|
| May 24. | Stafford to Walsingham. |
|---|
| The only news from Spain confirms that on May 13, their
account, the 'army' was not come out of Lisbon, but would do
so in four or five days, though some think it will be "above a
week in June" before it does so. Those here, affected that way,
give out, by many advertisements ("which they make come as
they list to feed the world withal") that it is already landed,
some in Scotland some in England, and that we are all undone;
and sent such certain word where the King was, that all wondered at it, but I assured them of the contrary. "I would to
God I had as often news now from you, as might for their
'artificious' bruits here serve their turns . . . Without advertisement I help what I can, but I would be glad that I might
help it with a truth, to continue an opinion that they have
conceived of me, that I tell them no lies, and by that means
they believe me, whereas whatsoever cometh from the Spanish
ambassador is suspicious, and of no credit with them. . . . |
|---|
| "There hath been here more hope of accord than there is
now . . . I am afraid they are near upon a point to break,
yet still there is going up and down; the King's physician, Miron,
having been here twice within these three days, up and down
between the King and the Queen Mother. The King standeth
upon three points which I think we do not here desire: the
avoiding of the town of them that are in it that are the causers
of the harm," that he may return to it, and, as he promised,
forgive it all things, bringing with him only his accustomed
guards; "the other, that the States be kept, which he propounded the last day by the procuror-general, when he revoked the edicts which I send you, where he promiseth to hold
all that is agreed upon there, both for state and religion, and
to name them a successor of his blood, Catholic. The third
is that to have the States kept with that liberty as is required;
every body of all sides [to] disarm themselves. Which of these
three be the uneasiest to agree unto by them that are here now
rulers, I promise you I cannot tell; but I think never a one
of them all but is a bitter pill, and will hardly be swallowed
but by force; therefore I do look rather for a great extremity
than any hope of agreement; though here things be seen to
change so often and so suddenly that sometimes things be done
that be both unlooked for and unlikely, and upon a sudden." |
|---|
| The King has left Chartres and on Wednesday night arrived
at Nantes. Even as he reached it, "they of the League having
intelligence within Meulane, three leagues off, surprised it and
have disarmed all the burgesses. |
|---|
| "They of St. Clou being spoken fair by the King as he passed,
and requested to let nobody seize of their 'brigge,' have refused
it to the Duke of Guise and them of this town that sent thither,
and having sent from hence some companies thither to surprise
it, they have barricaded themselves, being but a village as you
know, and have killed sixteen or seventeen of them; and the
Duke of Guise, being in a choler, with that went to the Queen
Mother, and told her if she make it not be rendered unto them,
he would send the cannon, and beat it all to powder. She grew
in choler too, and bid him take heed what he did, and told him
that if he enterprised any one thing more than he had done,
that she would herself go to the court of parliament and make
a declaration against him that should little like him. He finding her change her courage, and upon the physician's [Miron's]
coming, who arrived not past two hours afore, was suddenly
struck in a dump withal and went his ways, y[et] the world
might see it in his face greatly troubled. |
|---|
| "There is nobody here can know what Miron hath brought
to the Queen Mother, and if it be not by her means, it is not
possible to know it by him. Some say that he hath brought
her an ample commission to treat an accord, but they also say
that it is limited with the three conditions above named. |
|---|
| "M. d'Epernon went from the court the day that the King
parted from Chartres, with more grace of the King and favour
of all men there than ever he had, greatly accompanied; and
is gone to Loches, and so into Poitou and Angoulesme, where
also he is governor; and made, as is sent me word, lieutenantgeneral in Poitou. I think if the King agree with this town,
he shall keep himself away for a time, because he is very odious
