|
| Oct. 1. | Stafford to Walsingham. |
|---|
| The King and the League play here at mock-holiday (fn. 1) one with
another. One day they send to the King the reiters be passed;
another day they be not; one day they are a great number, another day they be but few, poor and beggerly; one day that they
have no forces, (which indeed is true, and that they only mean
to stand upon the defensive), and desire the King to help them
with forces; another day, which is the last and untrue, that
they have forces enough, and that if the King will send them
800 horse and money (which they would fain finger) they would
take upon them to defeat them afore they come into Lorraine. |
|---|
| "The King he mocketh at them in all the answers he sendeth
them. For men, he saith he doth what he can to gather for
himself, and they come slowly on, and disgarnish himself he
must not; money he would fain have, and doth what he can to
get in, and cannot for himself, and in the end, that he is sure
that they have enough of both and that he trusteth to them
that they will never suffer them to come into France. |
|---|
| "For my part, Sir, I do hope to see the League ruined quite
and overthrown, or at the least so bare that the King hereafter
shall master them, and not they master him. . . . Under-hand
they do what they can to see if there might be a peace spoken
of, and that they might be motioned unto it; and sure the Duke
of Guise's secretary is come hither for that purpose, and the
King knoweth of it and laugheth at it, and I can assure you
hath said (I pray God he do it) that he will ruin them. |
|---|
| "Speaking with the Pope's nuncio the other day, he said that
a man could no more than he could do what he could by commandments, by fair means, by foul means, to assemble all the
forces he could together, to seek all the means he could to
maintain the wars, to go himself in person, which he protested
he would do rather with the four thousand Swisses he had here
and those few that he had, rather than he would not do it; and
hazard his life in person for the defence of the Catholic faith,
and when he had done all he could, that he could do [no?]
more than was in his power, and in that was excuseable to
all princes in Christendom. |
|---|
| "I pray God that this army of strangers, which indeed is
great, and the greatest that ever came into France, be not made
unprofitable either with the falling out of the French among
themselves, that bring it, for the commandment and particular
ambition, as I know that is written from Geneva that there is
already great jars among them, and is extremely laughed at here,
or else that [if] it be not well employed in time, that they begin to
mutiny for lack of payment or some other such great mischance
which great armies be subject unto. |
|---|
| "The marriage of the Princess of Lorraine with the Duke of
Nemours, so much sought by them of the League and promised
so assuredly of the King's part at Meaux that it should have
been ended the first day of this month by this account, was
put off till the eighth, and then to the tenth, now to the 15th
and great wailing, thinking it will not be at all; which for my
part I have always believed, and am of that mind still. |
|---|
| "I cannot tell what I should write unto you yet either of answer
for the releases in Brittany or for the matter of the excesses done
by the King's ships of Newhaven and Dieppe, which I complained
on to the King at my last audience, for I have yet no answer
of that, nor can get any; and yesterday I received a letter
out of Brittany, which I send you herewith, that M. de Mercure
will obey none of the King's letters, [which] I have made be
translated and sent this morning to M. Bellievre and M. Brulard,
desiring that both of that and the rest I might have present
answer and effect such as they had promised, and not be any
longer delayed, or else I should be fain to write unto her Majesty
to take what order she should find best for the safety of her
subjects, which I thought we should find a way to do easily . . .
which if between this and my next there be not remedy for,
truly I know no other way than to take as many as can be
taken and stayed, and they will be glad to render; and in the
mean time to take order that no English ships come hither, that
they may not stay them here . . . and I think that they will be
the first that will be weary of it."—Paris, 1 October, 1587. |
|---|
| Postscript. "I had forgotten to write you a thing worth the
laughing at, of a news that is here that a great many did
believe of a treaty of peace with Spain and her Majesty; that
my lord of Derby and my lord Cobham were going over for
the matter. And that was written so confidently out of the
Low Countries hither that the Spanish ambassador himself could
not tell what to believe of it; and for fear it should be so
indeed and that men should not think but that he was acquainted
with all things, he told a very private friend of his that what
show soever he made, he had perchance more wrought in the
matter than he was aware of; but bid him keep it secret.
