|
| April 1. | M. H. de L'Hospital du Fay to Burghley. |
| As your health does not permit me to see you, to fulfil my
master's commands, I have thought it needful to write this to
you, praying you to look at it, and to grant the King of Navarre
thereupon the favour and friendship which he has always promised himself from you. |
| I have been sent hither by him chiefly for three things: to
thank the Queen humbly for the favour and assistance which
she has granted him hitherto; to inform her to whom must be
specially imputed the blunders which have occurred in the conduct of the last foreign army which we have had in France, and
finally to give her to understand the present state of the King
my master's affairs, and learn what aid she is willing to give
him in the future. |
| The first point I have already fulfilled, and I believe that her
Majesty is well satisfied therein. |
| As to the second, I send you a copy of the discourse which I
have drawn up since coming hither of what has passed from
the time of the entry of the Germans into France up to their
retreat. |
| It is most true, as you will see if you will take the trouble
to read it, that the fault was not on our side, and for my part,
I am ready to submit it, written and signed with my own hand,
to be disputed, if need be, before all the princes of Christendom. |
| For the third point, I am assured that if you will aid the
King, by your good advice to her Majesty, as much in the future
as you have done in the past, I may depart from hence better
satisfied for him than [otherwise] I should be. You well know
the state of his affairs; that it is beyond the power of his
enemies to undertake anything against him provided he be supported, but also that it is out of his own power to sustain alone
the brunt of this war. He must therefore either seek the
means of bringing it to a speedy end, or he must have succour:—
succour which at this time he is more able to employ to advantage than ever during this war; whether from the advantages
that his forces and his party received from winning the battle
of Coutras and other small but happy successes which he has
since had; or that for the same reason his enemies are weakened, as also greatly harassed and broken by pursuing that
foreign army; so that if they had had, or might now have to
sustain a fresh attempt, they could not have done it in France. |
| If then the King is to be succoured, it can only be by means
of the Queen or of the princes of Germany, or both together, and
to this end he has dispatched me to her Majesty and has also
sent to them. |
| My charge was to show her Majesty that the obligations received by my master from her in the past bind her to continue
them, and that her time and trouble, and the money she has
spent will all be lost if she does not give him the means of
making an advantageous peace; whereby he shall be enabled
to repay her money and by many services to acknowledge her
friendship: That England is as it were the head of the Christian
religion; that the King of Navarre and his party are an arm
thereof; aye truly the right arm, and if this arm be cut off, the
head will be enfeebled and unprotected: That there is question in
our civil wars not only of religion but of the State: That putting
aside the common cause of conscience, the King of Spain has a
great interest in preventing the King of Navarre from ever
being called to the crown of France, because of the Spanish
pretensions; and her Majesty has also a great one, not to suffer
the Guises to invade her on the ground of the Scottish quarrels
and the designs they have always had upon her State. Thus,
she must aid the King of Navarre in such sort that he be not
only maintained as regards his own party, but that he may
preserve his hopes and right of succession to the crown, since
she sees that the King of Spain, her enemy, openly supports the
party of the Guises. For if she be still at war with Spain, she
has very great reason to desire our preservation, for her own
safety; and if she makes peace, she must yet always fear war
so long as there is a Pope; yet these dangers may be kept at a
distance by giving us a more liberal aid. |
| On the other hand, if she abandons us in time of war it is
certain that her enemies, after achieving our ruin, will be the
more ready and desirous to turn against her with all their
forces. And if she leaves us in time of peace, she may be
assured that having finished with us, they will not wait long
before beginning a new war against her. By these reasons
I have shown her Majesty that she ought to succour the King of
Navarre and have humbly prayed her to do so. I have put
before her the Estat of the army which we asked for; the commodities with which, of our poverty, we would furnish it,
and what we hoped from the princes of Germany, chiefly from
her example. She desired me to specify the sum which we
asked for. I did this without any charge [from the King],
having no order for the limiting of her liberality. |
| To all this I received a very cold answer, and such as I am
greatly perplexed how to disguise to my master; so as to make
it acceptable to him, and thus prevent his necessity from constraining him to fling himself into a dangerous course. |
| I am commanded to continue my journey into Germany, to
solicit the princes, with the assurance that when her Majesty
should see what aid and succours they would give my master,
she on her part would consider what she ought to do; wherein
she promised not to fail. |
| I put entire confidence in the word of so great a princess,
but I conceive the princes of Germany less well affectioned to
my master than the Queen. I believe that she has greater means
than they, and that she is the head of those of the Religion;
they only an arm, and that arm, moreover, often asleep. I think
that even if they were grown quite cold as to helping us, the
example of the Queen would warm them; but I do not believe that
if we lost the affection of the Queen, his Majesty would be able to
recover it by the example of the German princes. |
| In conclusion I said to her that it must always be for her to
begin; and to our own reasons I added one peculiar to herself,
viz.: that it is to her interest not to let it be thought that
those of the Religion can have any other head or that we can
be aided by other help than her own. |
| But in spite of all these reasons, her Majesty persisted in
her resolution. If she continues therein (which your good and
wise counsels may prevent) judge whether I shall not be constrained to take it for a refusal and a miserable one. I know
that she must hold her own State more dear than ours. Charity
begins at home, and as one of our proverbs says La chair est
plus proche que la chemise. If she shall say frankly (if it be
so) that the wars she has to support, and the charges she herself
is at, prevent her from doing anything for us, my master could
not complain of her reply, provided also that her Majesty would
be pleased to consider that in this case we are to be excused if we
seek some new counsel. But to entertain him with des ambages; (fn. 1)
not to give us the means of defending ourselves by arms and to
take away our hope of thinking of repose in some other way;—I
know not, Monsieur, if my master will not find that a little hard.