unto them; but if he do not, I think he is to gather all the forces
in those parts together, and to come with a great strength to
the King again. His dignities that he gave up into the King's
hand the King keepeth still in his hands, and speaketh of giving
of none of them away, but only of the government of Normandy
to Monsieur 'Mompensier' and that is yet but in words, though
Epernon himself desired the King to do it. He had a great mischance here the day before yesterday (they say betrayed by one
of his own folks). The King had sent for stuff of his, both
plate and other things and jewels, under the name of his stuff;
and writ to the Queen Mother that her mules might bring them
him, which she did. At the gate they were all stayed, and
brought back to the town-house, where the chests were broken
open, and all things taken out, I hear of certainty to the value
of forty thousand crowns and more . . . |
|---|
| "Lavardin arrived in post to the King the day he went from
Chartres. The King sent him presently back to hasten his
troops that were not far off; which are seven thousand footmen
and five hundred horse. The Prince 'Cowntie' [Conti] came
to the King, who received him marvellously well, and is returned
to his house to prepare himself."—Paris, 24 May, 1588. |
|---|
| Holograph. Add. Endd. 3 closely written pp. [France
XVIII. 97.] |
|---|
| May 24. | "A note of sundry persons that have been comprehended in
treaties between the Kings of England and other Princes." |
|---|
| 1510. In the treaty with the French King, concluded ex
parte the King of England; the Duke of Gueldres and Juliers; the
Community of Florence, and the Society of the Teutonic Hanses. |
|---|
| 1513. Between the Same. Concluded on the part of the King
of England by the lord de Medici; the Duke of Urbino; the
Duke of Ferrara; Antonio, Dominus de Ligny. And on the part
of the King of France by the Governor of Liege; the Marquises
of Mantua, Montferrat and Saluces and the lord of Sedan, who
was an ancestor of the Duchess of Bouillon. |
|---|
| 1515. Between the same. On the part of the King of England by Antonio, lord of Ligny; and of the King of France by
the Lord of Sedan. |
|---|
| 1526. Treaty of Madrill [Madrid] between the Emperor and
the French King. Special articles for private persons, as for
Philibert, Prince of Orange; Philip [de Croy], Marquis of Arschott; the Princess of Chimay; [Henry] Count of Nassau;
Seigneurs de Beure; de la Chaux; de Lussa; Marquis de Saluces. |
|---|
| 1529. Treaty of Cambray. Amongst others, there be special
articles for: |
|---|
| Robert de la Marche [Marck] and his sons; |
|---|
| The heirs and followers of Charles, Duke of 'Burbon'; the
Count of Pontievre; the Prince of Orange; the Duchess [Dowager] of Vendosme; the Count of Gavres and Philippe de Croy,
Marquis d'Aerschott. |
|---|
| 1559. Treaty of Cambresis (fn. 1) . Special articles for:—The Prince
of Orange; Count of Egmont; Duke of Arscot; Maison de Vergy;
Seigneurs de Blayon [i.e. Glaion] and de la Trolliere, Baron
Bolviler [or Polviller]; Duchess of Valentinois [Diane de Poictiers]; General d'Elbene; Count Scipion di Fiesa; Ottavian
Fregoso. |
|---|
| "There was at this time also a special treaty for the Duke of
Bouillon to deliver up Bouillon to the Bishop of Liege, from
[whom] it was in the wars taken; but to retain the title and
dignity. |
|---|
| In this same treaty were comprehended: |
|---|
| On the part of the King of France:— |
|---|
| Divers princes of Germany; Countess of Friesland; Cardinal
of Ferrara; Don Francesco 'd'Este; Seigneur Ludovico Gonzaga now Duke of Nevers; Count de la Mirandola; Count di
Peteliano; Seigneur Jordan Ursin; Camillo and Paolo Ursini;
Cardinal Strozzi; Philip and Robert Strossi; Cornelio Bentevoglio; Adreano Borghini. |
|---|
| On the part of the King of Spain:— |
|---|
| Duke of Parma; Cardinal 'Ferneze'; Cardinals of Santa Fiore,
Carpi and Perugia; Marc Antonio Colonna; Paul Jordan Ursini;
Signor di Piumbino. |
|---|
| "So for the house of Bouillon be three or four precedents
wherein they be named. |
|---|
| "For the Princess of Chimay by name once. |
|---|
| "For as mean men as the Prince of Espinoy four or five. |
|---|
| "In the ancient treaties between England and France, and
between France and Burgundy, there were many clauses and
reservations pro adherentibus; who particularly had letters of
abolition and remission etc., and likewise of restitution etc." |
|---|
| Endd. as in headline, and with date. 3 pp. [France XVIII.