But he desired nothing more than to have it told abroad. |
|---|
| The King is in a great manoeuvring of the King of Navarre's
fighting with M. Joyeuse. He sware yesternight that he would
if it cost him a hundred thousand crowns M. Joyeuse were [not
th]ere and had no forces, for that if the King of Navarre were
beaten the State was lost. |
|---|
| Holograph. Add. Endd. 3 pp. [France XVII. 122.] |
|---|
| Oct. 2/12. | Reply to the six points alleged by the Sieur de Montigny (fn. 2) in
his letters for concluding that it is in Lorraine that they ought
to wage the war, fortify themselves and make themselves masters. |
|---|
| 1. That the Duke of Lorraine is the cause of all the evils. |
|---|
| Reply. That this army was raised to go into France, establish
the churches there and assure the affairs of the King of Navarre.
That in all capitulations made in Germany the confession of
Augsburg and the States and Princes of the Empire, including
the Duke of Lorraine, are excepted; that those who wished to
make war upon the authors of the League with this army should
seek the Pope and the King of Spain, without whom the House
of Guise would never have dared to think of it. And that the
above is not in order to excuse the said Duke, but that it is
hoped to bring him by treaty to what could hardly be obtained
from him by force of arms. |
|---|
| 2. That upon the war in Lorraine depends the re-establishment of the churches of France. |
|---|
| Reply. That besides the reasons given above, if the army
should tarry in Lorraine, it would dwindle away through fighting, sickness and the withdrawal of many of the stranger troops,
being so near their own country, and its delay would give the
French King time to act against the King of Navarre, and thus
the succour for this King and the churches would end only in
smoke. That on the other hand, when the capitulation was made
it was expressly stated that the army was to go to the King of
Navarre while it was fresh, and that only having the necessary
means to take it there, it must if possible pass through Lorraine without fighting. That the Queen is well affected to a
peace for the preservation of the house of Guise, as also for
the Duke of Lorraine, of whom they are the supporters, and
that the said Duke will solicit it as much as he can. And that it
was settled to make the war in France without regard to the question whether the King would aid the League or no; that they do
not wish to attack great and strong places, nor to lose in so doing
both time, men and munitions, and as to the good Frenchmen,
these will be able to see more nearly than in Lorraine that
the animosity of this army is only against the Leaguers. |
|---|
| 3. That it is to the great interest of the King of Navarre that
the war should be made in Lorraine. Reply. If this had been
so, it would have been expressly added in the capitulation,
wherein no mention is made save of France; nor did the said
King either by his letters or his ambassadors seek anything
else. That in bringing this army into France, he does not design
to harm his friends, but only those of the League; and that for
the space of two years he has made known to the good Frenchmen that he has postponed as much as possible the coming in
of this army, seeking all means to save the people therefrom,
who so far have been trodden down only by the League, by whom
he has now been forced, for his conscience and the preservation
of his honour, to call it to his aid. |
|---|
| 4. That making the war in Lorraine would enable the Catholic
princes to execute their enterprises. |
|---|
| Reply. That on the contrary, by going into France, they divert
forces for the relief of the King of Navarre, and give elbowroom to the said princes to carry out their designs, which are
chiefly between the Seine and the Loire, where few troops will
remain. That in the capitulation, there was no regard had to
this, but on the contrary it was agreed that the King of Navarre
should take horse with the said princes and M. de Montmorency
a month before the entry of the army into France. |
|---|
| 5. That M. de Bouillon has interest therein, for the revictualling of his fortresses and preservation of the churches of
Champagne and this side the Loire. |
|---|
| Reply. So far from this, we have been well informed that
M. de Bouillon having been of late driven to arm for his own
defence, knew well that it was better not to draw so many open
enemies down upon himself and has forbidden those in his
town of Jamets to fall upon or wrong the subjects of the Duke