Either her Majesty has resolved to succour us or no. If the
first, the more promptly the better, before his expences grow
higher; while our enemies are worn and harassed by their pursuit of our foreign army, and we ourselves feel the fruit of
our victory. Undoubtedly in the present state of affairs, we
can do more with ten men and a hundred crowns, than, six
months hence, with three times that number. |
| If, on the contrary, which God forbid, her Majesty has resolved not to aid us, it seems to me that her affection for the
King demands that she should tell him so at once, without disguise, in order that we may take thought for ourselves, before the
results of the war constrain us to demand not a composition
but mercy. |
| Nevertheless, between these two extremes, I chose what
seemed to me a middle way. I prayed her Majesty to put
100000 crowns into Germany, without obligation to employ them
for us, but only to appoint them to go thither. |
| For these monies, being there, may not only be useful for her
own affairs, but the report of their being already disbursed by
her for us would have made me much bolder in pressing the
princes, and this example would have been marvellously helpful
to me. And when her Majesty had seen by our negotiations
with the princes some progress made in our affairs, it would
then have been time enough to order that her fund should be
employed therein. |
| Truly, I very humbly prayed her that she would be pleased
to send with me some man of quality, who might report to her
what we had done with the princes and on whom she could
rely, so that, having heard his report, she would be able to
judge if she should employ her money in Germany or no. With
this proposal, I offered, on our part, to have 50000 crowns sent
into Germany within three months, with protestation that until
her Majesty were entirely assured that the said sum was there,
the King my master would agree to be in no way succoured or
aided by her. |
| These, Monsieur, were the offers I made, but her Majesty
proved obstinate, refusing not only to send money thither, but
to let me be accompanied by some gentleman of her own, who
might have countenanced our negotiation. That is, refusing
me not only the means, but the favour of a word. |
| I know not Monsieur whether, upon reflection, her Majesty
may not find that it is of some moment to her so suddenly to
grow cool towards the King of Navarre upon his change of
fortune. The princes of Germany may refer me as easily to
the succour of the Queen as she refers me to that of the princes.
If I rest content with her reply, I cannot refuse theirs, if it
be to the same effect. And thus, running from one to the other,
all our time will be spent in useless negotiations while our
enemies are energetically carrying on the war against us. |
| This is God's cause, in the defence of which it is more honourable to be first than last. It is also the cause of her Majesty,
who will more quickly feel the effects of the preservation or of
the ruin of the King of Navarre than will the princes of Germany. And what shall I say to them when I reach them? What
news shall I take them from hence? What will they believe of me?
And when I have returned to you, what will you believe of me?
Fabulœ. |
| I have received commandment from my master to address
myself particularly to you, as what he asks depends particularly
on your charge. He knows well that in all other affairs the
Queen does nothing without your advice, but that in matters
of finance she almost entirely governs herself by you. And
because of the long time during which she has made use of your
service in the government of her state, has very great confidence
in your experience and fidelity. The King my master having long
proved your good affection to himself, has great cause to rely
upon your credit, friendship and good-will. For this reason
I much wish that I could have spoken more privately with you,
being moreover charged to inform you of certain particulars
which concern yourself. |
| Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley's clerk "1 April 1588.
M. du Fay to my lord" and by Burghley "Being sent from
the King of Navarre. A defence of the King of Navarre upon
the departure of the Almains out of France." French. 5 pp.
[France XVIII. 54.] |
| April 1/11. (fn. 2) | Advertisement from 'Bullen.' |
| There is about 'Abvyle' some 700 of M. 'Domale's' company,
that lie scattering in the villages, and some in the suburbs of the
town. There is no intent to besiege 'Bulloigne.' |
| The apparent cause of their coming was "that M. Domale
would have the government of Pycardye for the Duke of Guyse;
and division being in the towns between him and Duke 'Pernowne'" for it, this small number was sent to be put where
they might be received into the said towns. "'Abvyle' is
doubted to stand for Guyse, but hath not taken any garrison
for him." It is doubtful what Mutteryll [Montreuil] will do.
Bulloigne will not receive any men for 'Domale', yet suspected
what they will do. 'Amyance' [Amiens] stands firm against
him. The King is at Paris. |
| "This day or tomorrow the Queen Mother meets with M.
'Domale' at Soyssons to pacify the matter, and to withdraw him
out of Picardy. If he shall refuse, it is said the King will levy
forces against him. There is a very great power that lies
in Artois, from St. Omers as far as 'Namewer' [Namur] whereof
there is footmen 25000 and 4000 horse, all for the Prince of
Parma. |
| M. Gourdayne's ship is laden at 'Callyce' with wheat and rye
for Spain, and two ships preparing at Bulloigne to go with
it. |
| A Scottish captain is come from the Spanish ambassador at
the French court with letters for Scotland, and one Lentroppe
with him and a Scottish priest whom my man met in 'Mutterell'.
They were in Bulloigne on Monday and so passed by land to Callyce. The Captain's name is Simple. The priest is chaplain to a
French nobleman, and says he is going to the Bishop of Rosse. |
| Endd. "Ad: from Bullen, 11 April, 1588. 3 pp. [Newsletters IX. 38.] |
| April 2. | M. de L'Hospital to [Walsingham.] |
| Monsieur, it is for you to do your duty. I yesterday left her
Majesty undecided whether to send one of her gentlemen into
Germany to countenance my negotiation. I believe that a word
of advice from you would determine her. I only ask for words.
An verba quoque negabitis? You would be right, Non soletis
verba dare. But for this time, since you cannot do better, give
me at least the favour of your words. If, at this assembly
of the princes at Hamburg, her Majesty may be pleased to have
some one of her own, who would assure those people of her
good will towards us, I feel certain that this example would
greatly rouse them and that we should be able to accomplish
something. And I am convinced that this is in your power. |
| Her Majesty has promised of her own accord to write by me
to Duke Cazimir. I beg you to remind her of what I had the
boldness to say to her: that it was needful for her in this letter,
to give him to understand the confidence she had in me, that I
might speak to him the more boldly when he sees that I do so
not only in behalf of the King my master, but of her Majesty.
She has promised me to do so. I am extremely vexed not to be
able to see you, but it cannot be helped. |
| Holograph. Endd. with date by Walsingham's clerk. French.