98.] |
|---|
| May 25./June 4. | M. de Laubespine-Chasteauneuf to Walsingham. |
|---|
| Is obliged to trouble him once more for Signor Antonio da
Vega, whose affairs cannot be dispatched unless his honour
orders the Judge of the Admiralty to pass sentence, which he
so greatly delays doing. The said Signor da Vega has put the
matter into the hands of M. 'Bournan,' [Edward Burnham] who
is, as he has heard, shortly to go over into Zeeland. Prays him
to direct the dispatch of the business before Mr. Bournan's departure, as in his absence, it will be very difficult for
Signor da Vega to obtain satisfaction.—London, 4 June, 1588. |
|---|
| Holograph. Add. Endd. French, ½ p. [France XVIII. 99.] |
|---|
| May 29. | Stafford to Burghley. |
|---|
| "The not returning of Lile [i.e. Lilly] maketh that 1 am fain
to send Haklit, not being possible that Lile being absent I can
let Grimston go at this time. If lack of experience maketh that
he cannot deliver so wellmatter of so great weight, necessity hath
no law. I have taken his oath upon a book for secrecy; for his
honesty I will answer. |
|---|
| "In truth, my lord, I must needs make my moan to you both
of the proof of it and of that which Mr. Bodley told Grimston,
that her Majesty in great choler should tell him of Lilye's ar
rival, and should say that he had a shrewd tongue and a shrewd
head; that they two met together were dangerous; that he looked
to be sent back presently, but that she would keep him fast
enough. I would be loth Mr. Bodley should hear of this to have
any anger, for first I love to hurt nobody, and he is my very
friend, but surely, my lord, I must needs tell you plainly, as
my honourable good friend, to whom only and to Mr. Secretary
I have written of it, that in respect that I have served her
Majesty both faithfully and painfully, (I will not add, dangerously and chargeably), I had not deserved such an affront as
her Majesty's open, hard speeches of one that I had sent to her
at this time; and as little the hindrance of my means to serve
by retaining him that might stand me now in such stead; being
a thing certain that a new-comer neither can serve nor men
will deal with them and be in this time acquainted with new
folks. |
|---|
| "Truly, my lord, if he had deserved evil (as I protest before
God I do not believe it and further can testify that at this time
he hath deserved most well) in the respect of the necessity of
the cause of my sending on [i.e. of] him at this time, it might
have been let alone till another time. Truly, my lord, I must
think myself an unhappy man, to deserve no better, considering
how my conscience giveth me [testimony] that I have deserved
well; for truly my lord, I have [more] of a mind to be contented
with good usage simply, than with a great deal of reward without it. An honest man's mind can never be drawn a jot from
his duty, and I am of so certain and good opinion of myself
that an honester and a faithfuler mind nobody neither hath nor
shall carry; but the honestest man's heart in the world may be
killed, and his wits appalled, and his senses daunted with unkindness. We are in a time where men's spirits had more
need to be quickened than abated, and where servants, when
they do well, had more need to be encouraged to do better than
discouraged when they do well. |
|---|
| "I write this plainly to your lordship as to my honourable good
friend, beseeching you to use it as you shall see cause, but
especially that her Majesty may not in knowing it, be offended
with Mr. Bodley, my very good, ancient friend.—Paris, 29 May,
1588. |
|---|
| Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley. 2 pp. [France XVIII.