of Lorraine. That there is nothing in Lorraine fit to cover the
strong places of the Duke de Bouillon and it is decided that
both this and their revictualling can be better done by not
in any way swerving from the capitulations and doing service for
the King of Navarre as agreed by the said Duke taking his
own measures, as it is assured that he will do. That as to the
churches of Lorraine and on this side the Loire, they will be
covered by what will be done for Sedan and Jametz in going
forward into France, and the agreement to have some of the
towns in the provinces for surety of the said churches. That
the said M. de Bouillon has enough open enemies of the League
in France without constraining his other neighbours to disgorge their ill wills suddenly against him; and this army, if
it should come to be diminished, enfeebled, and perhaps disbanded for lack of means, might end by being his ruin; as already
by other like resolutions he has been thrown into great difficulties and dangers, from which he must thank God for being
delivered, and beware in the future lest he should fall out of
the frying-pan into the fire. (fn. 3) |
|---|
| 6. In regard to the honour of the Prince [qy. Casimir] to
whom they write. |
|---|
| Reply. That his honour consists in doing what he has promised
in this matter, as he does and will do, even better if that is
possible, for the re-establishment of the churches of France and
the safety of the King of Navarre. That so doing, it would be
rather a dishonour to those who would force him to do things to
which he is not and cannot be bound, without offending against the
laws, ordinances and constitutions of the Empire, and in many
other respects; and throwing himself into great and needless
dangers. That by fulfilling his promise, he hopes to show the
King of Navarre and the churches that he has done alone more
than was advised by his relations, friends and servants, and
does not expect, in reward thereof (as he who writes says) to
be taxed in his honour by those who have been, and still more
now are bound to him for the affection he alone shows towards
them, hazarding all for their preservation; which doing, they
cannot but have the like care for his, and for his honour, as he
is assured they will, not having so much regard to him who
wrote as to the judgment of the King of Navarre, for whom
he has entered into this trouble, and all the churches who have
sufficiently known in the past his desire for their peace and
preservation. |
|---|
| As to the affairs of Germany, one knows what is good both
for them and for those of the Low Countries, having intelligence
and correspondence to this end with those who have the charge
of these countries, and know what is proper for them and how
to demand it better than any others. |
|---|
| Endd. with date. French. 6 pp. [France XVII. 123.] |
|---|
| Oct. 4/14. | Du Pin to Walsingham. |
|---|
| An honest man, who has fought in Flanders under "Monsieur Nourriz" has brought him his honour's letters. Has presented him to M. de Turenne, and he is now at the camp.
[Compliments]. |
|---|
| This prince [the King of Navarre] has many graces and gifts
from God, and seems to be born for some great purpose, but
he must have aid in order to resist so many and so powerful
enemies. He is warding off their blows, but must not be forsaken. If he had not constancy and resolution, he could not
maintain himself. |
|---|
| He is now going against the enemy. They have tried to hold
him back by examples from the past and by representing the
consequence of a combat ventured upon at so unfit a time,
but in vain. |
|---|
| Prays, for God's sake, that he may have the aid he needs for
crushing his enemies. A little help and he will overcome them
all.—La Rochelle, 14 October, 1587. |
|---|
| Signed. Add. Endd. French. 1 p. [France XVII. 124.] |
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| Oct. 7/17. | M. De Taffin to Walsingham. |
|---|
| Yours of the 5th ult. were delivered two days after my man left
for Holland, on the business of which I wrote to you at length
on Sept. 24 new style. You tell me that as a treaty of peace
was about to be entered upon with the Duke of Parma, you
thought the Queen might find such undertakings unfitting; whereupon I was about to recall my man, but reflecting that she might
think it not a bad plan thus to engage and annoy the enemy, I
have come to the resolution that in case they send me what
the gentleman demands (which is only paper) I will say and do
nothing until I have written of it again to you. And it seems
there is more appearance of war than peace, for, either because
