to market, 89,622 quintals. Train made by
ships, 671 hogsheads, by by-boats, 428; by inhabitants'
boats, 7,360. Number of stages, 440. Number of
inhabitants, men, 3,153; women, 396; children, 500.
Number of French inhabitants, men, 37; women, 7;
children, 4. Signed, Edwd. Falkingham. Endorsed as
covering letter. Parchment. 1 large p. [C.O. 194, 6. Nos.
10, 10 i.; and (without enclosure ii.) 195, 6. p. 183.] |
Oct. 6.
St. James's. | 637. H.M. Instructions to John Bridger, Surveyor of the
Woods on the Continent of America. Signed, G. R. Copy.
[C.O. 5, 190. pp. 309–312.] |
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Oct. 6.
St. James's. | 638. H.M. Warrant appointing (in reversion) John Page
Clerk of the Supreme Court of St. Jago de la Vega in Jamaica,
"after the death, surrender, forfeiture or other sooner determination of the interest therein of Robert Clowes." Countersigned, James Stanhope. Copy. [C.O. 5, 190. p. 313.] |
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Oct. 6.
Whitehall. | 639. Mr. Popple to Mr. Lowndes. Reply to Sept. 16th.
The Council of Trade and Plantations find that Mr. Rayner was
appointed Attorney General of New York in 1708, such an officer
having been represented as necessary by this Board, in that as
well as in other Governmts.; that he went over thither, but stay'd
not long there, and has ever since been in this Kingdom. As
to the salary settled, or to be settled upon him, their Lordships
have nothing of that matter in their books, so are not able to
say anything to that allegation in his petition. Upon this
occasion, the Board looking into their books have found an Order
of Council, Feb. 16, 1698, wherein his late Majesty King William
declared his pleasure, that no persons should be allowed to have
patents for places in the Plantations, unless they actually resided
and executed the places themselves. This Order containing
some of the reasons for this declaration of H.M. pleasure, I am
commanded to send you a copy thereof, for the information of
my Lords of the Treasury, and thereupon to observe, that when my
Lord Somers had the great seals, he refused to pass Patents that
had not a clause obliging the Patentees to residence. Mr. Rayner
has produced to their Lordships a lycence from her late Majesty
to be absent, and has represented to them the impossibility of
residing there for want of a salary, none being established by that
Province. However he has declared his readiness to go there
in case an establishment be made for him. How far it may be
reasonable to allow salary to an Attorney General (who is also
Advocate General) any longer than for the time they actually
reside, is submitted to the Lords Commissrs. of the Treasury.
[C.O. 5, 1123. pp. 342–344.] |
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| Oct. 7. | 640. H.M. Warrant granting to Horatio Walpole the
reversion of the place of Auditor General of the Plantations, with
salary of £500 sterl. per annum, to hold the same by himself or
Deputy approved by the Commrs. of the Treasury, from the
death, surrender, forfeiture or other determination of the estate
and interest of William Blathwayt therein. Signed, Edw.
Northey. Endorsed, Recd. Read 10th Oct., 1717. Copy. 9¼
pp. [C.O. 323, 7. No. 109.] |
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| Oct. 7. | 641. Sir E. Northey, Att. Gen., to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. The Act of Barbados to dock the intail of Mount
Lucie Plantation etc. hath laine with me since 16th Feb. last,
because I could not procure a sight of the wills therein mentioned;
but having now perused the same, I have no objection agst. the
sd. Act, especially for that by the Laws of Barbadoes, a deed
registred in that Plantation (where common recoveries are not
suffered) will be as effectual a barr as an Act of Assembly but Mr.
Blackman living here hath been advised that an Act of Assembly
will give most satisfaction to a purchasor. Signed, Edw. Northey.
Endorsed, Recd. 8th Oct., Read 14th Dec., 1715. 1 p. [C.O.
28, 14. No. 46; and 29, 13. pp. 318, 319.] |
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| Oct. 7. | 642. Samuel Eveleigh to Messrs. Boon and Berresford. Refers
to following. Continues:—Since which is little of moment offered,
but that Colo. Fenwick understanding that the Indians were at
Combhee burning and destroying the plantations he marched up
to Pond Bridge, and after having mended the same, he marched
a party towards Combhee and having advice that the Indians
were at one Jackson's house near the Ferry, he fell upon them next
morning by break of day and out of 16 he killed 9 and took 2
prisoners with the loss of one white man, and one negroe wounded,
he also took 4 of their perriaugors loaded with provisions and
plunder, and immediately advised Palmer Captain of a Scout
perriaugor to lay in wait at the mouth of the River for 3 other of
their perriaugors, that were still in the River who the next day
took them, but the Indians leapt overboard and swam ashore,
he immediately made the best of his way to Capt. Stone Capt. of
another perriaugor at Port Royal, where also was Capt. Burrough
who commanded the whole boat, who being inform'd of 8 or 10
perriaugors with Indians in the Settlements they all three made
the best of their way to Daffuskey (by which the Indians must of
necessity pass) to lay in wait for them about 2 days after they
spy'd 8 perriaugors coming towards. Capt. Stone with his men
went ashore and lay in ambuschade, where the Indians must
come a shoar if they lept overboard. As soon as the perriaugors had
doubled the Point Capt. Palmer made up to them, which the
Indians perceiving immediately threw their gunns into the River
and leapt overboard, and made towards the place where Capt.
Stone lay and 35 were killed and 2 taken prisoners being all
that belong'd to 6 of the perriaugors, the Indians that belong'd
to the other 2 made their escape without arms and naked into
the woods. By the prisoners taken as well as by advice from St.