100.] |
|---|
| Probably enclosed in the above, the following passage in cipher: |
|---|
| "Pinart is the man that hath delivered unto me that matter
of weight that Haklit shall deliver to you, though he know not
who it is, but only a friend of one near the French King, that
sent it me from the court; for fear lest he should suspect any
thing, for he knoweth Pinart is here." Ibid. 100a. |
|---|
| [Deciphered, but not quite correctly, and the symbol for Pinart
left untranslated, probably by design.] |
|---|
| May 29. | Advertisements from Paris. |
|---|
| "That my lord [Stafford] had advertisement from a special
friend of his, a man of quality, continually about the King since
his departure from Paris that all the cunning in the world hath
been used to bring the King to yield to three points:— |
|---|
| "To the abandoning of the league with the Queen of England;
to forsake the protection of Geneva and that of Sedan: |
|---|
| "The strangers that chiefly urged the same were the Pope's
nuncio, the Spanish ambassador fomenting the same as much
as was possible. The nuncio, the rather to persuade the King
to the three former points, assured him that they being granted,
his Holiness would bring the Princes of the League to any
reasonable conditions he would desire and that nothing could
be more for his reputation, and to cut off all the cunning cavillations of the League against the King, whereby they charged
him that he favoured the King of Navarre, and showed himself
not so hot against heritics as he made show for. |
|---|
| "That his friend considering the King's weakness and the
division of his counsellors about him, whereof part were weak
and part Leaguish, he feared lest the weak being interested
by the civil tumults in their goods and persons, might be drawn
in the end to incline to the Leaguish [party] especially in a
matter that concerned not the King's own state at home, not
foreseeing, as the wiser sort did, that after they had consented
to the depriving of the King of his chief friend and succourer,
the Queen of England, the Leaguers would use him and them
as they thought best. |
|---|
| "His friend thought the best way to strengthen the King
was only to rely upon the ancient league and new alliance between the Queen and the French King; and according thereunto,
to offer to furnish him with a certain number of men therein
agreed upon; and if, by reason of their diversity of religion,
it should not be thought good to receive such numbers of English succours, that then her Majesty would condescend to aid
him with the like number of such as he should think best to serve
himself of. And farther, if it should be thought that in respect
of his present necessity he should not be able to wage them himself, that then the Queen should do well to wage them for five
or six months if need required; which all, after 50000 crowns
the month, would not come to past an hundred thousand pounds.
He wished that in this offer, no invective should be used against
the League, nor any mention made of the King of Navarre, but
only to stand upon the performing of the conditions of the
alliance between both the Princes for the restoring the King
into his former estate again by this mean if by no other means
it may be brought to pass. |
|---|
| "That by this offer, heart might be put into the King and into
those of the weaker sort of his Council about him, when they
should see their master backed by so mighty a prince. |
|---|
| "That hereby all colours would be taken away, and the false
accusation of the Pope's Nuncio against the offer made unto the
King on her Majesty's behalf by Mr. Bodley answered; which
Nuncio said that she made this offer not for any love or good
affection she bare unto him, but to maintain him and those of
the League in pique together, and laugh them to scorn both in
her sleeve, and that her chief drift was to set up the King of
Navarre, whom she meant to extol. And that in seeming to
offer to do him good, she did him more hurt in hazarding, by
joining with her, the loss of those towns wherein the League
had credit. |
|---|
| "That he was of opinion, if this course were thought good of,
that it was needful to put it in execution with all speed. If
the King refused or staggered at the accepting the offer, he
thought it good my lord should make it known to divers of his
Council one after another, whereby they of the weaker sort might
be confirmed, and the Leaguers, by this proceeding, might have
their mouths stopped. He wished also that in this negotiation,
no mention at all should be made of or against Spain, and
assured himself that if now we won the goal of them, all the
storm in the end would light upon the Spaniard. |
|---|
| "That in his judgment, the King of Navarre took the best
course for the present time in sending his strength unto the
King, and standing himself strongly upon his guard in holds
and looking on in safety. |
|---|
| "That Duke Espernon was sent into Guienne with an hundred
commissions, and had commandment to refuse to receive none,
of what religion soever they were, so they were not special
men of mark. |
|---|
| "That the King himself refused none that came unto him of
either of both the religions, nor spake any word unto them of
their consciences, unless they ministered occasion themselves. |
|---|
| "My lord imagineth that though his foresaid friend protesteth
he giveth this advice of good will, and as of himself, yet he may
do it by commandment and order from the King underhand, and
that if he had any such order to make this secret motion, my
lord thinketh it were a good sign that the King is willing to
accept her Majesty's aid in such sort as it may not be otherwise
prejudicial unto him, and wisheth in any case that this good
overture be not overslipped. On the other side, if this proceed
of his friend's own motion, that it is a right good advice, and
not to be neglected. |
|---|
| "If her Majesty's paying of the succours sent to the King
cannot be accepted, then he thinketh it not amiss to lend the
King, if he request it, some five or six months' pay after 50,000
crowns a month (which in all may amount to about an hundred
thousand pound English) and to advance some two months'
pay in hand, and that the King and his subjects may be bound
to repay the same within reasonable limited time after her
Majesty shall demand it." |
|---|
| Endd. by Burghley "29 May, 1588. Advertisement secretly
brought from Sir Edward Stafford by Hackett." |
|---|
| In the hand of Stafford's secretary. 3¼ pp. [France XVIII.