it might be had more advantageously, or for fear of France,
or for need of succouring those of the League, it is certain that
the Duke of Parma is making new and great levies. |
|---|
| They advertise from Antwerp that there will soon be twenty-five
thousand new soldiers, Germans, Italians and Spaniards, besides
what may be drawn from the villages. M. de la Noue wrote to
me on Sept. 13, old style, that as well as the 4000 Italians who
have already passed, there are also 10000 Italians and Spaniards
marching towards the Low Countries. And as he has heard
speech of this treaty of pacification, he adds that great care
must be had, remembering what cunning people are to be dealt
with. I can also assure you that the Duke of Parma is furnishing abundantly with all sorts of munition the towns on the
frontiers of France and even the castle of Tournai, into which
he is putting victuals for a year, which amazes me greatly,
seeing that it is so far within the country. They send word
from thence that the Duke will shortly be in the field with an
army. |
|---|
| As for news from these parts, I spoke yesterday with a man
come from La Charité, who says that the army of the reiters
is close to it, and on the 12th, new style, had summoned the
town to surrender. There are in it only two hundred harquebusiers besides the burghers. The King is at Montargis, assembling his army, and resolved (as is said) to fight them, having
to this end sent word to Messieurs de Guise to join him with
their troops. Many think that they will not come, in which case,
and if the Swiss army be not fought with, the cause will be
imputed to them. It is believed that the King of Navarre is
marching with his troops towards the said town of La Charité,
taking with him the Comte de Soissons and leaving the Prince
of Condé in Poitou. M. de Monpensier is in the [French]
King's army and is to lead the vanguard, which, as some
think, is one of the reasons which prevents the Guises from
joining it. It is reported that a great new levy is being made
in Germany both of horse and foot; and that as great a number
of Swiss are coming also; but I doubt this last. A man
lately come from Brussels tells me that he there heard from a
very good source that the Duke of Parma has declared openly
that he sees well that peace will never be established in the
Low Countries unless exercise of both religions be granted to
them, from which it would seem that he would be inclined to
accord it; and that he wished to invite both her Majesty and
the States of the Low Countries to hearken to a peace. And this
person also says that he greatly fears the armies which are
in France. |
|---|
| They write from Constantinople that the Turk is making peace
with the King of Persia, and that he is arming. This, and what
is happening here may well determine the King of Spain to
grant a peace to the Low Countries under better conditions
than perhaps otherwise he would do.—Paris, 17 October, stilo
novo |
|---|
| Signed. Add. Endd. French. 2¼ pp. [France XVII. 125.] |
|---|
| Oct. 9. | M. de La Noue to M. de la Pre. |
|---|
| I have learned from a Hollander come to this town how little
harmony there is between the English and those of that country,
who says that matters are in such a state that it will be very
difficult to put them right again. I will not recite the accusations of each against the other, or their justifications, for you
know them better than I do. It grieves me much to see that
this long tragedy may end to the glory of those who persecute
us and the confusion of our own party, for though not able
to aid in person, I have a very great desire for their welfare
and preservation. |
|---|
| You are like those who after a long voyage, having almost
reached port, fall together by the ears. You bear the name
of United Provinces, but by your cleaving to things which may
break this union, you cause your friends to give you a contrary
name, and your enemies, by this opening, may enter into your
bowels. |
|---|
| You write that in the book that has been printed, I have
discoursed well of the evils arising from discord. Judge thereby,
I pray you, how to avoid them. It seems to me that you ought
to put before yourself the state in which you were after the
taking of Antwerp, and truly it was such that without the aid of
the Queen of England, you were in very great danger, for I
hold it for certain that the Hannibal who is in Flanders, with
his forces, his gold, and his intelligences would in a year have
prevailed over you. You have now even more need of her help,
