Letters and Papers
February 1539, 1-5


Institute of Historical Research



James Gairdner and R. H. Brodie (editors)

Year published



77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95


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'Letters and Papers: February 1539, 1-5', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 14 Part 1: January-July 1539 (1894), pp. 77-95. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=75843 Date accessed: 16 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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February 1539

1 Feb.
R. O.
St. P. VIII.,
On Monday last they received the King's letters of 20 Jan. by the courier Francisco, and prepared for their execution; but the Queen being abroad hunting all the beginning of the week, they had no access till Friday morning, she having come home on the Thursday night. On Friday were sent for between 7 and 8 a.m. Found the Queen in her bedchamber with Mons. de St. Pye, Mons. de Molemboyes, and others, all standing apart from her. Addressed her, stating that the King thanked her for her good will; but finding nothing here but words, and these words repugnant to what has has been said in Spain, and his age requiring that he should not waste his time, and as they have been here four months and done utterly nothing, he desired her to enter treaty with them according to the answer the Emperor made to the gentleman of the King's chamber lately sent to Spain. If she yet protract matters upon the answer which has been looked for out of Spain, they may tarry 10 or 12 days to see if such answer really comes, but if it does not then come, they must take leave of her. The Emperor says she has full instructions and she says she must tarry for the Emperor's further advertisement. The Chancellor of the Order whom she sent to them upon receipt of her last letters out of Spain, said that as to the alliance with the duchess of Milan, the Emperor had declared his mind to the county palatine Frederic, who had taken leave, and would be here shortly. The County had not yet come to the Emperor when the Chancellor said he had taken his leave. The King begs her to consider the importance of the treaty, and to handle it in such manner that he may not be compelled to withdraw.
To this she replied that she was well disposed towards this alliance. As to the Emperor saying one thing and she another, there was no variance in their "first resolution." Had full instruction for three points with this clause "that all should be concluded, or all stay till we might further advertise." Believes what they say, i.e., that the Emperor is content to disjoin them, but has as yet no instruction to that effect. The Chancellor must have done his errand amiss, and yet she showed him the very letters which contained the Emperor's resolution to await the arrival in Spain of the County Palatine (who was arrived but not near the Emperor), and who ought to be consulted as he had married the elder sister and was near at hand. Expects this advertisement within the time limited for their departure, and trusts very shortly after that to hear word of all together, for on Monday last she despatched Cornelius Skepperus to the Emperor in post for this answer.
Said they were glad to perceive her good determination and desired that with good words we might also have good deeds; four months was a long time to tarry. She said it was long; but she trusted shortly to have good answer. "But, Madame," quod we "for this matter of the Chancellor, surely he told us as we have declared, which I, Edward Kerne, who heard when it was spoken, did testify unto her." She said that then he took it amiss: she would ever esteem the King as became her. She then began to depart, and I, Wriothesley, stepped to her and asked leave to ask her a question. She blushed and bade me speak. "Madame," quod I, "I beseech your Grace" to tell me how you find the Duchess disposed to this marriage, for we have been told she has said she intended not to fix her mind that way: and, hearing this report, I marvelled that men who should be honest men should devise such a tale to please some other prince or show their 'cancred stomachs' because my master had touched their captain the bp. of Rome. Then, telling her of the friar at Rone, I said no man in England was suffered to speak slanderously of the Emperor or of any other prince. I then asked her opinion, and begged leave that afternoon to speak with the Duchess and learn from her whether she had so spoken. She replied that she dared say her niece never spake any such thing, and she knew of none who had spoken maliciously against the King. If the Emperor and King agreed on the marriage her niece would be at the Emperor's command. If Wriothesley would repair to her niece's lodging that afternoon she would be ready for him. Thanked her and departed.
Thought this the best way to get speech of the Duchess and deliver the King's recommendation to her as commissioned. On reaching home I sent to the Grand Master with the Duchess, M. Benedicte, an Italian, "who is my friend, and a man grave, wise, and well affected in this matter," to know what time the Duchess would appoint. She appointed 2 p.m. and I think she spoke not with the Queen till after M. Benedicte had done my message.