101.] |
|---|
| [May 29?] | Stafford to Walsingham. |
|---|
| Since this packet was made up, news is come that Marshal
'Memorancy' and they of the Religion have taken Pont St.
Esprit; that Gap must needs soon render, and that Memorancy
has blocked Narbonne very straightly. |
|---|
| Looks for Lilly this day or on the morrow; but if he has not
departed, prays that he may be dispatched at once, having great
need of him. [Undated.] |
|---|
| Holograph. Add. Endd. ½ p. [France XVIII. 102.] |
|---|
| May 29. | "Advertisements from Paris." |
|---|
| "The Pope's nuncio hath been with the King to divert him
from any correspondency with the Queen's Majesty or his protestant subjects, to strengthen himself against those of the
League; but rather to advise him to unite himself with them
against the heretics, as they term them. |
|---|
| "The King hath answered that he doubted their League tended
not to the advancement of religion, but was grounded upon
ambition and matter of State. And that he could be content
to concur with them for the extirpation of heresy, so as they
behaved themselves towards him as became subjects. |
|---|
| "The King hath thereupon sent Villeroy to his mother to Paris,
to see how they will frame themselves, according to the offer
of the Nuncio. |
|---|
| "The town of Paris is grown very desolate since the King's
going away, and traffic ceaseth very much, so as the people begin
to feel the smart of it, and to bethink themselves of their fault. |
|---|
| "They have made a proclamation without the Duke of Guise's
privity, that all vagabond persons and soldiers shall avoid the
town within twenty-four hours, upon pain of present execution. |
|---|
| The 'Prevost' of Paris, [de Perreuse], released from the Bastille
by intercession of his friends, is again committed, upon an
uproar of some of the people, set awork by the Duke of Guise,
who took him forcibly from the house where he was ... |
|---|
| "This and many other things are thought to be done by
practice of those of the League, to the end to make this town
and the King irreconcilable. |
|---|
| Overleaf. Notes of Stafford's letter of June 2. [See under
that date.] Endd. 2 pp. The first in Beale's handwriting;
the second in that of Walsingham's clerk. [France XVIII. 103.] |
|---|
| May 29. | Another copy of the above. |
|---|
| Endd. 1 p. [Newsletters IX. 42.] |
|---|
| May. | M. Du Pin to Walsingham. |
|---|
| A gentleman has just arrived, bringing to our Master excuses
from the Chevalier Williams, who would have been made very
welcome by the King and all the good people here. For my
part, after your account of him, I would have done him all the
service possible. A word from you can do much, in this company. This Prince is admirably steadfast and magnanimous.
In a few days he will go into the field, and I hope you will, ere
long, see good results. The general Assembly of the churches
is to be held very shortly, when they will do all that is in their
power; but we need aid and favour, which being given, we
doubt not but that you will see great progress in our affairs.
The Prince's death has happened very unfortunately, and the
horrible manner of it has greatly grieved this Prince and all
his company. Justice is loudly demanded. We cannot find the
page Belcastel, who was the chief instrument therein. We have
fallen upon miserable times. God takes from us our chiefs
and leaders, and chastens us severely; but he will shortly turn
again his face towards us. Undated. |
|---|
| Holograph. 1 p. Add. Endd. "May 1588" by Walsingham's
clerk. [France XVIII., 104.] |
|---|
| May. | Memorial from the French Ambassador to Burghley. |
|---|
| Praying him, according to what was arranged at their meeting,
to give order to Charles Harvard to appear before the Council
on complaint of Jacques Partenay, a merchant of Brittany, of
his having sent for sixty bales of cloth, taken from the said
complainant at sea, going into Spain—to answer to the said
complaint, and give satisfaction to Partenay, who has been ruined
by the theft, seeing that the commission from the Judge of the
Admiralty for this attendance of the said Harvard has never
been executed. |
|---|
| Praying also for a reply upon the packet sent by M. de
Stafford, pursuant to a complaint made to the Council of the
French King by Guillaume Videcocq, captain of the Anne of
the Havre de Grace, taken at sea by Captain Remond [Raymond],
by which the complainant had received much damage, and had
also lost an arm. |
|---|
| Also, upon the like complaint made by Thomas Nicole of
Havre de Grace of the loss of a hoy, taken at sea by Captain
Flaming [sic], of which the restitution had been promised. |
|---|
| Also, for satisfaction to Alexandre Very, factor of Jehan Belin,
merchant of Rouen for a ship taken at sea by Captain la Roche,
and carried, with its merchandise to Plymouth and Portsmouth
(Perthemuth). |
|---|
| Also, upon complaint of Guillaume Adam, merchant of Dieppe,
touching a cargo of herring, taken from him at sea by English
and Scots men of war. One Benjamin Brouhet of Claye
having confessed to selling a part thereof, the ambassador prays
that he may be ordered to pay the money or be sent to prison. |
|---|
| Also, praying his lordship to write to the Bailiff of Germue
[Yarmouth] to make restitution of a small ship called the Daniel
la Barge, belonging to Roger Adam, taken while at the fishing,
in August last, and sold to an inhabitant of the said Germue;
seeing that the Bailly and "juges" [i.e. jurats] there have taken
no notice of the commission obtained by the said Adam. |
|---|
| And to write to the Mayor of Plymouth, ordering him to restore a fishing boat belonging to Jehan Poilly of Tréport, taken
in June last, returning from the fishing. |
|---|
| Endd. by Walsingham's clerk, "May, 1588." French, 3 pp.