and by a good understanding with her, great benefit will ensue
for both nations, who are equally hated by the Spaniard and
threatened with the like vengeance. You both make profession
of the gospel and uphold a just cause, and it should follow
that it is easy for you to agree and difficult to quarrel. And yet
one sees that those whom you accuse of superstition and violent
rule are never in that state of discord into which you have fallen. |
|---|
| I am assured that some of yours, and those amongst the
chief ones, have said that they would rather give their towns
back to the Spaniard than to the English, and that the English
say that they would like to make peace and leave this savage
people, unworthy of being aided, to perish. This is hard for
me to hear, but harder to have to say it to those who ought
never to have come to this point. It is no strange thing for
friends to complain one of the other, for it happens often
even with brothers, but as the wisdom of these induces them to
provide against this, so your faithful counsellors on both sides
should take means to obviate the causes which engender fear
and suspicion, and to promote confidence and love. If those
who are aiding you desist and try to come to terms with the
Spaniard, being constrained thereto by the murmurs, suspicions
and animosity of your people, certainly one cannot blame them,
and you, being abandoned will be in great danger of being
lost; but if for slight causes they should abandon you,
and you were powerful enough to preserve yourselves by yourselves, I should not then counsel you to call in auxiliaries.
But your own forces not being sufficient to do more than retard
your ruin, you must needs throw yourselves into the arms of
some, and I do not see who can better protect you than the
English, who are of the like religion and bound to defend it in
order to preserve themselves. And they being powerful at sea
(a thing on which I lay great stress) and experienced and brave
warriors, why not choose them; and having chosen them, why
discard them? If they wished to subject you to hard conditions,
you might rightly seek to throw off this new protection or domination, but if the causes which make you suspicious on both
sides are but the natural faults found in every nation, instead
of taking offence, you should give them the hand in friendship
which you have clenched to hit them. |
|---|
| Why do you think that the fifteen or sixteen thousand Italians
and Spaniards now passing this way are going into Flanders?
It is your dissensions which have called them thither, and if
you continue these, you will be forced into a bad peace, while
if you renounce them, the enemy will little by little disperse;
for you know that in your ruined country, victuals are dear
and scarce, the cold very bitter, money short, pay small, and the
Italian nation so delicate that before four months had passed,
they would have greatly dwindled away. Therefore you should
join together with one will and with united forces to sustain
the attacks of your enemies, and by the wisdom of the two
nations to build up a firm mutual understanding, for if you are
so unhappy as not to be reconciled, you will give your enemy an
assured hope of winning the game, who making use as cunningly
of the fox's skin as they do vigorously of that of the lion, would
give you so heavy a fall that you would never be able to
recover from it. |
|---|
| My affection for the welfare of your nation, and conviction
that you are one of my good friends has carried me thus far.
Now I wish to speak of the private matter of the Sieur de
Sainte Aldegonde, who, they tell me, is suspected both by the
Hollanders and the English. I am very sorry for it, for he is
a personage worthy of being employed. I have always known
him zealous to the Religion and to his country, and can testify
that his heart and hands are clean, and if it had been otherwise, I should have known it. His example has made me the
less regret the promise which I have been forced to make not
to bear arms in your country, for I have reflected that since
he who has had such credit and authority amongst your people
and has never transgressed his duty has not escaped calumny
and dismissal, what would they have done to me, a stranger,
if I had continued to serve them? Terentius Varro lost by his
fault the battle of Cannea, yet when he returned to Rome and
offered the rest of his life in aid of the Republic, then reduced
to extremity, he was not rejected, but well received, for not
having despaired of the same. It cannot be imputed to M.
