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| July 3. | Buzanval to Walsingham. |
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| An opportunity having arisen for enjoying the grant made
him by her Majesty, he prays his honour to let him have
the letter, that he may complete the business, if it may be done.
As to the other matters of which he lately discoursed, he leaves
them to his honour's judgment and good affection for public
affairs.—London, 3 July. |
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| Holograph. Add. Endd. with full date. Fr. ½ p. [France
XVII. 92.] |
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| July 3. | "A note of complaints of our merchants against the French." |
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| The chief are: 1. "That of our merchants trading to Rouen,
whose goods, notwithstanding the general release, are like to be
stayed by a decree of the Privy Council, because in the agreement
between your honours and the ambassador, it was ordered that
all ships stayed sithence the month of January should be released, so as the particular cases stand as they did until the
commissioners appointed for those causes shall end the same." |
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| "The goods of our merchants trading to Brittany, arrested by
the Duke of Mercœur and sold by him after my first audience
and complaint made to the King thereof during my last abode in
France. |
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| "The ships of Yarmouth men sold while I remained there. |
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| "A new ship of Yarmouth taken at Blaye without any cause
or colour of arrest but to serve the King, whereof though my
lord Admiral hath written to the Duke Joyeuse twice, no restitution is made." |
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| In Waad's handwriting. Endd. with date. 1 p. [France
XVII. 93.] |
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| July 5/15. | "Advertisements out of Spain." |
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| The Spanish army [i.e. armada] will be ready to go out upon
its enterprise in a month at latest; the troops here only awaiting
fit weather to go to join the said army of Lisbon. It is not
yet known whither it is going; but it is not thought that it is
to seek the fleet coming from the Indies, as for that end it
would not be needful to make so great a store of victuals and
munition of war as have been put into fifty great ships at
Cales [Cadiz], with four galiasses and a goodly number of
galleys. I was there two days ago, where I saw them load
more than 6000 muskets and harquebusses etc. |
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| In Lisbon there are at least as many vessels and greater than
those above. There pass ceaselessly strong companies all drawing towards Lisbon. But they do not embark, which makes me
think that they have not yet all the men needed for their
design. The King of Spain has pardoned all the banished men
and robbers who were in the mountains, in order to employ
them. Two days ago, fifty captains arrived from Flanders,
and went straight to the King, whence they will come to Lisbon.
The Duc Despeche [qy. de Spes] has charge of this armée now
making ready, and some say that he will have 15000 old
Spanish soldiers out of the garrisons, without the bisognes
[recruits] who are many more; but as to the old ones, I do
not believe there are so many. There is one thing which makes
many muse, which is that there are embarking with the said
fleet twenty monks of each order. Some say that this armada
is for Larache; others that it is for escort to the fleet of
the Indies; but this I do not believe, for they would not have
embarked so much victual for so small a voyage. These are
people, as one knows, from whom one cannot learn about the
enterprise; nevertheless, having access two days ago to some
ancient captains, and discoursing thereof, they made so many
enquiries what harbours there are in Brittany and if that of
Brest is strong, I should fear they may mean to fall upon
it, of which you and your town must be on your guard. And
if this is not the design, and they wish to fall upon England,
I know that the great attempt would certainly be made in Ireland,
for being possessed thereof, they would be much nearer to England, and the King could send thither a second armada which
would be ready to land where he pleased.—St. Jacques [Santiago],
15 July, 1587. |
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| Endd. French. 1 p. [Newsletters XC. 33.] |
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| July 6. | Duke John Casimir to her Majesty. |
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| I never thought to receive the answer which your Majesty has
made me by the Sieur de la Huguerie, my counsellor, after he
had clearly shown you the necessity of the business and the
grounds of my resolution therein, upon your instance and the
promises which M. de Palavicini, your ambassador has given me
both verbally and in writing, and to many others also, that your
Majesty would not forsake me in this charge, which he has been
obliged to confess it is impossible for me to support alone. |
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| I had hoped to have prevented this your reply by two dispatches which I wrote to the said la Huguerie while he was
still with you, and had put into the hands of the said Palavicino, but instead of enclosing them in his Emden packet of
April 20, he kept only my letters to your Majesty and sent
the others back to me here. Being very sorry that you had
not by them been enlightened as to the truth of the matter,
I wrote again to you by the Sieur de Buy, then returning into
your kingdom, besides which, La Huguerie assured M. de Buzenval of it, both from Hamburg and Brunswick. Which, together
with some particularities which M. la Huguerie has reported to
me of your Majesty's present conviction of the great trouble
to which I have put myself alone and notwithstanding all hindrances, to satisfy your views (wherein I pray you to believe
the said M. de Buzenval in what I desire him to declare to you)
makes me still hope that you will not forsake so important a
matter, and so well begun, or myself, most affectionate to your
service, in the trouble wherein I find myself; referring myself
to him both for this and as to the assurance which has been
brought to me as regards the Low Countries, Denmark and others
who are connected with this affair.—Heidelberg, 6 July, 1587. |
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| Signed. Add. Endd. French. 1½ pp. [Germany, States V.