[France XVIII. 105.] |
|---|
| May. | "A draft of Instructions for Sir Thomas Leighton." |
|---|
| Is to render her Majesty's hearty thanks for the King's "good
acceptation" of her late sending to him, confirmed by his own
letters, by the report of her servant lately sent, (fn. 2) (fn. 3) and by his
Ambassador resident with her. |
|---|
| Is further to let him understand that, seeing the great indignities he has lately sustained, being forced to retire from
Paris; the "Bastillion," his arsenal, being seized by the Duke
of Guise; his treasure intercepted at the gates of his said town,
and two principal places of strength in Normandy, 'Muland'
[Melun] and 'Pounte l'Arche' surprised by the said Duke and
his confederates, being both near to his place of abode; "she
cannot but marvel that a prince of his greatness and quality
should take so weak and strange a course as by a late declaration† set forth in his name appeareth; having by the same
given the said Duke his wonted title of cousin, from whom he
hath received all these indignities; whereas the world did look
that he would . . . have declared him a traitor; with denunciation also to all the rest of his party and associates that in
case—after these wrongs and indignities offered unto him, their
prince and sovereign, they should persist in any sort to countenance or assist the said Duke, he would prosecute them also
as traitors and rebels; with offer unto them, notwithstanding,
that in case they should relinquish the late league and association, whereunto they were drawn by the said Duke's cunning
dealing and abuse, under the colour of the maintenance of the
Catholic religion, to make themselves parties and advancers of
his ambitious designs:—he would then not only remit all things
that were past, but also receive them into his grace and favour;
... which resolute and princely course would have dissolved
their association and league, increased greatly his own party,
caused the town of Paris (consisting of a weak-minded people),
for recovery of his favour, either to have seized on the Duke's
person or to have thrust him out of the town, and the two towns
lately surprized would not have hazarded to receive the said
Dukes' and confederates' forces. . . ." He should also have
stayed those of his nobility who were with him and assembled
his forces with all expedition. |
|---|
| Further; is to let him know "that as there is nothing more
dangerous to a prince than to show himself dejected or weakminded in a broken fortune, so a great army could not so much
comfort his party and abate the pride of his enemies as to
make all outward show and demonstration rather to run
any hazard or peril than in any dishonourable sort to give
place to a subject that hath as much wounded his honour and
reputation as the said Duke hath done." |
|---|
| And as she understands that his lack of resolution has proceeded chiefly on two advices given him:—The one to agree
with the Duke for fear of the Duke of Parma's forces, and the
other, in no sort to use the assistance of those of the Religion:— |
|---|
| For the first, those who look into the present state of the
King of Spain see no reason to think that he can spare his
forces out of the Low Countries to be employed against him
[the French King]," especially if the King should declare the
Duke a traitor, for neither the King of Spain or the Duke of
Parma would commit so unprincely an action as to assist a rebel. |
|---|
| For the second, no Catholic that is not a member of the League
will mislike the King using the assistance of those of the
Religion, when forced thereto by the abuse of the other party;
or if they did, he would be strong enough to take revenge both
on the Duke and all his confederates; "for it cannot be but
that a prince strengthened with both forces and authority (considering the reverence that by the goodness of Almighty God
is bred in the hearts of subjects towards their prince for the
preservation of States and kingdoms) shall easily suppress such
disloyal subjects, whose ambitious minds cannot be contained
within the lists of obedience, so as there be no way given unto
them; and therefore . . . whosoever they be that shall advise
him (the disease being now laid open) to put up his late indignity and to continue his temporizing course, will be the
authors of his ruin, whatsoever show they make of fidelity, or
how near soever they be tied in nature or affinity." |
|---|
| The consideration thereof has moved her, in respect of her
good will to him and desire "that he should, in the present
broken state of his affairs, carry himself with that princely