Augustine, we are inform'd that the Yamasees are setled on the
Sappola River, and several perriaugors are now fitting, and to be
commanded by Colo. Danniel, in order to go and drive them from
that settlement. Although we are at present easy with respect
to the Indians, yet I doubt what will be the issue unless H.M.
takes us under his care and protection; by advice from New
England we are informed that the Canada Indians are gone to
war afar off and they are there apprehensive that it is with a
design to assist our Indian enemys, and also they are very apprehensive to the northward that this war will be general, the
Governmt. of Maryland are in arms on that acct., the charges we
are at this present time, should it continue any time will be
insupportable, and that alone makes several of our inhabitants
think of removing, which notwithstanding all the precautions
cannot be prevented, etc. It is the expectation of assistance from
the Crown that can prevent that resolution. My Lord Palatine
has wrote the Governor that he is resolved to maintain Judge
Trott's exorbitant power, etc. Signed, Sam. Eveleigh. Endorsed,
Recd. Read 20th Dec., 1715. Copy. 2¾ pp. Enclosed, |
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| 642. i. Samuel Eveleigh to Messrs. Boone and Berresford.
July 19, 1715. Charles Town. I believe the misfortune
that befell Capt. Barker was before you went hence,
by which we lost 27 men, and some time after the Garrison at Schinkin's Fort commanded by one Redwood was
foolishly betray'd by credulity of said Captain who
listning too much to the insinuations of making peace
disarmed his own men, and suffered the Indians to come
amongst them, who taking the opportunity drew out
their knives and tomahacks from under their cloaths
and knock'd 22 of our men on the head, burnt and
plundered the Garrison, but some time after Capt.
Chicken march'd from the Ponds with 120 men and
understanding that they were got to a Plantation
about 4 miles distant marched thither, divided his men
into three parties, two of which he ordered to march in
part to surround them, and in part to prevent their
flight into an adjacent swamp but before the said party
could arrive to the post designed them, two Indians
belonging to the enemy scouting down to the place where
Captain Chicken lay in ambascade he was obliged for
fear of discovery to shoot them down, and immediatly
fell upon the body, routed them and as is supposed
killed about 40 besides their wounded they carried away,
took two prisoners and released 4 white men of Schinkin's
Garrison. The white prisoners informed us that the
night before the Chiroquese to the number of about
70 understanding that two of their nation were sent by
the Govr. to make peace went away with Steven Ford's
son, another taken at said Garrison, to their own towns,
since which we have not heard anything of the Indians,
'tis supposed they are gone home with design to come
down with a greater force, and to make further alliances.
Last week arrived here the Valuer Cap. Santlo (? Valure,
Capt. St. Loe. Ed.), from Virginia with 160 small arms
10 barrels of powder and 25 casks of shott, and Saturday
last Capt. Middleton arrived from the same place with 120
white men. The Govr. Spotswood has been very cordial
and assisting to us etc., and promises to assist us with more
if there be occasion, which we have desired him to send us;
We have assured him in our letter that we will write
to you, to acquaint the Secy. of State therewith, that
he may have his approbation and acknowledgemt.:
he has writ us several letters of which he has sent us
copies to the several Governors of North America in our
favour pathetically moving them to our assistance.
We have an account by way of Rhode Island that the
Success man of war is coming hither with 500 arms. By
letter from North Carolina we are advised that Maur.
Moor was to march the 10th of this month with 60 white
and 60 Indians to our assistance, and proposed to be at
Cape Fear about the 17th and Capt. Scriven of Winyaw
Garrison has sent a periago to Cape Fear to joyn him,
and with the said periago to ferry the Horse over that
river. The Governor marched yesterday from the
Ponds for Col. Broughton's with about 100 white
men and 100 negroes and Indians with a design to pass
Zantee River to meet and joyn Col. Moor and then
make some attempt upon the Northern Indians. I am
very much surprized when I consider the barbarous
usage Mr. Craven has met with from the Lords Proprietors. That they should favour that person (Parson
Johnson in margin) with the most valuable place under
their donation, that openly and daily affronts and writes
against the Govr. That they should strip him of all
the valuable perquisites of his Governmt. and afford
him no more than £200 a year hardly worth £50 stirling
to support the state and grandeur of a Govr., and
that to a person of his birth and quality. They are
indeed very generous Gentlemen not a shomaker or
any mean tradesman but what can earn that mony.
I have a capenter now at work with me to whom I give
15d. pr. diem victuals and drink. Aug. 24th. About a
month since the Apalatchee and other Southern Indians
came down on New London, and destroy'd all the
Plantations on the way, besides my Lady Blakes, Falls,
Col. Evans and several others, have also burnt Mr.
Boon's plantations and the ship he was building. The
crops thank God are still pretty good; the Govr. at
that instant had marched the Army to Zantee, however
he returned back on the first notice upon his approach
the Indians fled over Ponpon Bridge and burnt it
having killed 4 or 5 white men. We have not since
heard from them only that they chaced the whale
boat with six periagoes filled with men. Capt. Stone was
thereupon sent with six periagoes and 100 men to Port
Royal where he has cutt off six canoes of the enemy and
drove them into the woods. The Northern Indians
have not since appeared against us and we are in hopes,
the Cheroquese will be our friends. We have no news
of the two Indians formerly sent up to them, however
Eleazar Wiggin and another Indian trader have undertaken with two Indians more to go to the Chiroquese
with design to perswade them to be for us and fall
upon Euchees, Apalatchees and Yamasees. They
undertook this dangerous voyage upon promise of £500
each if they effect the business and were paid £50 a
piece. The Success man of war is arrived with 500
arms and since the above 30 men more are arrived from
Virginia about 80 whites and 60 Indians from North
Carolina. We now have the Assembly sitting and an
Act is passed for payment of the Forces that are to be
raised, and those arrived from Virginia and North
Carolina. There's to be a Lieut. General, a Colo. and
Lt. Colo. and Majors, 600 whites inhabitants to be raised
to be commanded by Captns. of sixties and 400 negroes
likewise to be divided into companies of sixties commanded each by a Captain and Lieut. Mr. K— as
I am informed is a gentleman bred up at St. Germains
and as I suppose with Col. Rhett used to pay a great
deal of respect to Sacheveral's picture in the Colonel's
Hall. Colo. Broughton has writ home to Colonel
Johnson I believe it adviseable you should consult
together: I am afraid of Stewartizing this letter therefore
shall conclude, etc. Copy. 5 pp. |
| 642. iii. Commissioners appointed by the Commons House of
Assembly of South Carolina to correspond with Jos.