1 p. [France XVIII. 55.] |
| April 2/12. | "Advertisements from 'Roan' of the preparation of the King
of Spain." |
| Yesterday there arrived here a Breton called Roderiges Heymande, who thirteen days past left Cales [Cadiz] in Spain, where
both French and Flemish ships were stayed until the Spanish
fleet should have departed. So that if a ship of 'Marcelees'
[Marseilles] had not touched there, none could have come out
of Spain by sea; which stay was made that no news might be
carried to England. |
| He says there may be 200 sail of ships, nearly all being at
Lisbon, but fourteen of the greatest gallions at St. Lucars.
There are said to be 30000 men ready to go aboard, and the
common bruit was that the gallions would depart from St.
Lucars about the 10th inst., and the rest of the fleet on the
15th or about the end of this month. |
| "The news was there that the Duke of Medina, Admiral of
Spain, had already received the King's packet; which was not
to be opened till he should be at sea . . . so that no man could
certainly say to what place they should go." The common
bruit was that they were to land in Scotland, but of this there is
no certainty. |
| The party now arrived says that corn and victuals in Spain
were very reasonable for price, and plentiful; and this year,
there was like to be great store of corn, by reason of the moist
spring. |
| As to Sir Francis Drake, "he said that whilst he was at
Cales [Cadiz], the Spaniards made two alarums and put themselves all in arms because they saw certain great ships making
in towards the Bay, which they were in doubt had been Sir
Francis Drake's. |
| "And for this one's opinion . . . he thinketh that the Spaniards
will never be able to accomplish their determination, being too
weak at sea; and I do not doubt but God willing they shall be
overthrown, for God no doubt will fight for his church, to the
overthrow of Antichrist." |
| Endd. 1 p. [Newsletters IX. 39.] |
| [April, beginning of?] | The Queen to Duke John Casimir. |
| This gentleman, the Sieur de la Fay, being charged by his
master, our good brother the King of Navarre (who, from his
fidelity and prudent carriage holds him as one of his best
servants) to go to you on his behalf, we have not wished to let
him depart without our letters and to beg you—as you have
already shown your good affection towards his Majesty, as a
prince adorned with every virtue; and who, by his piety deserves to be esteemed by all those who value honour and virtue—
that now more than ever you will give him your accustomed
friendship and affection, and will likewise treat effectually with
the other princes of Germany, who are well affectioned to the
common cause and to the preservation of the house of Valois
(with which the princes of the Empire have long been allied)
that they may not brook that those of the League should have
the means to prevail and to ruin it, or to bring about the ruin
and extirpation of our good brother, the Most Christian King,
who, as the chief of that house is the one mark at which they
aim, in order to destroy it, whatever pretext they may make
to the contrary, under colour of religion; seeking by the ruin
of all those well affectioned to the common cause to promote
themselves; a thing which assuredly all the Princes of Europe
should take to heart, and be assured that the ruin of this royal
house will bring near to them their trouble, although they think
that the fire is far distant from them. And inasmuch as we
are given to understand that you have still in your hands some
part of the contribution given by the princes friendly to this
cause in Germany; and that those of the League are determined
this year to make a final effort to crush the said King, who (to
all human appearance) has not the means to make head against
them without outside aid; we very earnestly pray you not only to
consider how the remains of the said contribution may be employed for the raising of fresh forces, without, however, diminishing any part [made] for the defraying of the charges incurred last year, and very ill employed, for want of some prince
of quality to command the troops (a thing entirely against our
expectation, seeing the agreement and capitulation made in this
regard) but also to consult and treat with the other princes, and
persuade them to increase their contributions, in case that there
does not remain enough for the levy of forces sufficient to stay
and bridle the attempts of those of the League, and prevent them
from accomplishing their designs against the King our good
brother. And so, having no doubt either of your sincere affection
or of your diligence in undertaking this affair, as duty and
honour demand, we pray God to assist you in the carrying out of
this business and in all your other actions. |
| Endd. "April, 1588. This letter was first penned in English
by Mr. Secretary; but her Majesty did not like to write in such
particular sort of points, lest that the letter might be intercepted. So that another was made, but of compliments, to Duke
Casimir, and sent by M. de la Fay." French. 1 p. [Germany,
States V., 72.] [Printed as showing more than any pre
vious letter the attitude taken up by the Queen in relation to the
French King. It was probably drawn up before M. de l'Hospital took leave of the Queen on April 2, though he did not
leave England till later.] |
| April 3. | M. de L'Hospital to Burghley. |
| I yesterday took leave of her Majesty, and left her with some
inclination to countenance my negotiation by sending some one
of her own to the assembly of princes at Hamburg. In God's
name, help to determine her to do so, since your affairs will not
suffer you to aid us with money. It is at least the best thing
you can do for us at this time. I know you can do everything
in a much greater matter. In this, which is of so small consequence, and needs but a word, I am convinced that if you so
advise her, it will be done. Believe me there is need for it,
if you do not wish to desert us entirely. |
| Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley with date. French
1 p. [France XVIII. 56.] |
| April 3. | M. de Damberey to Walsingham. |
| Mr. Ratcliff's reply will show you what he has been able to
do in regard to your recommendation of Madame Rohan, whose
journey depends upon the arrangement of her affairs. I am
sure she will act in all things by your advice, into whose hands
I commit her. I hoped at once to have sent her your reply and
the safe-conduct you have had drawn up for her, but hindrances
have arisen. If there be anything else in which I can serve you,
I shall be happy to receive your commands. |
| Signed. Add. Endd. "4 April, 1588." French. 1 p. [France
XVIII. 57.] |
| April 5. | Stafford to the Queen. |
| "On Sunday last Pinart came to me according as I writ you
in my last that the King had said that he should; whereas first
I told him, according as the King bid me that upon the speech
that he had used to me from the King, that your Majesty (fn. 3) had
made me answer in such sort as I did think that the King had
great cause to think himself beholding unto you. That seeing
that it pleased the King to send him to me, that I could show
him the letter first written with your Majesty's own hand, as I
told him, and so he took it to be. Afterwards I read unto him
the contents in French in all points, saving the beginning I
turned it in reading as though it had been an answer upon the
speeches he brought me himself last; and the leaving out that
point which I writ to you in my last the King commanded me to
leave out. When he had heard me (for I read as though I had