de Sainte Aldegonde that he lost Antwerp. He gave it up
when it could not save itself; and if I had been on the side
of the States, with 12000 men, I could not have saved it, for
having seen the superb defences made by the Spaniards, I hold
that they were impregnable. I say this from my compassion
for persons of merit who suffer from their fellow citizens without cause in these terrible storms, for as the betrayers of
their country ought to be sternly punished, so should the good
patriots be honoured. After the reduction of Antwerp, if I had
wished to complain of those of the town for not redeeming my
son from prison, who had served them so well, I might have
done so; and I assure you that the Prince of Parma said to
me, when I was conducted to him, that he had been in the said
town six months sooner if it had not been for my son, who
defended 'Lislo' [Lillo], yet none ever heard me utter a word
of complaint, but I have always excused them and said that they
had done for me all that they could, although I have since
known well that if they had insisted on this point, it had been
decided to release him. But it is of the ministers of the King
of Spain that I have cause to complain, who not content with
the great ills they have made me suffer, still torment me in the
person of my son, who, being a stranger, they afflict with small
reason, and at the beginning of this year put him into a filthy
tower, where he thought he should die. I have kept my word
to them, and they have yet continued to treat me with rigour,
which leads me to think that their reason may be that I am so
well affectioned towards you, and that they will do the like to
you if they overcome you either by force or by cunning. This
may serve to render you more united with your friends, more
wary in what you negotiate with the Spaniard, and more resolute
in fight. In fine if you will help yourselves by all human means
for your preservation, I believe that your deliverance will come
from God's hand, who will do more at one stroke than you can
hope for by a hundred thousand, and will marvellously bring to
a happy end your marvellous war. Put then your hope in him;
pray to him, and as he has delivered me from the midst of
death, so will he deliver you in his good time from your long
afflictions.—Geneva, 9 October, old style. |
|---|
| Postscript. They write from Basle that more than five hundred Italians have already passed, going towards Italy. If you
have news from Paris, pray send them to me. |
|---|
| Copy. Endd. French. 3 very closely written pp. [France
XVII. 126.] |
|---|
After
Oct. 10/20. | "The order agreed upon between the commissioners appointed
by the French King for matters of depredation and the ambassador, for granting of letters of reprisal on either side." |
|---|
| The Sieur de Bellievre, President Brisson and Secretary Pinart,
commissioners together with the Admiral [Joyeuse] to enquire
into the matter of the depredations between his Majesty's subjects
and those of the Queen of England, having communicated with
the Sieur de Stafford, the said Queen's ambassador, and made
report of his complaints touching the letters of mark; and
having also considered the great complaints daily made by the
King's subjects of the small justice they are able to procure in
England for the said depredations:—it is resolved: |
|---|
| That for maintenance of the good correspondence between that
King and Queen and their respective subjects, the warrants for
letters of mark which are or may be granted by his Majesty
against the English shall not be delivered formally until three
months after the précis on which they have been adjudged and
granted shall have been communicated to M. Stafford, who,
during the said three months may, if he thinks good, take order
that the parties interested shall be satisfied; and the like shall
be done as regards the King's ambassador in England; and the
said two ambassadors shall certify to the parties interested the
date of the presentation of the said précis. And if the said
parties have not been satisfied within the said term of three
months, the said letters of mark shall be dispatched and delivered to them. |
|---|
| And his Majesty has desired this present ordinance to be sent
to the ambassador, that he may not pretend ignorance thereof. |
|---|
| With note that this was read to the Queen Mother in the
presence of the members of the Council at Paris, 20 October,
1587. Also, that the King has since written that he approves
thereof, and, by his letters to the Queen Mother, prays that
it may be observed. |
|---|
| Copy. Endd. French. 1 p. [France XVII. 127.] |
|---|
| Oct. 12/22. | Fœlix Herbert, Baron of Fulstein to Walsingham. |
|---|
| Has made it a rule during his wanderings in foreign parts,
that on nothing would he bestow more pains than in gaining the
friendship of illustrious men. For this he has everywhere
striven, and in this, God be praised, he has everywhere succeeded. And having in France heard of his honour's fame,
he resolved to go to England in order to include him in the
number, which, by his zeal, or rather by his honour's kindness
he has now brought to pass. He has but one fear; lest by
long absence, his name, not as yet imprinted in his honour's
memory by any services, may be overlaid by the rust of oblivion.