Boon and Richard Beresford, their Agents in England.
Charles Town, Aug. 25, 1715. Enclose Address to H.M.,
begging his immediate assistance to our distress'd
Colony, etc. We are also order'd by the Assembly
to press you to use all the diligence you can to have the
Address presented to H.M. that no time be lost in letting
him know the distress we are under, etc., for considering
the circumstances we are under, a little time lost may be
of very ill consequence to us. We need not give you
the reasons why the Govr. and Council have not sign'd
the Address, more particularly the Govr., the nature of
the Address carrying the reasons with it, but you will
have one from both Houses, desiring in part what the
Address of the lower House pray for more fully. Gentlemen you are not unsensible of the loss the country
had sustain'd by our Indian war when you left, as all
the settlements of Port Royal Combahee River and all
the South side of Edisto River, as also all the English
settlements on Santee River, since which the said
Indians some time about the middle of July last came
over Pon-pon Bridge undiscover'd till they came to Mr.
Leviston's plantation whose house they burnt, from
thence went to New London and burnt a house there,
but finding they cou'd not take the Garrison at New
London, which consisted of about 50 or 60 men, they
spread themselves down Stono River, and burnt all
before them as far as Mr. Farr's plantation only Langa. (fn. 1)
Morton's house escap'd of all the houses from New
London to Mr. Farr's, they also attempted to get over
the Bridge that goes from the plantation that was lately
John Beamer's over to Stono Island, but there being
a garrison there, they were prevented. You will
wonder gentlemen, how such a body of Indians cou'd
do such a damage so suddenly and nobody to oppose
them, the reason was this, the Indians from the 6th of
June to the middle of July had been so quiet to the
Southward that the Scouts on the other side of Edisto
River could not discover any of them and were sure they
were not near the Settlement. All things thus seeming
to be quiet, the Govr. got together a body of about
700 men and march'd over Santee River at French
Santee with a design to march to Wincaw River, there
to meet Colo. Maurice Moore, that was coming from
North Carolina, with some white men and Indians to
our assistance, and after he had join'd them, to march
away to the Sarraws and our other Northern Indians
to strive to cut them off, but the forces no sooner got
over Santee River but expresses came from the Southward that a body of 6 or 700 Indians were got over
Edisto River and began to do mischief upon which
expresses were sent away after the Govr. to let him know
of the body of Indians that were got into the Settlements
and the great danger all that part of the country on
the South side of Ashley River was in by reason of the
absence of such a number of our men, for the few men
disposed up and down in the distant garrisons were not
able to make heads against them, they had burnt all
before them, and retreated over Pon-pon Bridge.
The Govr. with the forces came to the said Bridge
some few hours after they were got over, and where
the Indians are gone to since we don't know, not being
able to discover them, but suppose they are gone to the
Savana Town, and from thence to make incursions
upon us now and then as they see fit. For we are well
assur'd they knew of the march of our forces to the
Northward, the Northern Indians have been very quiet
of late, and we have advice from the Govr. of Virginia
that they have been with him to make a peace and settle
a trade with Virginia but he has not yet made a peace
with them but they are return'd to bring the head men
of those Northern Indians into Virginia to treat of a
Peace. We are sending again to Virginia to desire that
Government not to make any treaty with those Indians
till they come and submit themselves to this Government, and make satisfaction for the great damage they
have done us; you know the Govr. of Virginia has a
mind to engross all the Indian trade and under pretence
of making peace with those Indians for us, they will
supply them with goods, which if not prevented by
an Order from the King to that Governmt. will prove
by degrees the ruin of this country as you know very well.
Our Assembly is now sitting and about to pass a law to
raise 1,200 white men and negroes to be under pay and
for to be posted in three divisions for the defence of
the country that is to the northward, the westward and
the southward by this method 'tis propos'd to defend
the country, till all the crops are got in, and then if
practicable to march with a good body of men into their
towns but God knows how things may be with us, between this time and that, but one thing we may assure
you that that charges we are and shall be put to in
defending the country will be more than the country
will be able to bear unless we have the charitable
assistance of the Crown, which we now put you in mind
of to procure for the country if possible, for another
misfortune attending us in these our troubles, is that
the comon people by reason of their great losses are
daily running off the country and its found very difficult
to prevent them. The charges we are now at for
defence and carrying on the war is computed will
amount to £120,000 per annum. Our Assembly is
passing a law to answer and defray the same and have
fallen upon this expedient and that only to answer the
charges of six months to make and put out £30,000 in
new paper credit to be sunk hereafter by a tax on the
inhabitants, several other expedients were thought of
and proposed but they were attended with so many
inconveniencies and difficulties that our Assembly could
fix on none better and that would sooner answer the
purpose. Since wt. Mr. Middleton wrote to you from
Virginia we have received from that Government 30
men more with an officer and from North Carolina about
100 white men and 60 Indians (Tuscaruros and Coores)
under the command of Col. Maur. Moore. We could
have a farther assistance of men from Virginia, but we
are already under so great a charge for the maintenance
of theirs and our own standing forces that we are not
capable of bearing it, and are in hopes with those to be
able to defend ourselves till we know the King's pleasure.
Col. Alexr. Spotswood, Governor of Virginia, has been
particularly serviceable to us and will (we are assured)
do this countrey all the good offices that lies in his
power. Mr. de la Conseilleire return'd from Boston
the 18th currt. and brought about 600 arms purchased
with the goods sent thither for that purpose. That
Governmt. and particularly Colo. Dudley their Govr.
was so ungenerous, that they in no respect whatsoever
were willing to do the least service so that had we not
sent those effects we should have been at a great loss
for want of those arms which are come very seasonably
for the fitting out the Army. The Assembly has
directed us to inform you, that they will as soon as
possible remit the effects to defray your disbursements
or will otherwise make you satisfaction for under the
present circumstances of this country it is impossible
for them to remit you anything at this juncture and time
of the year 'tis next to impossible to procure anything
that's proper to send to Europe. Signed, Robt. Daniel,
Ar. Middleton, B. Goddin. Copy. 6 pp. [C.O. 5,
1265. Nos. 18, 18 i.–iii.] |
Oct. 8.