54.] |
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| July 6. | Duke John Casimir to Walsingham. |
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| I need not repeat what I have written to the Queen of the
necessity for what I have asked and still ask very urgently, as
you will learn it at length from M. de Buzenval. Words go
slowly from hence to you, while the matters themselves remain
upon my hands. I wish you nothing but prosperity, yet if you
were in my place, you would conceive how much cause I have
to urge you for what I cannot hope for or find elsewhere. I
have always valued your good affection to God's service, with
which is bound up the preservation of the King of Navarre and
of yourselves, and having so well begun, you cannot do better
offices than in what I desire, without which we can hope for
no assured result from your beginnings. I pray you then,
both in this and in the matter of the Low Countries and of
Denmark to further all these things, and to employ yourself
in the States of the neighbouring princes with such diligence
that we may speedily feel the effects thereof.—Heidelberg, 6
July, 1587. |
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| Signed. Add. Endd. Frenoh. 1¼ pp. [Germany, States V.
55.] |
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| July 6/16. | Paul Grebner to Walsingham. |
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| The writer, a German and a visionary, desires Walsingham
[in a cloud of verbiage] to present a volume of his prophecies
to her Majesty, and to procure for him in return aliquid subsidii;
and the printing and publication of the work in England at
the Queen's expense.—Hamburg, 16 July, 1587. |
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| Signed. Endd. "From one Grebner, the new prophet of
Germany." Latin. 2½ pp. [Hamburg and Hanse Towns, II.
61.] |
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| July 11/21. | Copy of a letter from Jehan Merel, mariner of Havre, to the
French ambassador, on behalf of himself and Nicholas Vincent,
complaining of the seizure and detention of their ships in the
Isle of Wight, although he left London with commission and
letters of assistance to retake possession of them.—Southampton,
21 July, 1587. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [France XVII. 94.] |
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| July 12. | "A note of the griefs of her Majesty's subjects." |
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| 1. "That such as were arrested in France have their sails
and ordnance taken from them. |
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| 2. "That the arrest at Rouen is continued, notwithstanding the
information given unto Bellievre, how the said arrest was not
agreeable with justice. |
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| 3. "That Duke Mercœur hath sold goods appertaining to her
Majesty's subjects to the value of 5000l., whereas the wine that
the said Duke pretendeth to have lost amounted to not above
the sum of 300l. |
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| 4. "That restitution be made of Sir Walter Rawley's ship."
In Walsingham's handwriting. Endd. with date. ¾ p. [France
XVII. 95.] |
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July
[Before 15/25] | "Report of the Spanish preparations" |
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| At Lisbon are 24 ships; 15 'Portingals,' 8 'Biskins' and one
of the Duke of Florence. |
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| Their provisions are on board, and their sails "across," but
they want mariners, and are waiting for those of the ships which
Sir Francis Drake burned in 'Cayles' [Cadiz], and for the soldiers
from Naples, who are to come to Lisbon and all go forth together on St. James' Day [July 25] to meet with Sir Francis
Drake and wait for their Indies (Inges) fleet. |
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| Before Sir Francis Drake's coming it was reported that this
'army' should go for Ireland, and carry with them the Irish
bishop who is in Lisbon, "for to proclaim him governor of
Ireland under the Pope." |
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| Drake arrived in 'Gaskaylles' [Cascaes], within sight of Lisbon
on Whitsun Wednesday, after the Portingales' account; men,
women and children leaving the town with all their substance.
The Cardinal [Archduke] was informed by fishermen that "Drake's
staying was for the 'nantonye' [qy. Don Antonio], for the winning
of the country"; and presently sent for all his noblemen to sit in
Council, and that day they made twenty-four Portingal gentlemen captains, some of them being sent up into the country to
make soldiers in a readiness. Before my coming away they had
armed two ports with Portingals, 'Gaskalles' and Penniche. |
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| They have made many pieces of ordnance of copper, and of
bells brought out of Flanders, before which they were not half
provided of ordnance for the shipping. "Sir Francis Drake
hath so touched them in their shipping and castles that they
were almost unprovided both of provision and ordnance. |
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| "The report is in all gentlemen's mouths in the Court of
Portingayle that the Pope and the King of Spain and the King of
France [and] the Duke of Florence, with all the power they are able
to make [intend?] to conquer England this next year and saith
the Prince of Parma shall come general and that the Pope hath
granted him to be King of England, and to aid and assist him
with all the power he is able to make." |
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| Endd. 1½ pp. [Newsletters XC., 34.] |
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| July 15. | [The Duke of Petite Pierre] to his cousin [the Duke of
Lorraine.] |
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| As to what M. de Buy and your ambassador Haussonville are
negotiating for the passage, and for the security of your subjects,
I think they are playing a terrible farce, and that they wished
the King of Navarre's ambassadors to charge everything upon
them, and to send crude and rude articles; M. de Buy desiring
to make one of that King's ambassadors to Heidelberg. I have
defeated that stroke, so that he has not gone; nor has he approved these harsh articles, but has done what M. de Dommartin and Oberamptmann Weyer know; so that you may remain
neutral, and your countries not be spoiled or burned, nor you
forced to accept the said articles, which you could not well do.
For, 1st, they wished you to promise to quit Liége; 2, not to
prosecute those of the Religion in your country; 3, to give them
free passage and security; 4, to give them 400,000 crowns.