At 2 o'clock I went to her lodging, which is in the Court, although she pays all her own charges here and has no advantages, saving that she "sitteth ever with the Queen when she eateth, not in her own chamber at her own cost." Her chamber was hung with black velvet and damask with a cloth of estate of the same. Found there about a dozen gentlemen and as many others all in the nether end of the chamber, above them five or six gentlewomen, and above them the Duchess alone with the Great Master opposite her on the other side of the chamber. "I made my reverence and came towards her, she inclining very gently towards me with good countenance." Gives his speech, desiring pardon for not coming to salute her oftener, and begging leave to ask two questions. She welcomed him and promised reasonable answer. Describes her very favourably. Details his dialogue with her in which she denied speaking the words ascribed to her and said she was at the Emperor's command. Wriothesley described the King as a "most gentle gentleman," "his nature so benigne and pleasant that I think till this day no man hath heard many angry words pass his mouth," &c., at which she seemed much tickled. Wriothesley also said he trusted to see her matched with the King, &c. He then took leave, and the Grand Master and another of her gentlemen, called John Baptista brought him to his lodging.
Thinks there is no doubt of the Duchess, and has been so round with the rest that they will beware how they speak; some of them who have not altogether been without fault, promise to punish any inferior who shall prate otherwise than convenient. Brussels, 1 Feb. Signed.
Add. Endd.
1 Feb.
Royal MS.
18 B. VI. 51b.
B. M.
Theiner, 608.
195. JAMES V. to PAUL III.
The bishopric of Lismore is now vacant, which few desire because the country is mountainous and barren, the rents small, and the people wild and uncivilised, being near Ireland and the Isles. Recommends Will. Cunynghame, a young man of six and twenty, of a noble family adjoining that country, whose genius gives promise that he will rule them well, and desires that the Cistercian cell of Sagadul be kept united with the see, on account of the slenderness of the bp's table (mensæ episcopalis). Edinburgh, Cal. Feb. 1538.
Copy, Lat., p. 1.
1 Feb.
Royal MS.
18 B. VI. 52.
B. M.
To the same effect as the preceding. Edinburgh, Cal. Feb. 1538. Copy, Lat., p. 1.
1 Feb.
Vatican MS.
Proceedings in the Roman Courts.
30 Jan. 1539.—George Durii, clk., of St. Andrews dioc., by his proctor, Adrian Loyr, clk., of Arras dioc., intimated the revocation by James, abp. of St. Andrews, of his proctor for Gegar (Gogar ?) and other benefices held or to be held by the said George.
1 Feb. 1539.—James, abp. of St. Andrews, by David Methwen his proctor, intimated the recall of Andrew Oliphant, Hugh Wischart, and other his proctors in his suits in the Roman Court against George, abbot of Dunservilin (Dunfermline).
Latin. From a modern extract in R. O. pp. 3.
1 Feb.
Leonard, II.
Declaration of Charles V. (after hearing from the bp. of Tarbes, French ambassador, and from his own ambassador in France, that Francis is pleased with the Emperor's answer, lately given in writing to Tarbes and the sieur de Brissac, upon what they had said on the King's part), that, upon the report of the sieur de Peloux and the representations of Tarbes and Brissac touching the enterprise against the Turk, the marriages, and the peace, he thanks the King for his kind offer, and his promise to protect the Empress and the Emperor's children and realms, in the event of the enterprise taking effect. As the French king approves the answer made to the sieur de l'Ordre touching the marriage put forward on the part of the French queen between the Prince of Spain and madame Marie her daughter, the Emperor gives his promise that the marriage shall take place when the Prince shall be of fit age. The Emperor promises to treat for the marriage of Mons. d' Orleans with the Infanta of Spain, his eldest daughter, or else with the second daughter of the king of the Romans, as shall seem best, to take place when the ladies are of sufficient age, which will be in the same year, and will give them the state of Milan, and do his best for an agreement between the King and the duke of Savoye. As to the Faith and the Turk, the Emperor will adhere to what he said at Aiguesmortes. As to the peace, the Emperor agrees with what Francis said when the ten years' truce was made, i.e., that he considered it a peace. He himself holds it for a peace and is very pleased that it should extend to the defence of both realms, as Tarbes and Brissac have proposed. Toledo, 1 Feb. 1538.
II. 533.
2. Declaration by Francis I. that he will be for ever friendly to Charles V. and aid him against all enemies; that he will keep the 10 years' truce and preserve the peace after it during the lives of himself and Charles; that he will observe his promise about the marriage of the Prince of Spain with his daughter Margaret; and also about the marriage of the duke of Orleans with the Infanta of Spain.