Whitehall. | 643. Mr. Secretary Stanhope to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. Encloses following, "for your opinion both of the
justice of the petitioner's pretensions, and likewise of the most
effectual way of restoring him to these plantations, if you find he
has a right to the same, he being particularly recommended to
H.M., who is inclined to shew him all favour." Signed, James
Stanhope. Endorsed, Recd. 14th, Read 21st Oct., 1715. 1 p.
Enclosed, |
|---|
| 643. i. Petition of Lewis William Durepaire de Nayac to the
King. Petitioner, a French Protestant who has served
with the King of Prussia's troops, claims three estates
in the French part of St. Christophers, in right of his
wife, who was the widow of Maigne. Prays to be
reinstated therein, "according to your Royal word, and
the intercession of the King of Prussia" etc. 1 p.
[C.O. 152, 10. Nos. 71, 71 i.; and 153, 12. pp. 350–353.] |
Oct. 10.
Ferryland. | 644. Mr. Cumings to the Council of Trade and Plantations.
Report upon the trade and fishery of Newfoundland, similar to
other accounts given supra and Oct. 13. Signed, Archd. Cumings.
Endorsed, Recd. 7th, Read 8th Nov., 1715. 1 p. Enclosed, |
|---|
| 644. i. An abstract of the fishery of Newfoundland, from St.
Peter's to Bonavista, 1715. 1 p. |
| 644. ii. Details of preceding. 1 large p. [C.O. 194, 5. Nos.
100, 100 i., ii.; and (without enclosures) 195, 6. pp.
146–148.] |
Oct. 10.
New York. | 645. Governor Hunter to Mr. Popple. I have (since I wrote
that of 29th Sept.) received yours of ye 24th June, with their
Lordpps. letters containeing H.M. Royal assent to the Debt and
Excise Bills, by the way of Boston. I am bound beyond expression to their Lordpps. for their justice and compassion in forwarding and recommending them to the King. This goes at a venture
by a ship now on the coast bound for Holland, soe their Lordpps.
cannot expect soe soon the answers to the severall questions,
and the execution of their other orders, in theirs of ye date
mentioned: Soe soon as I am able to give them full satisfaction
upon these heads they shall hear from me. It has indeed been
unlucky for me that my Lord Stairs to whom I had committed
my affaires should be absent. The state of the case relateing to
the Palatines is soe well known at your Board that I judg'd it
next to ridiculous to trouble them with a needless repetition.
However because you seem to desire to have it in one view, I
shall give it you as minute as may be. Repeats history of his
Instructions to settle Palatines and his not being paid by the Treasury
for the same. v. C.S.P. 1710ff. Soe many of them dispersed themselves through this and ye neighbouring Provinces, and there
remaines upon the lands that I planted them upon, and that of
Scohare, about 400 working men, soe that I reckon the number
of souls in these three places to be about 1,200, who subsist
pretty comfortably for new beginners, haveing beene blest with
very plentifull crops that the industruous really gett money
besides their maintenance, etc. I must putt you in mind of one
instance of my good œconomy. Sixpence and fourpence was the
stated allowance for their subsistance, when I made my bargaine
for beere and bread. I fell to work with buyeing of cattle and fish
and salting them by which I found that I might gett them
subsisted under the allowance made me, etc. I need not tell you
that all imaginable arts were us'd to stiffle that project, nor that
I was sencible that I was but struggleing against a very rapid
stream, etc. Refers to Mr. Bridger's neglecting that work. Of this I
acquainted the Lord Treasurer and the other ministers desireing
he might be sent for to give an account who's will it was that
had determin'd him to disobey H.M. possitive commands, but
to that I had noe reply noe more than to ye many hundreds
I wrote to them upon that and other subjects of publick concerne.
Mr. Nicholson also made a peece of merit of decryeing and
discourageing ye designe. Him I minded not being well assured
that noebody else would, etc. If wee are in the right as to our
method (of making tar, etc.), why are wee not sett to work. If in
ye wrong why are wee not sett right, etc. As to Mr. Nicholson's
cloathing, here it lyes safe and sound. I have not meddled with
it, for as to giveing them out to ye soldiers, I durst as well stop
their pay, it would have the same effect. You have heard that
when it was imposed upon them, my own cloathing was actually
here, and I gave it accordingly being willing to putt off the
evill day, and now I have received another cloathing. If ye
Palatines are againe imploy'd it will serve well for them and
reward their labour, that is the best use I can devise for it. The
coats are scurvy rags without lineing. Mr. Nicholson wrote to
me to dispose of the remainder of the Expedition stores in these
parts. They were accordingly sold at publick outcrye, (account
inclosed). The produce is not as yet received, there being a
necessity in this country upon these occasions of giveing creditt.
I also disposed of about three or four score pounds worth at
Albany which was paid me by discount. Soe soone as these
accounts are finish't they shall be sent to the vallue of a farthing.
I was goeing to give you a detaile of my other grievances, but
haveing copys of my letters to my Lord Stairs by me I thought
it would doe as well to send them to you, seeing he is out of ye
way. You'll please to impart to their Lordpps. what you find
in them that may be of use. The Bishop of London I hear has
appointed Mr. Vesey his Commissary here, at least he writes soe
to his freinds. I hope his Lordpp. has also constituted Talbott
his Commissary for the Jerseys, and Phillips for Pensilvania,
these being the three Clergymen mention'd in mine to my Lord
Staires, and then I shall know what he meanes, the best on't is,
that though I know noe good they have ever done I know noe
great hurt they can doe at present etc. P.S. (autograph) I hope
you have my Indian papers. I believe they are upon their march
before this and I doubt not but they will put an end to the
Carolina warr by putting an end to ye enemys of yt. Colony.
Signed, Ro. Hunter. Endorsed, Recd. 21st, Read 28th Dec., 1715.