magnanimity that appertaineth to one of his place and quality,"
to send him her best advice, and to protest that if he reject
it, it is the last she means to give him; "whose former advice,
if he had followed, he had not been reduced to that perplexed
state that he is now fallen into." Leighton shall also show to
the King, that as nothing can be more full of peril than in violent
diseases to have weak-minded and fearful physicians, so it is
also in diseases of states to have weak-minded counsellors, whereof
she has cause to doubt "he hath had over dear experience;
for if instead of drawing the Swisses into Paris, whereof the
Duke made his profit in stirring the townsmen and burgers
against them, as though the bringing in of the said Swissers
had been with an intent to have committed the town to sack
and spoil—he had seized on the said Duke's person, the indignities
he hath since sustained had been avoided, and his realm restored to his former tranquillity and quietness," which being
omitted gives the world cause to think that there was "disguising" between the Duke and him; which moveth divers of his
subjects to hold out who would otherwise have declared against
the Duke, which suspicion can only be removed by denouncing
both him and his confederates if they persist to assist his
traitors and rebels. |
|---|
| Lastly he is to be given to understand that she has given
her envoy direction to stir up some of his counsellors to have
a dutiful care of him, and to apply such remedies to his diseased
state as the present danger requires, "and not to apply lenatives
when corrosives are more apt for the cure of the disease";
but he must be shown that she would have nothing done save
what he should allow and like of. |
|---|
| Having the King's approval, he [Leighton] is to address himself to the Duke of Montpensier, Marshal Biron, Villeroy, Pinard
and Bellievre, to each of whom, besides the reasons above mentioned for her dislike of the unprincely course lately taken,
shall be delivered "somewhat as followeth." |
|---|
| First: Montpensier is to be put in mind "that besides the
danger of the King . . . his own particular ought to move
him (for that if the house of Guise shall prevail, none of his
race must look to stand) to stir up the King to take a more
princely resolution, letting him know that the world doth look
that he (being a prince of courage and of the blood . . .) should
use a language fit for the present time both towards the King
and his Council, for that it is no time now to wink or temporize." |
|---|
| Marshal Biron shall be told from her "that as the world hath
always noted him to be a most faithful servant and a man
of courage, so they do look . . . that he should advise his
master to take a resolute course . . ." |
|---|
| To Villeroy, he shall say, that men of judgment, knowing him
to be wise and faithfully devoted to the King his master, "did
wonder to see the late declaration (which they conceive to have
been set down by him, or at least by his advice) so weakly penned
and so void of all magnanimity; for that—howsoever things have
been carried before—it is no time now (after so many indignities
received) to temporize, which doth no less encourage the enemy
than appal the King's own party; and for that the world doth
note that the King is directed chiefly by his advice, it will
behove him for his own credit's sake, to frame his advice and
counsel now according to the present diseased state of that
realm, which . . . will not be cured but with a princely and
resolute course. |
|---|
| Pinard is to be let understand from her that she is well assured "that if his advice and counsel were followed; the King
would take a more princely course than he hath done," and
to be prayed in her name to advise him [Leighton] "what
speeches were best to be used both towards the King and the
counsellors above-named, to draw both him and them to a more
princely proceeding." It would be well to first send to him to
procure audience and to desire to speak with him before repairing to the King, as she has directed her envoy to depend
upon his advice, as one whom she knows to be a most faithful
servant to his master, and one who greatly affects the maintenance of good amity between him and herself. |
|---|
| Lastly, he shall let Bellievre know "that all men that look
into his wisdom and experience, being noted to be a chief and
principal counsellor of that realm, and one that hath always
showed himself most devoted to the King his master's service,
and knowing so well as he doth do ambition and to what end it