read word by word as it was in the letter), the first word he
said when I had made an end, he began with a fair oath, Vertu
Dieu, voyla une femme c'est la, and added withal that he desired of God that he had broken one of his fingers that the King
and they all together were as wise as your Majesty. He desired me that I would let him take an extract in short of the
arguments as they were set down in order with the reasons to
them, for he protested that he never saw more sufficient nor
weighty arguments in his life, and therefore he desired to have
them in their order, that he might not in the carriage of them
mar for want of his memory that which he saw so sufficiently
set down; which I did again repeat unto him, and he himself
very diligently and orderly set down the principal points, and
omitted nothing that might carry weight; and so going away
told me that he would deliver it presently to the King's own
hand, who, he thought, would communicate it with the Duke
of Guise and some very private persons, and perchance resolve after to propound it in an open council, when he knew
not how any honest man could refute any argument that was
there; but that one difficulty would be found very great, of
how to do it, for fear of the general revolt of the chiefest and
greatest towns in France, who have been so far lulled asleep
with their pretenced colour of religion, that they are only kept
in with the King stiff standing upon that point as well as they;
which if he should be found the least in the world to halt in,
or to lean from that never so little, he did put himself in a
hazard of losing them all in a day. |
| "I told him there was remedy for all things if they were
wisely looked into, and that of the two, better suffer an inconvenience than hazard so great a mischief as [was] preparing every
day if the King looked not to them in time. The next day but
one after he came to me again; told me from the King that he
thanked your Majesty; [but] it was unpossible—without the point
of religion and that the King of Navarre would yield to that—
that the King could resolve upon anything. That he desired
your Majesty to counsel him to obey the King's will, and that
you would do as the King had given you example, not to help
to maintain the King of Navarre if he would not agree to it;
that as he should have cause to be beholding to you if you did
use that courtesy to him, according to the league between you,
so if you did strengthen them contrary to his will, he should
have cause to take it unkindly. |
| "I answered him that I was sorry to see the King so evil
counselled, to weigh no better so great a matter, nor to take
more profit of so kind an honourable offer; that seeing the
King would cast himself away and his Council permit him to
take no remedy, that I thought your Majesty would seek to
preserve yourself, and not to go [sic] for company; that you had
done all that you could to help him to preserve you both, that
seeing there was no remedy, nobody could save them that would
lose themselves; that seeing that, that for the preservation of
your own state you would let slip no way that you could find
fit; that for persuading the King of Navarre to obey the King
ever in all he could, you had never given other counsel; but
particularly to persuade him to change his religion, you neither
would nor could do it. That for not maintaining them, you
had satisfied the King with the truth of that which was past; that
for that which was to come, you knew how to maintain the league
and that you would do with a good-will; that threatening should
make you do neither more nor less; that if the King were carried
away with such counsel as I saw he was, that they would, if
he take not heed to it, bring him shortly to that state that
he would neither be in case to do his friends good nor his enemies harm. Pinart answered me almost with water in his
eyes: Nous sommes tous perdus; sommes point capables de
raison, but desired me that this might not pass him and me;
that he was ashamed to see things carried as they were; that
there was a great difficulty without doubt, but that they took a
way to make more difficulties rather than to help any. That he
could say nothing but to pray to God to have mercy upon them;
that he could not think but that the King had some feeling, what
show soever he made; that he saw it by his countenance; that
he took the paper away with him in his own hand; that perchance he would think of it better apart. I told him that I
thought it was the last thinking that ever your Majesty would
think, to send him offer of that cordial counsel and courtesy to
take it so slightly. I could be but sorry for it; and he, in show
as sorry as I, departed. I answered the roundlier to him for
two reasons; the one that I received a billet sealed, from the
King with his own hand the night before, almost at twelve
o'clock, wherein he writ to me by the same man that brought me
twice to the King, whom I cannot know of all men to have ever
seen him about the King. He writ to me not to be amazed what
Pinart brought me; that it was that he looked for aforehand at
this time. That the King kept the paper that Pinart brought
him to show them one day to make somebody blush. Desired
that your Majesty might be kept in the same terms to him as he
had desired me when he saw me; that time might fall out ere
long that your Majesty might be desired of that which you offer
now; that if one difficulty were not that I knew of, he would
speak another language. Desired me to keep promise with him
both for mine and for your Majesty, keeping this secret, to
answer somewhat roundly to Pinart and to send him back this
billet sealed presently by the same bearer; which I did, and
writ underneath that I would do his Majesty's commandment;
what your Majesty would do [or] think of it I knew not, but
for the secret keeping, I did assure him of, both for your Majesty
and myself, upon my life. |
| "Another thing that made me answer somewhat roundlier was
that I was advertised from a place of importance who was
at the Council, what was said and who broke the neck of the
King's acceptation and which way; and how the King never
went away more stomached at anything, and snatched the paper
out of Pinart's hand that had it to read, and went away in a
great choler. There was at the Council Queen Mother, Epernon, Villeroy, Pinart, (fn. 4) Believre and no more, where as I can
assure you, they all shrugged up their shoulders and could not
choose but say they never saw a wiser discourse; and all that
they could bring for difficulties was the point of religion and
the hazard of the towns. Queen Mother mumbled out a word
which she could not keep in that your Majesty did it more for to
distract the King's head upon such dangerous points as them
that you set down than for any good effect to follow of it. Villeroy did 'grommel' (fn. 5) out such a thing, but he durst not speak it
full out. The King grew in a choler and said he would fain hear
better but that he was kept on with delays and in the mean time
they grew still great upon him. Queen Mother desired that
he would but stay the return of the Cardinals and that things
were so that temperance was it that must win it and not heat,
for he would mar all. The King went out in a great choler, and
bid her make the answer how Pinart would. And so the answer
was commanded to Pinart as I have written to your Majesty,
and Queen Mother and Villeroy were they that made it so raw,
and the reasons they gave of it were that if your Majesty would