The reasons why, if you do not come to terms with them, they
will be forced to make war against you are said to be these:— |
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| 1. That you are the chief of the house of Guise, who are
trying to put hindrances in the way of the King of Navarre,
and advance claims against him, and that to leave you in peace,
seeing what means you have to content them would much weaken
the forces of the said King. |
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| 2. That the King of France will prefer the war to be made
in Lorraine, rather than in France, against those who have
forced him, as is said, to take up arms against his will. |
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| 3. That the most part of the subjects of the crown of France
will see thereby that the King of Navarre desires to spare them
and only to attack the property of the Leaguers. |
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| 4. That it is needful for them to fortify some places in your
countries and the frontiers of Germany, in order to have safe
retreats for the French of the Religion, and meanwhile to keep
the passages open and curb Lorraine from stirring against them. |
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| Thus seeing how the comedy is played, and the misery of a
continual war on the frontiers if they fortify these frontiers,
I desired to assure you of the continuation of my good-will,
in answer to your last letter. As you know, the King of Denmark [sic] is determined to employ all his means, and takes offence at the title of Majesty; also that he has made his son
canon of Strasburg, desiring to make him King of the Romans;
I wished to warn you to seek all means to make yourself neutral;
for it will be needful to satisfy the ambassadors of the King
of Navarre and to understand the ruse of him who plays the
comedy. |
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| For my part, I have made known my opinion on the four
points:—1, that you must quit the League and offer to remain
a neutral. 2. In order to leave your subjects freedom in Religion, you should declare that you search into no man's conscience, nor will banish any for love of the Religion. |
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| And seeing that they have resolved, if they make peace with
the King, that their brothers, as they call them, in Lorraine shall
not be driven out, it is better to grant such an article in good
time than after your countries are wasted. |
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| For the 3rd article, i.e. the passage, since the Archduke Ferdinand has granted it, I advise you to do so also. |
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| For the 4th point, the demand for 400,000 crowns—which is
their chief one, for two reasons, one to give cause to their
soldiers to be satisfied without pillage; saying that this is a
country not yet ruined as France is—the Oberamptmann and
have found a fitting means how this article may be treated;
[see below] for to give them so much money at once might
probably inconvenience you, and secondly, the Leaguers would
think it ill done of you, to strengthen their enemies. On the
other hand, none of the protestant princes will give passage
to reiters for the Leaguers. |
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| For the 2nd article, it is to be considered that there is with
Duke Philip of Brandenburg, on behalf of the King of Denmark,
a still greater army than this one. For the third, in case
you stand upon your guard, the soldiers of the Leaguers will
ravage your country as well, and may put all your territories
in hazard, chiefly by the second army which will follow, and if
you do not come to terms with them, will take Pfalzbourg, Finnetrange, Salbourg [qy. Sarburg], and Lindenstat, and leave a
camp thereabouts. In this way, all my countries of the land
of 'Lhuzelstein' will be ravished at the same time. |
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| I send you M. Guitry's letter, as he desires, praying you to
return it to me. Nevertheless, I have found a fitting expedient
both for you and for my lands;—to write by the Oberamptman
that you would surrender Pfalzbourg on condition that the
Navarrese promised never to make peace unless the King of
France returns you the 400000 florins for its redemption; and
that meanwhile I would discharge the King and the churches of
the money which they owe me from past wars, and from the
contract of M. d'Aumale; and would be bound to the reiters for
300000 florins for their pay, and that Pfalzbourg should remain in pledge to them, with some other land. By this means,
neither your lands nor mine would be wasted; you may be
satisfied of your money and we shall both escape. |
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| For if Duke Casimir fortified Pfalzbourg, having the disputes and actions with him as to the heritages which you know
of, he would have me always under his thumb. |
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| Thus, my cousin, I beg you to consider seriously, and if you
do not find this method of escaping these hostile perils convenient,
to propose others, that our lands may be protected. |
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| You will have heard by M. de Ronquenalz how both the Queen
of England and the Navarrese have demanded that my son
should be made leader of the army and what fair offers Duke
Casimir has made. They have been trying to persuade me, with
many offers to be the Chief; but I see neither beginning nor
end to the business, only confusion and great mobs of people
so desirous to pillage a country, that they hardly spare these
parts, though friendly to them. |
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| I pray you send me your resolution upon this, assuring you
that whatever I can do to help you to keep neutral and to
preserve our lands, I will do very heartily; and knowing the
humours on both sides, as soon as I learn your decision, I
will make the attempt.—Ilkerich, 15 July, 1587. |
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| Endorsed as to the Duke of Petite Pierre, in error. Fr
4 pp. [Germany, States V. 56.] |
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| [Enclosed to her Majesty in the Duke's letter of Nov. 22.