1 Feb.
Sadoleti Epp.
No. 318.
Our excellent colleague Pole, most worthy of the fortune in which he was born, not of that which now waylays him, came to me at Carpentras on his way to Spain, and gave me by his coming no small grief, but very great pleasure also. For to see the man I so much loved was a very great joy; but to hear how his family was almost extinguished by the cruelty of a most wicked tyrant, I should have set no bounds to my grief but for the consolation that Pole himself gave me. But with his usual constancy and moderation, he spoke of his own affairs as if they were those of another person, but was more deeply moved by the new and unheard of injury done to the Christian name by this impious King, if king he may be called who scarce deserves the name of man. Speaks of his conversations with Pole, in which much mention was made of Contarini, &c. Carpentras, Cal. Feb.
Poli Epistolæ, I. 66.Speaks of the difficulty an Englishman like himself feels in writing against his King, especially as he is so bound to him by ties of blood, by the disposition he formerly showed, and by benefits conferred, that no one ever loved another man better. Pole is the only member of the English nobility of whose education Henry took charge; and to use that advantage in destroying his reputation which he devoted himself so many years to advance, even though for just causes, gives him the deepest pain. 2. (fn. 1) Is compelled to do so however, for many causes, known to almost all who know the King and him; first by the King's own order that he should write, though he had abandoned his country and his friends rather than mix himself up with disputes derogatory to the King's honor. Wished to go where he should not even hear of them, and nearly succeeded for two years at Venice, as he could not give an opinion without either betraying the King's honor or endangering himself and his friends. Nor could anything but the King's command have altered his purpose. 3. And the King had punished so severely those who differed from him, especially two great lights of our country (More and Fisher) that he thought Pole could not but write in accordance with his view; so he very strictly enjoined him to declare his opinion in writing. Might have complied in a more doubtful case for the sake of his friends, of whom he would be deprived for ever by writing against the King. Was determined, however, not only by the result of his own thought and reading, but by that one argument that he saw the finger of God in those men's blood. 4. After much hesitation as to the manner of doing it, 5., he produced a work in four books; the first in opposition to the royal supremacy, the second in defence of the Pope's authority; the third inveighing against the slaughter of those holy men, not less vehemently than love and piety required in such a dangerous state of matters; and the fourth declaring his readiness still to submit to the King and ask pardon for his bitter words, declaring the cause why he wrote and the two councillors by whose advice he had been guided—men who ought not only to obtain pardon for himself, but reward from the King, for the care they took of his safety and honour, who were the more sharp in detecting misdeeds only for the King's salvation. Referred on this subject to the example of Kings who had been penitent, &c.
6. All this was done three years ago. All was then written which I now publish, and was then sent to him, at a time when all men expected either a most glorious change, and most salutary for himself, or an utterly hopeless fall. I sent it to him at once, just after he had got rid of her (fn. 2) who was esteemed the cause of this calamity to the whole kingdom; for though he had bought her at such a price, his love was soon sated and turned into hatred. Who did not expect then a change for the better? I seized the opportunity and sent him the book; and though the King wrote pretending that he was not displeased, but would like me to come and discuss the matter with himself, there could be no doubt about his real intention. 7. Forebore nevertheless, to take action against the King, as many good men advised him, while the King denounced him to other princes as a traitor. 8. But now that the Church has declared him a public enemy, and has enjoined upon Pole the duty of doing what he himself indicated three years ago in his book that he might do if Henry did not desist—to make known his iniquity to princes and show them that he was a worse enemy to the Church than the Turk, addresses himself to the Emperor. Urges him to turn his arms against Henry instead of the Turk. 9–13. Refutes Henry's argument from his own prosperity that he enjoyed the favour of God. 14. Shows how the King has degenerated in character, having been at one time religious, benign, liberal, and a lover of justice; 15., but being highly favoured by Heaven, he threw away all his advantages. 16. Comments on Henry's sensuality, 17. and avarice. 18. In one day he seized 360 monasteries, forcing the nobility thus to give up the monuments of their ancestry and the people almost their very support (sua prope alimenta), for such these monasteries were. He confiscated the farms, destroyed the buildings, and where the walls were too strong to be easily thrown down, blew up the foundations with gunpowder. 