make her profit of giving out any answer the King gave you,
there might be given nothing that might give either the King of
Spain or the League any cause to suspect any intelligence between the French King and your Majesty, that you might thereby
advance your affairs with the King of Spain or make the League
be more in suspicion against the French King, and that a word
that carried some kind of threatening if your Majesty helped
the King of Navarre would keep you from it, for that you would
not now offend the French King for fear of remembering the
matter of the Queen of Scots, which last was Villeroy's advice,
and I know he hath had it from the French ambassador [in
England]. Besides that, I know that the ambassador's wife's
folks that came afore have been so impudent to give it out to
them that have asked them there how the ambassador and his
wife were used in England, that they were very well; that
your Majesty durst do no other for fear the Queen of Scots' death
should be remembered by the French King. Knowing of this
made me to answer somewhat roundly when Pinart brought me
the answer, and if your Majesty, either in speaking to the ambassador, who perchance may have some charge to speak to
you the same that Pinart spake to me, doth answer reasonably
short, without taking knowledge that you know anything of
anything, but only that which Pinart brought me, which I sent
you, and that you make it known that it shall be the last offer,
seeing it is no better taken, and that you will look to your
own preservation without fear of anything, it may be, if he
report it truly, it will give the King occasion to make them know
that they deceive him. But your Majesty, under your correction,
must not be aknown that you know anything of the ambassador
or his wife's speeches about that matter of the Queen of Scots,
for neither it would be so honourable for you to take knowledge
of it, and besides, it would be very nearly guessed whence I
had it, and so breed a shrewd turn to them that both are willing
and can pleasure me best here for your Majesty's service. |
| "Thus hath your Majesty things how they have passed, though
your Majesty's wisdom is so far above anybody's that can advise
you that nothing can be added to your own judgment; yet under
your Majesty's correction my poor advice is, as it was in my
last, no way in the world to expect any thing of certain from
hence, not [but] that I think of the King as well as he can wish
but I see his courage so weak that he will be able to do
nothing, what will soever he hath, and that by little and by
little, Queen Mother will bring him so far in, that what list
soever the King, he shall be brought to what she listeth; and
would have your Majesty only to think of your own preservation
by all means, which is the only thing, I think, you have to trust
to, and to annoy them by all reasonable means possible that
will, if they may, annoy you. And yet both in keeping promise
with the King to keep secret all things, that he may not mistrust
your Majesty for anything, if occasion present otherwise; and
also in keeping your self ready but not trusting upon it at all
till it come, to embrace any good occasion that the King shall
take upon the friendship that your Majesty hath offered him,
which may come and time may bring, though for my part, considering his fearful nature, I look not for, and yet nothing unpossible unto God," whom I pray with all my heart to inspire
you what is best to do, for I think "there is great likelihood that
the devil has let loose all his cheaues and set his ministers a-work.
God preserve all Christian princes, and specially your Majesty
. . . ." Paris, 5 April, 1588. |
| Postscript. "Since this letter written, I have had advertisement of that which passed in Queen Mother's chamber, where
there was nobody but the King, Queen Mother and Montpensier,
as your Majesty may see by a letter I write to Mr. Secretary,
for fear of troubling your Majesty too long; and other things
whereby I see that I am still constrained to presume to advise
your Majesty to build nothing upon the French King's courage,
but to seek what you can best for your own estate any way; only
not to offend him in any thing but that which you must needs
do for your own safety . . ." |
| Holograph, unsigned. 5 pp. Without covering sheet. [Apparently the copy spoken of as enclosed in Stafford's next letter.]
[France XVIII. 58.] |
| April 5. | The Queen to her cousin the Duke of Petit Pierre. |
| The matter of his letters brought to her by the bearer have
given her very pleasing testimony and confirmation of his zeal
for the welfare and advancement of her affairs. But it grieves
her to hear that any discord and coolness should have arisen
between his cousin, Duke Casimir, and himself. For at this
time, when the common enemy is watching them so closely,
and spying out every opportunity and chance which may offer
itself for ruining the cause of Religion; it cannot be but of
very evil and dangerous consequence that the princes and potentates making profession of the Gospel should be at strife or on
ill terms with one another. Wherefore, she cannot but exhort
him, as a prince zealous for God's glory and the common welfare
of the churches, to agree to a sane reconciliation and mutual
understanding with the said Duke; which will redound to the
benefit of public affairs, and to the honour of them both; being as
they are, both branches of the same stem. As to the marriages
and alliances which he proposes, she acknowledges very specially
thereby his zeal and affection for her welfare and prosperity,
which she will always heartily reciprocate when any opportunity
arises to assure him of her affection and gratitude.—Greenwich,
5 April, 1588. |
| Copy. French. ¾ p. [Germany States V., 73.] |
| April 5. | Nicolas Kaas to Walsingham. |
| Although he doubts not but that his honour will have learnt,
by the letters sent to her Majesty from his colleagues of the
Council of Denmark, of the very sad death of his late lord and
prince, Frederick II., King of Denmark [etc.] of pious memory,
yet he cannot do other than signify it to him by his letters. Into
what sorrow and weeping the premature death of so pious and
excellent a king has thrown this kingdom and especially the
Queen, the royal children of unripe age, and indeed all the
inhabitants of the kingdom, his honour may easily understand.
For the rest, as to him, a man of so great wisdom, it is well
known how much it imports that these two renowned kingdoms
of Denmark and England, especially in these very turbulent
times, should still be bound together by the close bonds of friendship, as they have hitherto been, and as yet are joined;
so it is needless for him to be admonished of it. |
| Yet from his great love of the fatherland, peace and the
public tranquillity, he exhorts and beseeches his honour to be all
which by his authority he may effect, in order that the ancient
union between their Majesties of England and Denmark may
be still enjoyed, and transmitted, safe and entire, to all posterity;
wherein he himself also, so far as in him lies, will not be wanting.—Anderschow, 5 April, 1588. |
| Signed. Add. Endd. Latin. 1¼ pp. [Denmark I. 107.] |
| April 7. | Stafford to Burghley. |
| "By the copy of the letter which I send your lordship, you may
see what poor fruit is to be hoped for of our King's small courage
and the other's cunning . . . |
| "I have sent Mr. Secretary, and desired him to show it your
lordship the villainest book that ever was set out, for there
[is] not possibly another yet to be got; they be sold so secretly.