See under that date.] |
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| July 16. | The Elector Truchsess to Walsingham. |
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| Thanking his honour for his letters, and expressing his pleasure that by his own to her Majesty and divers lords, the return
of His Excellency the Governor has been hastened. Has not
received the letters from her Majesty which he mentions. Will
never cease to be her very loyal servant so far as the present
state of his fortunes permits.—Flushing, 16 July, 1587, stylo
veteri. |
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| Signed. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [German States V. 57.] |
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| July 16. | Intelligence from Pompeo Pellegrini, at Florence. |
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| The 5000 footmen under the conduct of Col. Biagio Capperzucco are ready to march next week, being hastened by a courier
from the Duke of Lorraine, who returned this way back from Rome
on the 9th instant, when one of the captains of that regiment
(an old acquaintance of mine) told me they were hastened that
they might arrive in "the French Countie" about mid August,
"there to make alto [halt] or else to pass into the Duchy of
Lorraine, if so [be] the King of Navarre's Germans intend to
pass through either the one or the other province. Don John
Manriques, a Spaniard, but born and brought up in the Emperor's court, is leaving a regiment of Lanzknechts in the States
of Tyrol and Baviere" and has commission to make rendezvous
with the Italians. |
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| "By my last letters out of Spayn nothing but great doubt
of those rich fleets daily expected; and Drake hath put a great
terror amongst that people. The Fleming (fn. 1) sends me the discourse herein enclosed. . . . To me it came in the Castilian
tongue, and remembering that at my being at your Court that
tongue to be nothing 'in pritie' neither anything familiar to 3
[qy. the Queen] I resolved to turn the same into this vulgar,
Who was the exhibitor I cannot learn, but I am well assured
the King of Spain sent it to the Marques to Lisbon." Even
now M. Lorenzo, brother to him there showed me a letter from
which I see that I shall shortly be paid somewhat and that
my letters have arrived safely. "Your 'Tygre' is at Alexandria,
and we look for her shortly here. She shall receive all the
help and favour I may, or my friends here."—16 July, 1587,
old style. |
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| Endd. by Walsingham's clerk. "From A. B. at Florence."
1 p. [Tuscany I. 10.] |
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| [Probably sent by Standen, whom Walsingham calls A.B.
(See p. 286 above).] |
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| July 17. | The King of Denmark to her Majesty. |
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| We understand from your Majesty's letter that Emden seems
to you unsuitable for the purpose of negotiating the peace,
chiefly because, in case of need, matters could not be referred
[to the principals] with sufficient ease and promptitude on either
side. Also that the Duke of Parma thinks that it is for you
to fix the time and place of the said negotiation, and lastly,
that you will certify us of these by an accredited servant as
soon as you have learned from the said Duke what his mind
is in regard to the peace. |
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| Whereto we send you our loving answer as follows:—In the
first place you will see by the copy of the Duke's letter to us,
dated last month and enclosed herewith, that he does not reject
this friendly overture for peace, but even undertakes to send
his commissioners to the place and at the time by us proposed.
In which letter he makes no mention whatever of his having
left the said time and place to you to decide, nor do we know
what may have passed between you in regard to this business.
Nevertheless, as he does not reject but embraces our friendly
negotiation, while your Majesty deems the time and place appointed for it to be hardly convenient for either side; we must
needs sound both your mind and his, whether you seriously
desire this friendly treaty, and where and when you would
have it take place. For as to sending our men to Belgium
where there is scarcely a single place to be found exempt
from the intrigues of faction, suitable for such a negotiation
or even according our men sufficient security, we can by no
means suffer ourselves to be induced thereto. Besides which,
your own wisdom, even though we were silent, will apprise
you that insomuch as our ministers—who while aforetime they
were in Belgium on a mission from us in this business, were
inhumanely treated by the soldiers on both sides, and barely
escaped with their lives—have now returned to us, it would
be hardly right, nay indeed it would be grievous to us to
send them thither so often to no purpose and subject them to
such peril. Wherefore we lovingly beseech your Highness, as
you value our fraternal union, to inform us by letter as soon
as possible, whether, where and when it is your desire and
pleasure that this negotiation be undertaken, that we may weigh
the matter and decide what to do, either in undertaking, promoting, or—if by our so pious, sincere and friendly zeal and
endeavour we have gained nothing—in altogether abandoning
this business. |
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| We have made known your declaration to the Duke of Parma,
and at the same time, in a friendly way have required him
to defer for awhile the despatch (which he wrote he intended)
of his commissioners to Emden, until he have a plain answer
again from us as to your mind. And so we expect from your
Highness a clear and perspicuous response at an early date.—
"In Villa Logagger," 17 July, 1587. |
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| [Covering sheet wanting. Pasted on to the back of the Queen's
letter; see p. 323 above.] |
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| Signed. Add. Endd. Latin. 2 pp. [Denmark I. 96.] |
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| July 18. | William Lyly to Walsingham. |
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| When Mr. Waade was here, he informed himself of my case
and promised to do what he could to restore me to favour where
I was disgraced. I told him all my errors, and my desire to
repair them and to be held a servant of her Majesty's and my
country. He wrote that he had delivered the same and that it
pleased your honour to accept my services. I beseech you to
believe that touching my services to my mistress, I observed all
loyalty, diligence and affection, and that my errors never smelt
of crime, whatsoever my malicious observers have supposed against
me. My course into Italy and the place of my abode there were
sufficient to prove "that my retreat thither was to live as of
my country, no contrary, but there to have studied in time to
have served the same." I will go into no further details as I
told all to Mr. Waade, but will all my life dedicate my services
to your honour and pray for your long life and prosperous
health.—Paris, 18 July, 1587. |
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| Add. Endd. Seal of arms. 1¼ pp. [France XVII. 96.] |
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July 21/31.