10 pp. Enclosed, |
|---|
| 645. i. List of Palatines at Schochary and on the two banks
of the River, 1715. Total, 373. Endorsed as preceding.
French. 1 p. |
| 645. ii. Governor Hunter to the Earl of Stair. New York,
Oct. 18, 1714. Mr. Kennedy has brought me two of
my most dearest Lord's letters one dated before ye last
(with my repreive) after ye Queen's death, for which I
greive as much as any man, etc., but having suffer'd
under the late administration, beyond what is conceivable and all avenues to her well experienced justice
and compassion being barr'd up, to me at least, being
continually alarm'd with the headlong measures at
home, and the seeming indolence of those whose business
it was to putt a stop to them; I was really become
regardless of life itselfe, beleiving that there was nothing
left in't worth an honest man's care. Haveing mention'd
my sufferings I must begg your patience whilst I
enumerate a few, etc. In the first place one who if I be
not mistaken, had never seen troops in the field in his
life was sent over hither to command a land Expedition
here with powers inconsistent, if I may be allowed
to speake soe, with those in my Patent, whilst I was
actually a Brigadr. in ye Army and all the drudgery of
Commissary of Provisions for the whole allotted to my
share, which trust I executed with the greatest care and
best economy possible, but for my reward many of the
Bills drawn for the service were return'd protested and
to this hour hang over my head, severall of the merchts.
not likeing the South Sea payment at that time, and this,
though I had H.M. orders to draw on her Treasury to
which she had given orders to make punctual payment
of all such bills. There were many other hardships in
that affaire etc. In the next place there were thirty
serjeants with Lieuts.' Commissions sent on the service
who were directed to be paid by me at Ensigns' pay,
which I accordingly did, but my bills being turn'd over
from one Office to another, upon my repeated instances
for payment, I at last receiv'd a letter from John How
Esq. dated ye 25th Feb., 1714, to acquaint me that these
officers were putt upon halfe pay on ye 25th Dec., 1712,
and that considerable summes had beene paid to their
wives and attorneys at home, and that there wanted
propper vouchers etc., soe that in short my bills he
beleived would be protested, and there is to this houre
£1,200 of this money unpaid. In the same Instructions
I am ordered to build a Fort in the Indian Country with
a Chappell etc. for ye reception of a Missionary which
was accordingly done for £500, the Queen's Instructions
beareing that the account should not exceed a thousand;
These bills are also return'd protested, the reason given
being that their answer at ye Treasury was, That my
Lord would pay none of them. To help me out in these
matters, I had a letter from Col. Nicholson upon his
last arrival in these parts with his new Commission
of Accounts, desireing to know what part of ye cloathing
appointed for the use of the Expedition, the troops at
New York cold take off. I answer'd him that I cold
take none for that use, because the one halfe of my own
cloathing which had been contracted for, and provided
according to H.M. Instructions was actually arrived and
ye remainder expect in the very first ships. Two or
three months after I receiv'd a letter from Mr. How
intimateing that my Lord Treasurer was much concern'd
to understand that I had refused to take off any part of
that cloathing, by which meanes H.M. intentions to
reimburse some part of the expences of that Expedition
was in a great measure defeated, hee hoped H.M.
commands and my interests were inseperable; I return'd
that I thought I had convinc'd the world that noe
consideration upon earth cold step betweene my duty
and H.M. interests, but as for commands I assure your
Lordpp. I never had any but that letter from Mr.
Nicholson, and the intimations of my Lord Treasurer's
notification of ye Queen's intentions to Mr. How, from
him. However, etc. I sent for that to Boston which I'le
maintaine is ye worst and dearest that ever was given
out to troops foreigne or domestick, and soe for ought
I hear my offreckoning's stopt and that cloathing
thrown to my charge. Repeats the case of the Palatines.
By the attested accounts sent home, there is in due to me
upon that score upwards of £20,000. You'l aske me
where I gott it, why truely as my Lord Renelagh said
by his new house you may come in time enough to
pay it. I stand bound for a great part of it, the rest is
ye produce of the poore perquisites which the rigour of
those I had to doe with cold not reach. Meane while I
was left to begg my daily bread from a hard hearted
Assembly here, tho' H.M. upon a Representation from
the Lords of Trade of the state and behaviour of this
Province had ordered a Bill to be drawn and laid before
ye Parliament for settleing the Revenue here dureing
her life, which was accordingly drawn but never
presented to either house. Some of my freinds wrote
me word that they thought it was better for me it should
not pass, because if there was a Revenue settled I might
depend upon being superceded, as if it had beene more
eligable to starve with the pompous name of Governour
than otherwise. My Government indeed protects me
from arrests, but that is but long life and ill health.
I beg'd of those who wrote soe to me that if they found
the least inclinations in the Ministry to recall me, they
would make it my request to them that I might fall as
decently as might be but to that I was answer'd, that
they were all my freinds, and sorry for my sufferings.
I beleive many were who cold not help me, witness the
good Lord Marr, who was soe kind as to tell me soe.
All this while tho' I lett slip noe opportunity to acquaint
them with my sufferings and hardships I never had one
single letter from any of the Ministry in answer to my
hundreds or any other subject, but that which involved
me in these inextricable difficulties. And that I
might be robb'd of ease as well as bread, that eternal
Teazer Nicholson comes over with a new Commission
of Accounts which in reallity gave him noe powers
worthy of a Great Seale, but the natural vanity of the
man led him to make such uses of it in receiveing and
encourageing complaints from ye troublesome and
dissaffected, that all Government was well nigh unhing'd
here, hee stiled the Governor of Governors and all
obedience and dependence transferr'd to him. To
strengthen his powers and pretentions, that venerable
Society of which I have the honour to be a member
tho' unworthy, gave him under their Seale a Commission
of Spiritual Inspection. How consistent that was
with the powers granted to me in my Letters Patents,
or the true interests of either Church or State Governments in these parts I shall not take upon me to determine. But all the effect it had was to encourage two
or three of the clergy, and those profest Jacobites to
flye in my face, but guessing at ye designe, I would
take noe provocation or any notice of their seditious
conduct, least they should take occasion to crye Church
here, as they had done elsewhere, soe despaireing of a
persecution, the Reverend Rector of this place runs
away for England without the privity of any body
whom I know, and I as little know his errand, but he
goes home in good time. I shall mention noe more of
him, but that he has ye honour to stand on record in ye
Council Books of this Province for haveing basely
aspersed and abused his Soveraigne King William
even dureing his life. These my Dearest Lord are some
of the many difficulties your poore freind has been
wrestleing with for these four yeares past. I hope they
are now over, but if they be not, I have courage and
strength enough to goe through with any thing now my
heart is at ease, and the Nation safe. I give you leave
if you please, nay desire you may communicate what
I write to my Lord Sunderland, Lord Sommers or any
other of H.M. Ministers, for as yet wee know not who
they are, and when affairs of greater consequence are
adjusted, I cannot doubt without impiety of releife.