This he hopes to prevent by very frequent letters, of which he
promises there shall be no lack until he finds some other means
of testifying his extreme regard. In return prays his honour
to do him the kindness of offering his devotion to her Majesty
as the humblest of her servants.—Paris, 22 October, 1587.
Holograph. Add. Endd. Latin. ½ p. Seal of arms. [France,
XVII. 128.] |
|---|
| Oct. 13/23. | Count Edzard of East Friesland to the Queen. |
|---|
| Letter of which the English abstract is given below.
Signed. Add. Endd. Latin, 2½ pp. [Hamburg and Hanse
Towns II. 68.] |
|---|
| Oct. 13/23. | "Abstract of the Earl Edzard of East Friesland's letter" of
this date. |
|---|
| 1. "Complains that notwithstanding his forwardness in granting from time to time unto our Merchants Adventurers their
privileges and residency at his town of Embden, yet they have
lately departed from thence to Stadium on the river Elbe or
Albis without his knowledge: not considering with what trouble
and danger he sustained the complaints exhibited against him to
the Emperor and Princes of Germany by those of the Hanses, for
granting our merchants residence at Embden. |
|---|
| 2. Desires her Majesty would not carry an hard opinion of him,
for this their removing of themselves from Embden, being done
without his privity, or any hard measure offered them on his part. |
|---|
| 3. Promiseth to perform whatsoever her Majesty shall at
any time hereafter require of him, so far as the allegiance he
is to yield to the Empire shall permit etc.
½ p. [On the same sheet with other letters. Hamburg and
Hanse Towns II. 72 III.] |
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| Another copy of the same Abstract, with only a few verbal
differences. [Ibid. II. 77 I.] |
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| Oct 14 | "Articles for the relief of her Majesty's subjects trading
Spain and Portugal, if the treaty of amity do proceed." |
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| All acts committed by any of her subjects, by sea or land,
against the King of Spain or his subjects since the last treaties
in 1568 to be freely remitted. |
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| All her subjects committed to any prison or the galleys since
then, other than such as lie for debts, murder or other notorious
offences to be set free. |
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| The 'prematyca' (fn. 4) restraining the bringing into his dominions
English commodities to be repealed. |
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| That her subjects who have incurred the penalty of the law
for carrying gold, silver or jewels out of his realm, or forfeited
any bond made for employment of money made of any merchandise brought into it shall be freely remitted, nor they compelled to answer the same. |
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| That her subjects "being no dwellers there" may be dispensed
from keeping accounts in any other language than [that] they
best understand. |
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| That they be "admitted to their action for all their goods . . .
detained or committed in trust to any of their friends or factors"
since Dec. 24, 1585, other than such as have been "manifested
to the Justice to the King's use and the possession come to his
Majesty", nor shall any punishment be inflicted on any person
concealing the same. |
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| That the ports of his Majesty's dominions be free to her
Majesty's subjects, to come with their ships and merchandise
(the East and West Indies only excepted) and not to be restrained
to any certain port, but to come "where their ships may ride
in most safety, themselves best entreated, and most commodious
for vent of their merchandise." |
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| That they be not compelled to pay custom for any merchandise
save what is landed and sold in his ports. |
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| That her Majesty's subjects may with their ships and merchandise trade freely into Turkey and Barbary, not carrying
any munition or armour other than for their defence. |
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| That their ships being freighted in England, and the merchants bound to relade them for England or Ireland, they may
be suffered to lade without the goods being taken to lade in the
ships of the King's subjects, for which many of them have been
forced to compound, to their great loss and hindrance. |
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| That whereas King Henry VIII. "granted unto his subjects his
charter for the establishing of good government among themselves
in Spain, which charter Charles V. . . . did ratify and confirm;
by which government the subjects of this realm did so demean
themselves that great quietness to the subjects of both princes
did ensue; which government her Majesty's subjects by some
disagreement among themselves did neglect. And then her
Majesty, being often troubled with the suits and complaints of her
subjects for extreme wrongs and injuries offered unto them there,
did not only direct her special letters to the King, but also
recommended their complaints unto her Highness' ambassadors
there, who still received for answer that if her Majesty's subjects
were reduced into good order and government . . . such inconveniences would be avoided, and the ancient friendship the better
continued"; whereupon she not only renewed and confirmed her
father's grant, but enlarged it for the better government of her
subjects trading into Spain and Portugal, which charter is
nothing prejudicial to the subjects of that King, and therefore
desired to be confirmed by him as his father confirmed the
first.