I am, as I write to him [in] a perplexity what to do; whether
to complain earnestly or to seek to have it suppressed, or by
fear kept to have it come no further abroad than it is. I have
resolved to deal with Pinard, to show him the beginning and
the ending, which is most villainous, and by the example of
that which was done in England when Simiers was there, which
they have set down, though falsely in the Epistle, wish that he
would move the King, either by punishing it as that was, or by
suppressing it at this time, show the like good part to her
Majesty. And that I take the best course, considering the
time, and will follow it till I have further direction . . . |
| "I beseech your lordship to give me your advice, both for the
demanding my leave to come home, which is now time, and for
that which I writ to your lordship in my last of what you think
best for me to do, having, in anything that toucheth me, resolved to rule myself according to your lordship's advice." If
what I wrote to Mr. Secretary and your lordship a good while
agone might not be spoken of till I come into England, I should
do well enough."—Paris, 7 April, 1588. |
| Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XVIII. 59.] |
| April 9/19. | M. du Pin to Burghley. |
| As M. de Mouy is about to depart, who is no way inferior in
valour to his late father and brother, I take advantage of the
opportunity to greet you and to assure you once again of my
devotion to your service. M. de Mouy will inform you of the
state of our affairs, and the occasion of his journey. The
constancy, virtue and magnanimity of this Prince are rare and
worthy of being favoured and aided by those princes who have the
means thereto, and are interested in his preservation and that of
our churches. The efforts and cunning of our enemies are very
great, but God, who is stronger than they are, will dispel them.
M. de Mouy will also give you to understand what M. de Reau
has done in his journey into Switzerland and Germany, and
by your wisdom will decide what ought to be done |
| Add. Endd. by Burghley "19 April, 1588", but as "brought
in June." French. 1 p. [France XVIII. 60.] |
| April 9/19. | M du Plessis to Burghley. |
| M. de Mouy, who will I know be commended to you by the
memory of his family, whose features and merits he inherits,
is going from the King of Navarre to your Queen on special
affairs, of which I am assured you will feel the importance,
namely the advancement of the true religion and the maintenance of those who are oppressed for the same. By God's grace
we keep our bark afloat in the midst of all these storms, and we
can truly say that our pilot looks upon them siccis oculis, save
as he is touched by the miseries of the people. God aids him
by his spirit both against the designs of his enemies and the
more dangerous temptations which are offered him. You will
have learned the great loss we have had by the death of the
Prince. The manner of it was deplorable in itself and detestable in its authors: quod optimum patrentandi genus, I
hope by God's help, we shall have justice done. |
| At the same time, there has been taken an assassin urged on in
the first instance by the Duke of Lorraine, and afterwards by the
Grand Prior, brother of the late Duc de Joyeuse to take off the
King of Navarre. You will see his deposition and in a few days
the trial will begin. Such are the proceedings of our enemies,
practised as they have been heretofore against the Queen, your
sovereign, to whom may God give long life, for the good of
Christendom and of us all. |
| Being assured that God lives and reigns over men, I believe that ere long we shall see his judgment upon such people;
and I pray your lordship to take under your charge either the
cause of the afflicted, which is common to all, or that of his
children [pupilles] which has always been your particular care.—
La Rochelle, 19 April, 1588. |
| Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley as "brought in June
1588." French. 1¼ pp. [France XVIII. 61.] |
| April 9/19. | M du Plessis to Walsingham. |
| M. de Mouy will tell you the state of our affairs, if you will
be pleased to hear him. I beg particularly to recommend him
to you, for the good qualities which he inherits, of zeal, piety
and virtue. He is almost the only man in our foreign army who
had nothing to do with the capitulation and who took the same
course and resolution as M. de Chastillon. He is full of desire to do well, and never wearies, although his wound inconveniences him greatly. Therefore he deserves help, and if my
recommendation, may be of service to him—we being near kinsmen—I pray you let him feel the benefit of the friendship you
have testified for me, and which I shall ever be ready to reciprocate. |
| God has taken the Prince from us in a horrible and detestable manner, by which you may judge of the proceedings of
our enemies. Our church has lost in him a most useful and
indispensible chief; and a support to the King of Navarre which
cannot be replaced. We must pray God to increase his spirit,
as, truly, he has already done his courage. But also there
is need that you should increase the proofs of your affection,
which cannot manifest itself more seasonably than in this adversity which it has pleased God to send us in our just defence
of his cause. |
| Very particularly, Monsieur, I desire ever to be honoured by
your friendship, and that you will rest assured of my devotion
to your service.—La Rochelle, 19 April, 1588. |
| Holograph. Add. Endd. French. 1 p. [France XVIII.
62.] |
| April 10. | "Declaration of James Garret, a trumpeter lately come forth
of France." |
| Going into France from Sir Thos. Layton, he arrived at
Rochelle about five months since, and was entertained by Captain
Dalgate, captain of the Duke of Bouillon's guard; "the ritters
then being come into the country." |
| Was taken prisoner "at the battle of the Almaynes" by one
Monsieur La Shattera at 'Shattullion', (fn. 6) who was the chief governor of Berri and of the Duke of Guise's army. Was in prison
two months and all the news he could learn was that the Almains
were come into the country and that the Duke's chief desire
was to have M. La Shattera with him, "and did thank his father
[sic], the King of Spain that he had sent him 18000 Spaniards
and Italians for to be joined with him." |
| Heard that he had a bastard son, who was leader of the army
for England, as was thought. They were conducted to M.
'Domall' [d'Aumale] in Picardy, which M. 'Donnall' [sic] and
M. 'de Pernowne', governor of Normandy are not friends, each
seeking the superiority over the other, and the Guises and
'Donnall' have sworn 'Pernowne's death. |
| Three armies go down for Rochelle; led by Monsieur La
Shattera, Marshal de Byrowne, and another whose name he
forgets; the other army in Picardy remains there still. "The
Guises, the Prince of Parma and the Spaniards are all as one
in the Holy League. |
| It is thought that Calais will be besieged, as M. de Pernowne
is governor, and his captains will not yield the town to M. de
'Donall' and the Spaniards. The governor of Dieppe has got
in powder and shot and all the country stands at defence.