[latest date.] | "Occurences of News." |
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| St Gallen, Switzerland, 16 July, 1587.—We have certain news
that our men going to the King of France, six days ago came
to the confines of Lothringea. Yesterday came news from Shaffhausen "that the ten ancient Switzers who were sent from the
five Popish towns to serve the King of France, were met by the
King of Navarre's horsemen, who gave them the foil, and for
the most part have slain them; whose captain was Redix von
Sweitz." This day the news is confirmed. |
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| Wiglosh [qy. Siclos] in Hungary, 16 July. |
|---|
| On the 13th inst. the Turk showed himself thereabouts, with
horse and foot, and hard by the fortress carried away a gentleman's daughter and hewed a soldier in pieces. The next night,
he set upon Shitmia [qy. Szigevar], "a flight shot from thence,
with certain thousand men," set it on fire and burnt 130 "great
countrymen's houses and 800 persons in them." The rest, partly
he hath with his sables [sabres] hewn in pieces and part carried
away captive. He tried to take the castle but could not, save
that he set the roof on fire whereby some poor men were
smothered and choked. |
|---|
| On the 15th, he entered five towns belonging to Bathimani
two miles from Guisinge, which he partly spoiled and partly
burnt. The rest of the men, beasts and spoil, he carried away.
The Turks are assembling between Gran and Buda, to the
number of 20000 men. |
|---|
| Vienna, 25 July. Yesterday the Pope's Legate delivered the
hat and sword to the Archduke Ernestus, in the Augustine Friars
church. Some think the Pope has sent him 100000 crowns, and
some that he will be King of Polonia. The Legate is gone
towards Gretz [Gratz] and so back to Rome. He hath had
great banqueting and gifts bestowed upon him. |
|---|
| Prague, 29 July. No news from Poland. Our and the other
ambassadors not yet heard by the Estates. "The election is
deferred until the Chancellor be agreed with 'Borophsky.' There
will nothing be done before Bartholomew time." |
|---|
| Frankford, 23 July. The King of Navarre's men have passed.
There is not 5000 horse and foot in all behind, who are to be
used for a rearward. Three hundred horse and footmen have
spoiled and burnt a town near 'Strasborowe,' belonging to the
Bishop, because they would not let them in, nor give them victuals for their money. |
|---|
| The Princes are returned from the Assembly at Naumburgh,
but no one knows what they have treated there or concluded,
for they called none of their doctors, councillors or secretaries
into counsel, "but have distributed the offices amongst them, and
served themselves. The Assembly hath been soon ended; God
grant that some good be there done." |
|---|
| Rome, 25 July. Four thousand soldiers are gone out of the
realm of Naples to Genoa. A new commission is come from
Spain to muster soldiers. They of Malta have taken two Barbary
galliots. "The Turk maketh the Goletta very strong." Captain
Camillo Manelli, a Florentine, is here with the Pope's leave to
take up soldiers for the Guise; and Sir Prospero Colonna is
looked for to muster a certain number for the King of Spain. |
|---|
| Venice. 31 July.—Letters from Constantinople advise that
Ochiali is departed, and Celesti, viceroy of Algiers is chosen in
his place; or others say, the Grand Turk's son-in-law. Ochiali
has left behind him a great treasure and one only son, whom
"the great Turk had caused to be retained, as the custom in such
cases is." Signor Marco Antonio [Colonna] is gone from Lisbon
towards Terzera to meet the fleet coming from Peru; and
"Draques" is retired into England. From Corfu comes
news that the gallies of Malta "have fought with seven Turkish
gallies eight hours long, and have taken the Turkish Assan Aga."
Rheinhausen, 15 July. Duke Casimir and his men of war
gather daily to come to the place of mustering, which is to
be about Hagenau. No great matter of horsemen are yet come,
but they are looked for in great multitude; wherefore the Bishop
of Spire has sent 700 quarters of oats over the river of Rhein
to a place here next adjoining. The Bishopric of Spire is sending
wine and oats at Duke Casimir's desire to the Neustat, "and if
they had not done so, he would have fetched it." |
|---|
| We thought the horsemen would have passed the river, but
some of them go towards 'Strasborowe.' The footmen "will
not be suffered to pass the Marquis-ship [of Baden?]. They take
the Berghstras[se] and so through 'Prurin' [sic] towards Brassels
[qy. Bruchsel] and from thence to Wynegarten, through the county Palatine. |
|---|
| Meissenheim, 29 June. "Duke Otto of Lunenborowe passeth
here through the County Palatine with 12000 horsemen and
10000 footmen; is almost past the river of Rhein, and goeth
towards Elsass Zabern, where there meet him 12000 Switzers and
200 Gascons, 600 horsemen and many other lords and men of
arms"; there will be in all 35000. There they muster, and from
thence go towards Lorraine into France to the King of Navarre,
who also is very strong. "The Guise feareth this matter, for he
is not very strong, and his aid doth not come as it was thought;
neither is the King well pleased with him. Duke John Casimir
doth not go himself; but yet he is the chiefest in this action,
and provided all things necessary, and is well provided of men
of war in his whole county Palatine. And the lord Henry von
Stein is daily looked for with 1500 horsemen . . . so that the
Bishops upon Rhein and the Duke of Lorraine do fear him,
and dare not put in ure that which they purposed. |
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| Frankford, 16 July. All thought, as Duke Casimir had the
chief banner and other furnitures made here, he would have
gone himself in person; but for care of what might happen in
the County Palatine, he hath committed the charge to some of
his officers. "The Prince Elector of Mentz keepeth at Konigstein, and will not trust this matter." |
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| Endd. 3¾ pp. [Newsletters XCV. 34.] |
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| July 22. | Truchsess, late Elector of Cologne to Walsingham. |
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| Having already replied to his letter of June 21, this is only
to inform him that although the Earl of Leicester has found
affairs very unready, yet he hopes that the mere presence of his
Excellency will work good effect. They will find by results
what he himself has already written to her Majesty, his honour
and others, and consequently who are her Majesty's true friends.