I hope the Duke of Marlborough has not forgott me. I
have beene his faithfull servant in all stations of life,
and you see I have ye honour to be his fellow sufferrer.
Pray assure him of my lasting gratitude and devotion,
and tell him if you please that I am as able to carry a
muskett as I was ten yeares agoe, etc. Signed, Ro.
Hunter. Same endorsement. Copy. 10 pp. |
| 645. iii. Governor Hunter to the Earl of Stair. New York,
8th Nov., 1714. Refers to the payment of Lady
Lovelace out of the quit-rent fund of £4 or £500 expended
by the late Governor Lord Lovelace upon the Palatines
brought over by him, upon the report of the Auditor
of Plantations, etc. One may conclude that the
Auditor's mentioning ye quitt-rents afforded matter of
joy to some people as giveing them an opportunity
to stop up the only remaineing little stream from which
I might sipp, tho' it did not affect me, but it putt the
merry conceit of your Cady in my head, when the Drum
of the Regiment had whipt a fellow at a post untill
he was all over blood, and the officer ordering him to be
taken down, Cady cry'd out, Hold, for I spye one little
white spott still under the wast band of his breeches,
and soe would have fallen to work againe, if he had beene
permitted. Prays his Lordship to put his agent Strahan
in the way of lodging his memorial, etc. I am sure my
Lords Sunderland and Sommers will assist you. You
know it was by their advice that H.M. intrusted me with
that affaire etc., and cold never foresee that it was to be my
ruine. Were I but free of debt I would still dance after
a drumm, follow another man's plow or teach other men's
children for bread to my own, etc. The Province here
owes me of arrears of sallary and money laid out for the
publick as per their own auditt and Act upwards now
of £5,000. On the account of the Palatines there is
due to me upwards of £20,000. On account of the halfe
pay officers here, £1,800. A whole year's cloathing
which I have this minute given out, not dareing to give
Arthur Moors for feare of mutiny till further orders.
Bills for the Indian Forts I know not how much. Many
of the Bills for ye Expedition returned protested, of
which I can yet make noe state. What I most earnestly
and justly begg is, H.M. speedy approbation of the Acts
sent home for ye payment of the publick debts here.
That orders may be given to satisfy what is paid here by
ye Queen's Order, to the halfe pay officers, their receipts
and vouchers being in my Agent's hands. The bills
for ye Mohock's Fort may be accepted or paid. That
I may be eased of that accursed cloathing, which if
given out will starve ye soldiers or make them desert.
And that £10,000 or one halfe of what is due on the
Palatine account may be paid to my Agent to releive
the most needy or stop the mouths of the most clamourous
of my creditors. Hard is my state indeed, if when
justice runs in it's right channell it should not reach to
me, etc. Signed, Ro. Hunter. Endorsed, Recd. 21st,
Read 28th Dec., 1715. Copy. 5¾ pp. |
| 645. iv. Account of sale of stores returned from the Canada
Expedition. Total, £1,371 7s. 3¼d. Signed, Robt.
Lurting. New York, Oct. 10, 1715. Endorsed as
preceding. 3 pp. [C.O. 5, 1051. Nos. 18, 18 i.–iv.;
and (without enclosures) 5, 1123. pp. 390–401.] |
Oct. 13.
Whitehall. | 646. Mr. Secretary Stanhope to Council of Trade and Plantations. Encloses following. As this is a matter of very great
consequence I am to signifie to you H.M. pleasure, that without
loss of time you take it into consideration, and making a strict
inquiry into the present state of Newfoundland, report your
opinion of such methods as you shall judge may be most effectual
both for remedying the present abuses complained of and for
preventing the like for the future, and for setting the Fishery on
such a foot as may make it truly beneficial to H.M. subjects.
Signed, James Stanhope. Endorsed, Recd. 15th, Read 18th Oct.,
1715. 1½ pp. Enclosed, |
|---|
| 646. i. Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to Mr. Secretary
Stanhope. Admty. Office, 12th Oct., 1715. Enclose
following. Continue:—Since the speedy bringing this
affair of the Fishery, and the good management of other
matters at Newfoundland, is of very great consequence
to H.M. service, you will please either transmit it to the
Lords of the Council of Trade, that they may turn their
thoughts towards finding out some effectual methods for
putting a stop to the great evils complained of, and
settling this matter on a better foot; or take such other
measures thereupon, as may most effectually contribute
to the preservation of a trade, which (if some speedy
care be not taken) may probably run, by these disorders,
to utter ruin. Signed, Orford, Geo. Dodington, J.
Jennings, Cha. Turner, Geo. Baillie. 2 pp. |
| 646. ii. Capt. Kempthorn (v. May 10) to Mr. Burchett. It
was the 29th June before I made the land, I met with
a great deal of severe weather, etc. Upon 8th July we
got into the Bay of Bulls. Foggy weather prevented me
getting out till July 18th, when I got to St. Johns.