"And lastly, the Spaniard doth come with all the force that he
can make; and for Paris they say that they have 30000; where
the Duke of Guise will command; and their intent and full hope
is only upon Scotland. |
| The Duke of Guise's son doth marry the daughter of the King
of Spain, who has promised to leave his kingdom to him, after
his own death. |
| Endd. 1 p. [France XVIII. 63.] |
| April 11. | "The declaration of John Awstlyn, which was sent forth by
me for discovery the 28th of March, and returned the
11th of April." |
| "The 14th of March departed from Dieppe and Fecamp 17000
men armed, and are gone to Dunkirk. |
| "The 29th of March arrived in Newhaven [Havre] two Flemish
ships and one Scottishman that were bound to Lisbon, and in
'Cast Cales' [Cascales] met with the King's army laden with
corn, where they were stayed by the General, whose name they
know not," but giving him a hogshead of salmon were released, and by stealth came to Newhaven. |
| "Also in January last, arrived in Newhaven a nobleman out
of Scotland, whose name is John 'Makemillion', and is in great
credit with the Guise. |
| "About the 18th of March last, there passed by the Seinehead, that fisher-boats did speak withal, of Spanish shipping
but four great ships," and forty small pinnaces bound to the
eastward. The pilots of 'Kilbeafe' were aboard them. |
| April 4, two ships of Newhaven arrived here from St. 'Lucas',
which were at sea in the King's fleet, who took from them four
pilots and sailed in their company from "Cast Cales" to the
Isles of Bayonne, and there harboured to the number of 360 sail. |
| The 9th of April there came home to Newhaven two pilots
released by sickness from the fleet, who said "they were hardly
examined for all harbours and roads in England, and especially
for the Downs and the North country, but what their pretence
is, they can learn nothing. He [sic] hath of soldiers to the
number of 50000 men. |
| March 26, the King of Navarre took prisoner the son of M.
de la Mars [qy. La Marge] who was chief of the Guise party,
and slew many. |
| The 13th of January last arrived at Newhaven Mistress Babington, whose husband dwells within eight miles thereof, serves
the Guises and hath from them 800 crowns a year. |
| [Ships arriving or making ready there.] |
| M. la Carewge [Carrouges], captain of Rouen, who serves the
King, and his son, on the third of this month are "fallen at
great discord in the city, and procession sung throughout the
city upon the Guise's side, whose part M. de Carewge's son
doth serve. And the cause of falling out by credible report is
because the King doth overbear his commonalty with excess
new custom; that is to say for every ox being killed by any
man 20d.; for every calf, 16d., for every sheep 14d., for every
lamb 10d. |
| One Monsieur la Dolva, who aforetime fled from the Guise
to the King, is now returned to him and takes the part of M.
la Carewge's son against his father. The Guise has put his
governors in 'Sherbrook' [Cherbourg], Newhaven, 'Deepe' and
'Feckham' [Fécamp] and all the good towns thereabouts. |
| Endd. 1¾ pp. [France XVIII. 64.] |
| April 12. | Stafford to Walsingham. |
| There is no fresh news from any place save that I yesterday saw in a letter from Nantes that a Venetian ship had
brought thither an Englishman who had been a prisoner in
Spain, had "been aboard the army" and could tell all particulars
of it, but was now gone into England. If so, by this time you
will know more than I can send you. |
| The Spanish ambassador gives out that the army will go out
in the beginning of next month; but it is gathered from one
who speaks somewhat 'confidently' with him, that—it not being
strong enough to do all which was determined—part will go
towards Ireland, and if they find commodity, seize upon it, and if
not, "for their reputation . . . show to attempt somewhat after
this great bruit, and though they execute nothing, they shall
keep yet the world in opinion that they had a great meaning."
This I can assure you he said, but whether it was done cunningly
to distract men's minds, or to make show that he knows more
of his master's secrets than he does, I know not. |
| Many think "that their great elephant will bring forth but
a mouse, and that the great processions, prayers and pardons
that are given at Rome to them that shall pray for the prosperous success of this army against England, . . . will be to
no great effect, and that the King of Spain in his sleeve laugheth at the Pope, that he can make such a fool of him, to make
him to make processions and to give out pardons to pray for an
enterprise of a thing which he never durst think of in deed
but in show, to feed the world. |
| "The Cardinals (fn. 7) are expected here tomorrow, and Monsieur
Bellievre either tonight or tomorrow. As I am advertised even
now, M. de Guise is gone back to Chalons. If it be, it is that
which we desire here, though one of M. de Bellievre's charges
was to know if he would come hither to advise for some way
to make war. But the next day after he was gone, to put
them in a fear of coming hither, there hath been a quarrel
picked that they of the League had some attempt against the
King, and upon that their houses searched, so that twenty at
the least of the chief that favoured that party are gone out of
the town; the watch having been ever since Saturday doubled
and 'tripled' every night. And besides, if the Duke of Guise
had stirred from Soissons to come hither, the King had gone to
St. Jermains, whither it is certain that M. de Guise will not
be come between those rivers. So that we here live nobody
knoweth how. I pray God that between jest and earnest there
come not in this town some great disorder, which is greatly
feared." |
| Monsieur d'Epernon sets forward on Monday or Tuesday next,
to go into Normandy. |
| "At Rouen there hath been a great practice this last week,
under the colour of processions, to have cut all the king's
officers' throats and them that either are or hath been of the
Religion; and this was practised by the clergy; but Monsieur
Carouges very wisely both provided for it by a strong guard
he set in all the quarters of the town, and besides, assisted
himself to all the processions with a very strong guard about
him; whereat the clergy is marvellously animated against him. |
| "The Earl Morton is gone away from hence with but [one]
only man with him; having left the rest of his train in his house
here in the town; and it is thought he is gone into Flanders.