—Flushing, 22 July. |
|---|
| Signed. Add. Year date given in endorsement. French.
½ p. [German States V. 58.] |
|---|
| July 22. | William, Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg to Queen
Elizabeth. |
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| Is informed by his subject, John ab Horn, a citizen of Ulzen that an English merchant, one Harry Alington, in August
and September last received in London two sums of 100l.
sterling by his factors, Melchior and Andrew Berends, to be
remitted by his servant Rizert [qy. Richard] Hassel to Daniel ab
Eizenn at Emden; which servant, four days before the first
payment fell due, departed from Emden, leaving a note to the
effect that he had not money to make the promised payment,
and that they had better sue his master for it. |
|---|
| John ab Horn accordingly wrote to his factor, Gerhard Heidtman, (who on Melchior Behrend's death had been put in his
place in London), bidding him with all diligence procure satisfaction from the debtor; being greatly damnified by not receiving the money on the appointed day, and so unable to keep
his word with those to whom he had proposed to pay it. |
|---|
| To this, his said agent replied that Alington had sold his
house in London (where the money was borrowed) and was
living with his family in a suburban villa, and in answer to
the application for payment, tardily replied that if Horn would
forego a third of the debt, and give two years' credit, he would
find sufficient sureties for payment of the residue. |
|---|
| Meanwhile, he was living in good style in his villa, and 200l.
would barely suffice for his yearly expenditure; this by reason
of the trust he placed in some young nobles, either his patrons
or connexions, and who, it was said, had inspired him with
the hope that for two years no creditor would vex him by
demanding payment of debt. |
|---|
| But as this delay and unjust failure to pay the debt was
bound to result in very great loss and detriment to Horn's
affairs, he had prayed the Duke to intercede with her Majesty
in this his most just cause, that she would constrain the merchant aforesaid, her subject, to pay the debt, the amount whereof,
principal, loss and interest included, would exceed 1050 thalers.
[The rest only complimentary verbiage].—Celle Luneburg, 22
July, 1587. |
|---|
| Signed. Add. Endd. Latin. 3 pp. [German States V. 59.] |
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| July 31. | Buzanval to Walsingham. |
|---|
| Today M. de Stafford's minister has given me the letter which
I send you. I am very sorry that there is discord amongst those
who could do such good service, if they would come to an
understanding. However matters may be, I do not justify the
Abbé [del Bene] for taking such offence against his friends as
he has done; but I dare assure you that up to this time he
has not betrayed the public cause; for if you call to mind the
good letters and advice which he wrote to make void the trial
of the Queen of Scots, you will see this proceeded only from
a mind resolute for what is good. I have them all, and know
that they moved the Queen when I communicated them to her.
It is the surest argument of his fidelity, to which however I
would never trust the main parts of my master's affairs. |
|---|
| I also send you a letter to me from M. de Clervant, although
I believe you already know what he writes.—London, last of
July, 1587. |
|---|
| Holograph. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [France XVII. 97.] |
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| July. | Stafford to Walsingham. |
|---|
| I send you a letter from M. de la Noue, written to me
from Geneva. |
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| "I am yet about that matter of 'Floushinge,' and to discover
one that hath had conference with the Duke of Guise about
it. I have his name and mark . . . yet I cannot hear what
is become of him . . . |
|---|
| "There is somewhat a practising by Paget, Morgan, my lord
Paget and the Bishop of Glasgow about Scotland . . . The
Bishop of Ross is gone into Flanders about the managing
of some practice. My lord Paget goeth shortly after about the
same, under colour of going to the Spawe." [Undated.] |
|---|
| Holograph. Add. Endd. by Walsingham's clerk "July 1587."