The day I got into the Bay of Bulls, I was apply'd to by
a messenger from Lt. Governor Moody, who arriv'd
there the same day, and shewed me a Representation
of his complaining of a great scarcity of bread and other
provisions in the garrison, and desiring credit for the
same, for bills drawn upon the Government; I procur'd
him amongst the masters of the merchant ships 5,000
weight, at as cheap a rate as the market would afford,
which was 35s. per hundred, and by the same hands
dispatch'd it away, and had concern'd myself in procuring a larger supply, but these people acquainted
me that about 3 or 4 days before my coming in, a pink
sail'd thence freighted with ammunition and provisions
for Placentia, so that the supply I procured was only to
allow for a bad accident, that possibly might befall her,
etc. From the same messenger I was informed, that
they had no more than two fishing ships in that port;
why that harbour is not so much us'd by our Fishery, as
'twas by the French (my information is) that our boats
are not sizeable for that service, for our fishing ledges,
not lying above a mile or two, from our harbours'
mouth, our boats are built accordingly, but the ledges
of that port lying 8 or 10 leagues off, the French were
obliged to build a larger sort called shalloways, fitted
with a deck, that can keep the sea five or six days for
a loading, and without this provision made by those
who design for that side of the island, the fishery will
turn to small account; and was this method more in
use everywhere else, I believe they would find their
advantage in it; This has been but lately experimented,
I think last year was the first of it, that the sending
these small shalloways, sloops and other kind of vessels
to the Banks for fish, and when loading is caught to
come in and cure them, has turn'd to near 200 p.c.
advantage, over the shoar fishery, for the codd are so
glutted with bait in with the shoar,' that thô you shall
see the ground cover'd with them, yet they'l hardly
touch the bait. 'Tis certain that the shore fishery has
prodigiously fail'd, for boats that used to take 250 or
300 quintall per boat, now shall think they have made
a good voyage for 150; whether this is occasion'd from
the want of industry, or want of some good method
that would better engage the servants' pains, I can't
tell. I can't but recommend the New England custom:
the fishery of New England has been carry'd on with
very great success by paying their servants according
to the number of fish that is taken, that is, by giving
them a certain share, such as every sixth, every eighth,
every tenth, according to the value of the servant,
and this obliges their diligence to the end of the season;
because masters and servants advantage (by this
method) is made one, but where they pay in mony and
stated wages, it may engage the servant's diligence till
he has got enough to answer his wages, but then will be
under little concern, etc., besides it lays the industrious
man and slothfull too much upon a level, etc. The
information of a slender Fishery at Placentia, joyn'd
with disorder I found here (where lay about 30 sail)
the merchant ships in this month especially (upon
pretence of debt) endeavouring who shall be the first
in seizing the planters' fish, and quarrelling amongst
themselves who has the best title to seize, and the
planters on their side apprehensive of these designs,
making their complaints to me; that if a ship of war
should be wanting at this season of the year (which is
the time of gathering in their debts) there would be
but little justice amongst them; this appearance of
disorder, joyn'd with the former account of trade at
Placentia, prevail'd with me to judge it most necessary
for H.M. service to send only the Gibraltar to Placentia,
and to remain here myself (where there is by much the
greater rendezvous of trade, besides the several ports
that are immediate dependants upon this) to prevent
disorder breaking in upon them to the great prejudice
of the trade and hinderance of each others fishery, and
very likely, murder would have ensued without somebody
to controul them, which this time of the year has allways
been subject to, for want of some regular methods of
gathering in their debts, which the Admirals of Harbours
are incapable of managing themselves, being partys
in this affair, and as much to be restrain'd as others:
besides there is another great occasion of disorder, which
always stores up large stock of complaint, to perplex
us upon our arrivall, the neglect of deputing somebody
to maintain order in the winter, or the want of power
rather, so that the winter season is a sort of respite
from all observance of law, or Government, at that
time theft, murder, rapes or disorders of any kind
whatsoever may be committed, and most of them are
committed, without controul, and time enough given
for the offenders to make off, for should anyone concern
himself to secure the party, his design would be
withstood, as an usurped authority, and most would
take part with the offender, to suppress the usurpation,
without regard to what became of the criminal, or
what might be the consequence of his crime; and I
have been acquainted with some cases of this kind so
that there seems to be an absolute necessity, that this
particular should be provided for, that people may
always have somebody to apply to for Justice, that somebody may always be at hand to suppress disorder and
riot, and to have a lawfull power to command the
assistance of H.M. subjects in the execution of a duty
exercised for the publick good. St. Johns is accounted
the metropolis of this Island, and the discipline that
is kept up here, whether bad, or good, will have a great
influence upon all the rest of the harbours, for there is
few ships that trade to Newfoundland, but either first,
or last call in here; provisions of all kind receive their
value here, as bread, beef, pork, salt, molosses, rum,
wine, brandy etc., for what is given at St. Johns for
anything, is a necessary enquiry for other places to
govern themselves by, and the same of their owne
manifactures the price of fish, and train is first broke
here, and the whole country enquires how the rates go
at St. Johns, etc. I don't know anything that tends
more to confusion, and proves more prejudiciall to the
Fishery, then that irregularity, their ill manner of
securing their debts, etc. For about the beginning of
August the planters and by-boat keepers, that have
took up credit of the ships, either of salt, bread, rum
and the like, shall be stript of all their fish, and often
before they are cured, to be beforehand with other
creditours; and in these seizures little regard is had to the
quantity, or worth of what is seized, if the man can call
himself a creditour, 'tis sufficient, so that about this
season, great part of their time has been misus'd in
tricking and watching each other, in quarrells and clubblaw, who shall bare away the fish; from whence
proceeds the following ill consequences; The fishery
that might be carry'd on to the latter end of September,
is by these means broke up in the begining of August,
and so much time lost; very much to the prejudice of
many a ship's loading, for the planters, whose fish are
seized, are imediately deserted by their servants, because
they can expect no wages from their masters, who are
made bankrupts by it, the servants to by the same
means, left without wages, without subsistance, or any