Colonel Simpell is gone also with him, who never was away
from the Spanish ambassador, and Morton himself was there
late the night afore he went. Howsoever he cometh by it,
he hath ventadoe (fn. 8) [his] house here, well furnished with stuff and
hangings new bought, and good silver vessel both upon his
'cobber' [cupboard] and his table. |
| "Monsieur d'Albin [? d'Elbene] goeth to Florence to congratulate with the Duke in show, but in effect to see if he can find a
disposition to hearken to the marriage of the Princess [Christine]
of Lorraine to propound it, the matter between her and Duke Nemours being quite broken off, with a great discontentment of
Madame de Nemours towards the Queen Mother; whereupon she
is dislodged out of the Queen Mother's house, and gone to lie
at her own house. |
| "It is thought certainly that the Queen of Navarre will be
brought to come into these quarters; but they that do know
her well do not think that she will either trust her mother
or her brother."—Paris, 12 April, 1588. |
| Postscript. "Even now word is brought me that the Spanish
ambassador had yesternight letters of the 4th April from Madrid,
whereby he is advertised that the army was not yet departed
then, but that the Duke of Sidonia was come to Lisbon, and
meant to depart in the beginning of the next month. How
true this, I cannot yet assure you. |
| Holograph. Add. Endd. 3 pp. [France XVIII. 65.] |
| April 12/22. | The King of Navarre to Walsingham. |
| Monsieur de Walsynghant, quand ce ne seroyt que le temoynage que me randes de la vertu et merytes du Chevalyr Wyllyams,
vous pouves panser quyl seroyt le tres byen venu et que je
nan voudroys fayre autre anqueste; mays sa bonne reputasyon
est sy connue outre la syngulyere afectyon quyl fayt paroystre
an mon androyt, et dont je me sens ynfynymant oblyge, que
ce me seroyt un tres grand contantemt de l'avoyr pres de moy,
sans lescuse legytyme quyl a de demeurer avec le Sr. Drak,
pour le servyce quyl doyt a la Reyne vre souverayne, et an une
sy bonne expedytyon, sy autre commodyte se pnte de lamener
ycy, croyes Monsr. de Walsynghant, que je mettray peyne tant
pour lamour de vous que pour sa valeur de luy fayre tout le bon
traytemt quyl me sera possyble. Je vous prye fayre toutjours
estat de mon amytye et croyre que je suys vos tre byen
afectyonne et mylleur amy Henry.—La Rochelle ce xxii. avryl. |
| Holograph. Add. Endd. with same date by Walsingham's
clerk. French. 1 p. [France XXII. 66.] |
| [This is printed in Lettres Missives du Roi de Navarre, ii. from
an old copy, under date [Aug. 25]. It is reprinted here because
the copy does not preserve the King's own spelling. The suggested date is no doubt given because another letter (also from
an old copy) on the same subject, is given as so dated, but
probably this is a copyist's error, as the King's own dating in
the original is perfectly clear. At the beginning of April, Drake
was urging the Queen to let him go out on an expedition to the
coasts of Spain.] |
| April 12. | Geffrey Le Brumen to Walsingham. |
| Hears from the Havre that no one has arrived there from
Spain. The governor does not declare openly for the League
but they see by his carriage that he favours it. |
| They write from Paris that the King of Spain has lost his wits
and that the Infanta governs the State; that Messrs. de Bellievre and de la Guiche have had nothing to do with the Leaguers;
that the Cardinals of Bourbon and Vendosme are gone to Soissons to the said Leaguers and that Queen Mother is to follow
them. It is doubted that the Vicomte of Turenne is dead. |
| The present bearer Videcoque, who has made the rockwork for
her Majesty by his honour's direction, intends to depart on Sunday
or Monday at the latest with the ambassador's children. He
prays his honour to dispatch him, and to settle up his business
of the said rockwork. He is going into Berri, to the ambassador's houses, for the raising of the waters.—London, April
12, 1588. |
| Holograph. Add. Endd. French. 1 p. [France XVIII.
67] |
| April 15. | Buzenval to Walsingham. |
| Thanks him for and accepts his offer, praying him to intercede
with the Admiral, that the English ship laden some time ago with
wheat for Rochelle may have leave to depart. They would receive a double benefit thereby, for Rochelle would be provided
with corn, and the valet-de-chambre of the King of Navarre
would be able to take her Majesty's letters and the dispatch
which M. du Fay and himself have written to the King their
master, for the said ship is to take up the bearer of them either
at the Rye or one of the neighbouring ports. |
| Has also a second request to make, to obtain permission for
the merchant who is to transport the wheat granted by his
honour's licence. He only wishes for two barks of thirty or
forty tons, for which he thinks it will be easy to obtain leave,
they being of small importance for the service of her Majesty.
Since the surprise of Marans, from whence came the corn for
Rochelle, the town will be reduced to great straits, now that
the King of Navarre is there and all his court, wherefore he
prays his honour to be friendly to them in the matter.—London,
15 April, 1588. |
| Holograph. Add. Endd. French. 1 p. [France XVIII.
68.] |
| April 15. | M. de Mouy to Walsingham. |
| The first time I had the pleasure of seeing your honour, you
were good enough to promise to let me know when it would
be well to speak to her Majesty of the affairs of Sedan and she
herself deferred her reply until she should have had news from
France. Now, hearing that she has done so divers times, I
venture to write this to beg you to remember me, and advise
me what to do. For having sent the King of Navarre's
letters to the Lord Treasurer by M. de Busanval, who has also
communicated to him the business of Sedan, I believe she is
entirely informed thereof, and fear she may be annoyed that
I have not told her myself. Wherefore I desire to have the
honour of speaking with her once more, in order to deliver
my charge, fearing moreover that further delay will bring down
complete ruin both upon Sedan and 'James' [Jametz]. For the
League having come to an agreement with the King, and
knowing this place to be in dispair of aid, will not fail to turn
their forces into that quarter to hinder the harvest, and attack
them with all fury, and without doubt will prevail against
them, if help be not given. And it must be speedy, or all will
be in vain. It is the only thorn in their foot between the river
Loire and Germany, and the only means remaining to us for
establishing ourselves in France and throwing back the war into
their country. You know of what consequence it is for the Low
Countries and how it would prejudice Spain, whose only desire is to have the place. I pray you let me hear from you. |
| I have spoken to M. Geofroy [le Brumen] of some other part
of my charge, wherein I pray you to favour me.—London, 15
April, 1588. |
| Holograph. Signed "Mouy." Add. Endd. "15 April."
French. 1 p. [France XVIII. 69.] |