1 p. [France XVII. 98.] |
|---|
| July. | Spanish Memorial, endorsed by Burghley: "Discourse to move
the King of Spain to enterprise some force against England." |
|---|
| The uneasiness caused by this Corsair Drake to Spain, and
consequently to the whole world moves the writer (from desire
for his punishment and zeal for his Majesty's service) to put
in writing this short opinion, praying his Majesty to deign
to listen to it with the same sincere good will with which it is
offered. |
|---|
| His Majesty, as a most noble and christian Prince is the
friend of peace, as appears from his having preserved it by
good treatment of his friends and neighbours, as also by upholding his garrisons and fortresses, for, as is shown by many
examples, ancient and modern, a powerful King, desiring to
preserve what is his own, can take no better course, holding this
as his maxim: che chi ben conserva, non acquista, ne meno conservando può levare la volontà a cattivi di procurargli disturbo. |
|---|
| These reasons should prevail more with his Majesty than with
any other prince, since his great dominions are so scattered,
and much of his power rests in things moveable, like the fleets
of both the Indies, which cannot be defended by garrison or
fortress. |
|---|
| And now this corsair disquiets the world, nor is it likely
that he will pause, but will go on further and further, lured
by his rich spoils and urged on by ill neighbours. His Majesty
should therefore resolve upon the enterprise against England,
the chief stirrer up of this trouble in the Indies; nor can he
better do it than at this time, finding himself safe as to matters
in the East and other princes of moment being occupied with
civil dissensions which cannot be appeased, being for the cause
of religion. Many other princes will be on the side of his
Majesty and to none will it be so pleasing as to his Holiness,
who is able to aid it greatly by men of war, money and prayers
for victory. |
|---|
| The Spanish kingdoms, by the special grace of heaven are
now strong enough to defeat any great army and navy whatsoever, having ships enough to conquer a much greater Kingdom
than England, and captains, generals and soldiers, both by sea
and land, accustomed to win battles, and more desirous to wage
war than to hold garrisons. |
|---|
| His Majesty is bound to this enterprise in the first place
by christianity [or Christendom] and also by his title of Catolico.
His soldiers will go gladly for the rich booty there, that kingdom being the most luxurious [il piu delitioso] and richest in
the world; where there are no soldiers save the few who have
learned their trade in his Majesty's school [i.e. in Flanders] and
no fortress at all of any strength. |
|---|
| [Concerning the invasion of Julius Cæsar, who pretended no
other cause than the extension of the Roman Empire and withal
made his conquests so quickly and with such glory to himself.] |
|---|
| There is no need to put forward the difficulty of a sea-fight,
or to imagine an infinite number of vessels, as we have seen
occasions when she has not been able to bring together forty
vessels, although she knew that a fleet was coming no less
strong than her own. |
|---|
| And granting that she could put together two hundred or
more, most part of them are more fit for piracy than to fight
a real battle. Nor can any comparison be made with Drake's
successes, because so far he has not been brought face to face
with soldiers whose ardour is ever increasing. Thus this Drake
will go on increasing in daring, trusting more in their negligence
than in his own valour, until, when they one day change to
passionate resolution, they will make him, without doubt, fall
into their net. |
|---|
| Still less must we imagine that this nation is particularly
valiant by sea, since it was seen in the year of the naval
defeat given by the Marquis of Santo Croce to the French at
the island of Sun Michele, (fn. 2) that the first vessels which took
to flight were the English. |
|---|
| If his Majesty will loosen the curb on his anger, the valour
of his warlike soldiers will be sustained and their minds stimulated. There are no means of coming to terms with men, or
one might rather say with women without faith and without
laws, and the rather that they are already allured by the riches
of the Indies, nor does he see any substantial difficulty which
might interfere with the battle, if the matter be taken in hand
with judgment, seriously and openly, and the rather that a
royal enterprise cannot be prepared secretly, and even if possible
it would not be well to do it. Thus it was the custom with
the Romans to announce it by a herald, whereby they might
quiet the suspicions which other princes might conceive of
secret preparations, and that the enemies' charges might be
increased by his calling in the aid of strangers, which is wont
to prove the total ruin of the provinces and has often resulted in
those succours making themselves masters of the realm which
had called them in, as happened in this same England, when
it took the name of 'Angli' from the stranger nation called upon
for help, who in short time made themselves masters of the whole. |
|---|
| Stranger soldiers, who care for nothing but their pay, if they
lack their due, fall quickly into mutiny, and it is doubtful how
this Queen's treasure might support so great a charge. It is
known how much a single regiment of Germans receive, and no
others are to be had, the French being occupied with their civil
wars; and in short, of whatever nation they were, all would
be in confusion in that realm, and the Queen made odious to
her natural subjects, since she alone would be the cause of the
evil, who now stands in fear of the discontented and the
Catholics, for though they cannot be relied upon, it is very
likely that there might be tumults in favour of his Majesty. |
|---|
| The enemy may adopt three ways of defence, putting aside
the procuring aid of foreign princes. |
|---|
| The first, that having called in great numbers of foreign
soldiers, they should resolve on a naval battle; the second only to
defend the land; and the third, which is the worst, to resolve
on both these things, dividing her forces between land and sea.