For religion and freedom of conscience. |
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| "That none of her Majesty's subjects be enquired of nor compelled to answer for the religion they use in her Majesty's
realms nor upon the high seas, neither those that come to visit
their ships do henceforth swear any of her Majesty's subjects
to be of the Romish Catholic church and religion; neither shall
her subjects be compelled to answer to any question . . . touching their conscience or religion." |
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| That her subjects going thither to trade, "and no dwellers
there, be not compelled to go to their churches, neither commanded to be shriven or receive their sacraments, nor to go
upon any pilgrimage, or to do or follow any other of their
ceremonies that is there used; or be compelled to take any
of the Pope's bulls or pardons. |
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| "That if any of her Majesty's subjects do meet their sacrament in the street, going to be ministered unto the sick, or to
meet their processions, such . . . as will not commit idolatry as
his subjects doth, shall not be called in question if for the
avoiding thereof he turn into some by street or turn back again,
and shall not be imprisoned or compelled to answer for the
same; neither shall her Majesty's subjects, in contempt or to the
offence of his people, use any speech or gesture if he or they
will not shun the same. |
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| "That if any particular person contemptuously or by accusation
do offend the orders or religion there used, that for the offence
of one mariner, the ship, merchandise and the rest of the
mariners . . . shall not be attached;" neither shall any factor,
having other men's goods and merchandise in his possession,
lose or forfeit the same, other than such as shall be proved to
be the proper goods of the offender. |
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| "The three first articles were in effect assented unto by the
King, in the time that Sir Henry Cobham was her Majesty's
ambassador; notwithstanding, the Inquisition have not spared
ever since their tyranny against her Majesty's subjects. And
the King either durst not or would not publish the toleration
agreed upon, therefore if her Majesty's subjects may dwell upon
any security, the chief of the Inquisition must yield to have the
same published and to get it ratified and confirmed by the Pope:
otherwise her Majesty's subjects shall no way be releived, but
depending there upon, bring themselves in greater trouble."
Endd. with date. 2 pp. very small writing. [Spain II. 84.] |
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| Oct. 15/25. | Baron de Dhona to her Majesty. |
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| As the Duke of Bouillon and the French lords of the King of
Navarre's council in this army are sending this gentleman to
her Majesty, to represent to her its true state, he has, at their
request, made bold to accompany their dispatch by this letter,
knowing her zeal for the welfare and advancement of this cause,
and the pleasure that it will be to her to hear that they have
happily come from Germany to the banks of the Loire, notwithstanding the hindrances of those of the League, who have
followed and pressed upon them, but since they have seen them
(to their great regret) so well arrived in Lorraine, have only
approached to their further shame and hurt. Assures her
Majesty of the entire harmony between the different nations composing their army and their zeal for the cause; who never
more gladly forget all the hardships they have suffered than
when there is talk of fighting. And if they may receive some
satisfaction worthy of their goodwill and resolution, as is both
expedient and necessary, her Majesty will see that opportunities for doing their duty will never occur so often as they
are wished for, and that they will cheerfully bestow their lives
therein.—Camp at Briare, 25 October. 1587. |
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| Signed. Endd. French. 1 p. [France XVII. 129.] |
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