tendeth, cannot think that he should like (after so many indignities offered by the said Duke unto the King) that so base
and dejected a course (as by a declaration lately set forth appeareth) should now be held; and therefore it is looked for that
either by his grave counsel and earnest persuasions he shall
draw the King to take a more princely course (considering that
being a man hateful to the Duke and his faction, his proper standing dependeth thereon) or else to relinquish his service, thereby
to avoid the ignominy that otherwise will befall unto him as a
man culpable amongst the rest of his master's ruin, for lack
of good advice and counsel." |
|---|
| Draft in the handwriting of Walsingham's clerk and much
corrected by Walsingham himself. 17½ pp. [France XVIII. 106.] |
|---|
| On a separate sheet and in different handwriting: |
|---|
| "And whereas by the King's declaration lately set forth it
appeareth that his intention is to prosecute with all vigour the
matter of Religion; laying aside, as it seemeth the consideration
that he ought to have, and the mind he should take upon him
as a sovereign and prince of courage to punish with all severity
such as have brought him to these indignities, who therefore
are to be accounted no other than rebels; ye shall say unto
him that in our opinion it were more for his honour and safety
to take in hand, and that with speed, the punishment of such
said offenders; and afterwards if needs he would continue that
mind for the cause of Religion, then to proceed therein; for if
now the supplanting of the Religion reformed should be brought
to pass, the honour thereof would not be given to the King,
but to those who have now thus behaved themselves rather as
rebels than subjects; and so he should fail both for the glory
of the matter of Religion, whereunto he so much pretendeth,
and neglect also his own safety and honour by forbearing the
punishment of such said offences and indignities. |
|---|
| 1 p. The whole endorsed "Draft of Instructions for Sir
Thos. Leighton knt. sent to the French King May 1588."
[France XVIII. 106a.] |
|---|
| [1588, May.] | The French King to the Queen of England. |
|---|
| Assuring her of his gratitude for the testimony of his goodwill, shown by her gracious letter, and by the personage she
has been pleased to send to him, and declaring his desire to
serve her whenever occasion shall offer. Undated. |
|---|
| Endd. "Copy of the French King's letter to her Majesty by
Mr. Bodley." Fr. ½ p. [France XVIII. 107.] |
|---|
| [Bodley's first mission to France was in May 1588, a private
mission at the time that Henry III. fled from Paris, from the
Duke of Guise. For the Queen's letter, see p. 611, above.] |
|---|
| Document headed and endorsed "Instructions données a Monsieur de Guise quand il revienst en Cour apres les barricades de
Paris, par l'Archevesque de Lyon." Also endorsed in English
"Instructions given by B.L. to the Duke of Guise what course
he should hold at his repair to Court." |
|---|
| French. 4½ pp. Two copies. [France XVIII. 108, 109.] |
|---|
| May. | "Substance of the French King's answer to Mr. Bodley's
message, May, 1588." |
|---|
| ". . . That he found more kindness in his good sister the
Queen of England than in all the Princes, his friends and allies
besides, in that it pleased her to send so carefully and circumspectly to him in his troublesome state; which was no news
unto him, for that her proceedings heretofore had always been
such. And for his own part, he would endeavour to deserve
it, with all manner of princely and brotherly correspondence.
. . . He could never thank her sufficiently in that it pleased
her to take part of his grief upon that accident of Paris, which
was so great sometimes as it made the tears in his eyes. Howbeit, he was not the first King that had been so entreated in
France, or elsewhere, and, for his own part, made no doubt
but God would so assist him in his just cause as the shame of
all in the end should fall upon themselves. And as for those
particular offers of succour and help, which his good sister
made unto him, he were to be accounted the most ungrateful
man that liveth if he should not esteem them as singular courtesies. Nevertheless, a great number of his own good subjects,
as well nobles as others had been with him, and offered their
service with such ready good will and devotion as he made no
doubt but with his own forces and power to be able sufficiently
to chastise his enemies, and in the end, the world should perceive that he would not put up unrevenged so manifest indignities. |
|---|
| Endorsed, as in headline, by Walsingham's clerk. 1 p.
[France XVIII. 110.] |
|---|