As to trusting only to the sea, although they should have a greater
number of men and ships, he holds the victory secure, as the
quality of the Spanish vessels will suffice to withstand the whole
armada which may be united in the northern parts, especially
if they are disposed in the following manner. |
|---|
| Nave di Gabbia (fn. 3) 60. Soldiers 18000. |
|---|
| Galleons, 25. Soldiers 10000. |
|---|
| Galleasses 6. Soldiers 3000. |
|---|
| Galleys 40. Soldiers 4000. |
|---|
| Pinnaces and pataches, 40. Soldiers 3000. |
|---|
| Vessels 171. Soldiers 38000. Spaniards 16000. Italians
12000. Germans 10000. |
|---|
| There must also be 2000 pioneers distributed in the said ships. |
|---|
| It will be very important also to have 1000 horses, seeing
there are very few war horses in that kingdom, and the country is
open and very suitable for them. |
|---|
| Does not speak of artillery, munition etc., supposing that these
will easily be provided. |
|---|
| Above all, they must seek very quickly to attack the fleet,
which, with all its power, will not be able to withstand his
Majesty's. And God having given them the victory, they must at
once land in England, in a port convenient for the ships which
should continually go and come, both from Spain and Flanders,
carrying necessaries and assuring the sea, for the enemy's
fleet being routed, it is not likely he can bring together ships
to resist them, as the English will have enough to do on
land and their confederates would be much troubled to gather
a fleet; for on innumerable occasions has been seen the negligence
and confusion of allies, they not being able to do anything
effectual save in the first impetus. |
|---|
| The troops being disembarked, a site must be seized where an
earth fortress must be quickly built and fortified, and a sufficient
garrison left there for its defence; after which the whole army
should march for London (unless the naval battle had been so sanguinary that there were not 15000 men left, in which case the
captain general must do what he finds best) for great peoples
who for many years have not had an overthrow are incredibly
timid, no one taking any important resolution, or knowing what
course to steer. For example, see the sack of Rome by the Duke
of Bourbon, and in more recent times the famous sack of Antwerp. But if he wait until the people round about overcome
their fears and recover courage, it is impossible to take great
cities by force. |
|---|
| If the enemy resolve only on defence by land, they will at once
lose their greatest power, for they boast of being the stronger at
sea; yet they will not be able to hinder the disembarkation, seeing
that it has been often declared on other occasions as a thing
impossible to prevent, and once landed, an army of the strength
mentioned above may sustain itself against anything the enemy can
do, the wise and prudent general making good use of the situation;
and if by chance he should find the enemy reluctant or not yet
able to give battle (as it is not probable they will be, the Queen
not having the Indies to supply so great charges) and ours
should remain there some days, the enemy will be disheartened,
seeing that the invaders do not leave the sea, but keep it always
behind them for convenience of victuals, although the better part
would be to fight as soon as possible, the whole depending on
the suddenness of the battle. |
|---|
| And if the enemy resolve on defence both by sea and land,
the first thing to do will be to rout his fleet, in order that
it may not annoy the ships going to Spain, whither they should
return, leaving only the galleons and the galliasses. |
|---|
| It will doubtless be easy to defeat this fleet and this will
much facilitate a victory on land and the further carrying on
of the enterprise by the wisdom of the Captains general; these
only needing a sudden resolution in all things; wherefore by
the help of God, in a very short time the whole thing will
be made easy, seeing that that kingdom is open and without any
fortress whatever. |
|---|
| Does not treat of the advantages which would result from the
conquest of England, as they are so plain that all may see, but
would have consideration taken of how much the defence of the
fleets imports every year, and the trouble which will go on ever
increasing by the injuries done by the enemy in all parts. |
|---|
| Some will say that France will join to hinder the enterprise, but
this is impossible because of the discords there already mentioned. She could do nothing by sea, for she has neither
quantity or quality of ships to obstruct the passage, as was
shown at the naval battle at the island of St. Michele, when
twenty-five vessels of Spain routed sixty of theirs. |
|---|
| And if they wished to land in his Majesty's country by way
of diversion, they could only do so in three places, one
of which is the frontier of Navarre and Ghipusca, where one
knows the roughness of the passes, the well furnished fortresses and the warlike people, as much so as in any part
of Spain. It is not to be thought that they would attempt it
by the state of Milan, so faithful to this crown, and where,
besides the opposition which might be given by the Duke of
Savoy, his Majesty's son in law, there are in every pass fortresses
to hold at bay and wear out an enemy for a year, even if
the governor did not resolve, for his Majesty's sake to attack it.
And if they should wish to attempt anything by Flanders, putting
aside the hatred conceived in that people by the tragedy of
Alençon, and calculating the worst, which would be for the
soldiers of his Majesty to be shut up in their garrisons, this is
to believe that what were gained in so many years and with so
much blood would be lost in a moment, and even so, this would
not interfere with the brevity of the battle in England. |
|---|
| There will not want those who will speak of some stirring
on the part of the Turk, which presupposes that he is freed from
the Persians and Tartars, whereas it is notorious how they press
upon him and that he could do nothing more than some incursions
and plundering of villages and open places upon the coast; for
is it not known how much time he spent at Malta, which defended
itself so valorously against his great power, forcing him in
the end to depart with hurt and shame; and if he should wish
to undertake anything of importance, he would have all the
princes of Italy against him, as being the common enemy. |
|---|
| Denmark and Germany, so much thought of by many, can only
aid for their own interest, having no other cause to assist England, for they cannot suspect that if his Majesty should make himself master of that realm, it would prejudice them in any way;
nor would the cause of religion prevail therein, from the diversity
of the opinions held by the Lutherans and the Calvinists, so
that who has most money in that land shall have most part of
the German people. |
|---|
| All enterprises are in God's hands. His Majesty has just
cause to act, et poi il pro et il contro si resolve in infinito. |
|---|
| To God then be the issue commended, who on other occasions
has shown himself to favour with his divine aid his Majesty's
just enterprises. |
|---|
| Endd. by Burghley as above. Italian. 13 pp. [Spain II. 83.] |
|---|