ability to purchase their passage home, are glad to lay
hold of the first service that offers, to New England, or
anywhere, rather than run the hazard of starving here in
the winter. From these hardships laid on planters,
and servants, proceeds the cause of these complaints,
of the Fishery's being seduced away by the New
England ships, but 'tis rather the oppression and exaction, that they lye under from the masters of ships, and
Irish, and New England factors here, that drive them
away; and now I speak of the latter, I can't pass them
by, without complaining of the prodigious exaction that
these set of people use upon the planters in the winter,
that to represent the planter truely, he is little better
then a slave to the other, who after getting his two or
three hundred pr. cent by them, shall complain of his
being a looser since he has used this country, and that
he only stays to gather in his debts, and then he would
gladly quit the country, and these debts is only making
up what has been paid already three or four hundred
pr. cent more; These people are the occasion of all the
riots, and disorders that are committed in the winter
season, 'tis these that entice servants left behind to get
into their debts, and then sell them to the sloops that are
bound to New England, that one can't give it a better
term than kidnaping of those poor miserable people,
so that what by the compulsion and tyrany of the one,
and exaction of the other, both servant and planter
are glad to transplant themselves to any place, where
property and moderate dealing is better maintained
then here, for certainly 'tis nowhere less regarded. This
has made servants so scarce, that the Fishery in all its
branches is sensible of it; first, the servants from hence
make higher demands of wages then formerly, a boat's
master six or seven years agoe would ask no more for
the season then 12 or 14 pounds, and now 'tis a common
demand to ask 20, 25, and sometimes 30, and the same
of other servants in proportion, as fore-ship-men, midshipmen, splitters, and salters etc., which increase of
wages has raised the price of fish very much, so that
looking back six or seven years, it will be found that
25, 26, 28 ryalls was a large price for fish, whereas now
35, 36 are accounted easie rates, and the present year
will raise it to 38 or 39 ryalls the quintall: so that all
these ill consequences hang upon the disorderly seizures
of commandrs. of ships in the summer, and the exaction
of Irish, and New England factors in the winter; and
once secure them from these grievances, I might venture
to affirm, it would give a very profitable turn to the
Fishery, and very much of the complaining against New
England ships carrying off their men would cease.
'Tis likewise necessary I acquaint their Lordships, that
tho it is reasonable for them to believe that the
authority, that by Act of Parliamt. is given to the
Admirals of Harbours, is sufficient to secure them peace,
and quietness, and to prevent any disturbance that
may happen to the detriment of the Fishery, yet the
experience of anyone that has but once known this trade,
will affirm, that was it not for the yearly expectation
of a ship of war coming among them, the power of their
Admirals would be of little regard, so that one may
modestly affirm, they only commence regulation, upon
the arrival of any of H.M. ships, and lay it down the
moment they are gone, upon which account several go
and come with the Trade, which charge I believe they
would gladly be freed from, could they be secure of
good order in the winter; besides there are other things
that plead the necessity of a civil magistrate to reside
amongst them, the New England ships, that lye here till
our Trade is sail'd, are then under no restraint, and carry
away what men they please, who hide in the woods and
wait that opportunity of being carry'd off, for the
preventing of which, I have obliged (and shall continue
to do the same, during my stay here) every master of
a New England vessell to enter into bond with me,
that he carrys no man out of the country, unless in the
case of death, that then he be allowed to make up his
complement for the working of his ship, but otherwise
under the penalty of £10 forfiture to H.M. for every
man carry'd off the Island, and the bond to be of no
effect, upon his making oath at any Custom-house in
New England, that he has comply'd with the obligations,
of which I give him copy. This expedient of securing
the Fishery, I have presumed upon, and hope it will be
approved by their Lordships for the present, till a
better is established; the ships contribute very little
to this ill practice, and should they attempt it, we can
in a good degree prevent and discover them, but this
fault is intirely from another quarter, from planters,
servts. and by boat keepers' crews, who when their
masters make a bad voyage, are left unpaid, and so
can't purchase a passage home, and how to make enquiry
into it here, is impossible, for ships may be answerable
for their companys, but when they shall carry about
150 or 200 passengers each ship, belonging to by boats,
and land them (by agreement between them) in one
place, and the ship frequently design'd to fish in another,
'tis then impossible the ship can be answerable to carry
the same passengers back again; but were good order
once settled, 'twould soon ease our thoughts, and trouble,
for preventing things of this kind, for 'twould so much
engage the people to settle, that, 'twould rather draw
people from New England, then New England from
them: 'tis for want of this (I believe) for I know no
other cause it can so reasonably be charged upon,
their Trade here of late has vastly sunk, as is very
obvious from this, and last year's accounts of trade.
Last year there was 70 sack ships in the country, and this
year not above 18 or 20 at most, and how much more
from the same occasions it may continue to fall, their
Lordships can best judge, and prevent, etc. I presume
to recommend to their consideration such an officer
likewise as a Register, for vouching debts, and contracts,
and booking the same, to be a moderator between the
buyer and the seller, and a checque on monopolizers,
and extortioners, to be apply'd to, for understanding
what engagements any person lyes under, so that the
merchant may know who is who, and who is not
worthy of trust; and poor people then would want
opportunity of running themselves deeper in debt,
then their labours can discharge, to the ruin of themselves, and servants, and even to an entire dispair of
ever freeing themselves, which has made many a
laborious man desperately resolve upon lazyness, to the
publick detriment as well as his own: Sir, if I have
been tedious, 'tis from my good wishes to so valuable
a branch of the trade, for thô corruption of late (since
the New England factors [or rather suttlers] have
settled amongst them) has pretty much sunk the value
of trade, and people; were I to enumerate to their
Lordships what tricking baseness, and knavery, these
people were guilty off, it would make a large volumn;
yet it may be easily recover'd by good order and discipline if soon apply'd. I thought proper to give their
Lordships this early information, that if some expedient
is not thought of, by next season, to prevent what I have
here complain'd of, this trade will be of very little
value by that time. In my next letter I shall be more
particular in my complaints. 15¼ pp. [C.O. 194, 5.
Nos. 99, 99 i., ii.; and 195, 6. pp. 123–143.] |