19. Speaks of his cruelty; 20, and of the character of his victims, viz., first of Fisher, of whom Henry himself used to boast that no other prince had in his kingdom a bishop so endowed with learning and virtue. And Fisher used to say he was more bound to the King than others because Henry was born in his diocese, and he was confessor to his grandmother, who at her death entreated Henry with tears to obey him above all others. Yet, when that cause was brought forward which most concerned the King's salvation, and he had made answer as a learned and honest man, the King twice condemned him; first he consigned him to perpetual imprisonment, when for very age he could hardly stand upon his feet and very nearly died when he was drawn to his trial. Then after 15 months' imprisonment he ordered him to be beheaded. Nor was this enough, but he ordered his naked body to be left as a spectacle at the place of execution, to which no one dared approach for fear of the tyrant, except those who stripped his body and treated it with ignominy. 21. Secondly, he beheaded More, of whose learning, probity, and wisdom he used to speak as highly as of Fisher's; and he proclaimed that it was due to his clemency that they did not suffer a worse kind of death. 22. The nature of this clemency was shown by comparison with the barbarity used towards the Bridgettines and Carthusians who were drawn in hurdles through the streets to the gallows, hanged, cut down alive, drawn to another place, put on their feet, stripped of their clothes, disembowelled, and had their bowels burnt before their eyes while they yet breathed. I was told by one who witnessed the horrid spectacle, that in stripping them the hair shirts appeared, with which they were nearly all invested, and as the executioner was not allowed to remove these like the other garments, he had to strike frequently before the sword could penetrate the hair shirts, and hack the bodies fearfully. They certainly would not have suffered such barbarities from the Turk, who not only tolerates the monks of Athos, but sends them presents, and when he goes to war commends himself to their prayers. 23. The Emperor has heard, also, of what Henry has done to the shrine and body of St. Thomas. Pole forbears to speak of crimes such as other tyrants have committed. The mere robbery was such; but to burn the Saint's bones and scatter them to the winds; was such an outrage ever heard of? Enlarges on this subject at some length. 24. He even destroyed the tomb of St. Augustine, the Apostle of the English in the same city, and the church and monastery dedicated to him, and gave orders to turn it into a palace with a deer park. 25. He then attacked the nobility, killed Henry Courteney, marquis of Exeter, Henry Pole, lord Montague, and Sir Edw. Nevill, of whom he will venture to say, though one was his brother, that they had few peers in virtue any more than in nobility of blood. 26. It had been his deliberate design for years to extinguish virtue in the nobility as in the priesthood. Pole said this three years ago, and the facts now confirm it. Could produce many witnesses. Goes back to the cause of Henry's fall, his agitation for a divorce, shows the difficulties he met with,—how even he who was supposed to have instigated it (Wolsey), seeing that it would be the King's destruction, declined further service; and how the King, finding these obstacles so great, declared that he had first attempted the divorce in the belief that the Church of Rome would approve it, but since the Church was opposed to it he would prosecute the matter no further. This he said with a deep sigh, as it was reported to Pole by one who heard him, and it gave great joy to those about him, as they saw it would involve the greatest calamities if he persevered. But he scarcely remained two days of this mind, when Satan suggested to him that he should make Divine law subject to him, and so got him bound with a stronger chain. Pole knows how this occurred, and what orders were given, and who took them.
27. A messenger of Satan approached the King and made him a long address, blaming the timidity of his councillors for not finding means to gratify him, and suggesting that a King was above all laws, as he had the power to change them. He said Henry's councillors studied the interests of his sujects, not of himself, and they applied the same principles of honor (de honesto) to a prince as to a private person, thinking no ordinance of prince or people can change them. Yet the King had the law of God here in his favor; and what death did they not deserve who opposed him? It would be well, indeed, to use every effort to get the Pope's sanction for the divorce, but if this could not be obtained he might withdraw his realm from subjection to Rome, which was really a bondage imposed on princes. The King should make himself head of the Church in England. It was monstrous to have two heads within one kingdom, and it was a fiction of the priests that they were exempt from the jurisdiction of kings. Let him recall to himself what they had cunningly taken from him, and he would make royalty greater, richer, and more powerful than it had ever been. Thus taking him, as it were, to a pinnacle of the Temple, or to a high mountain, he showed him all things subject to the Church, the numerous and wealthy monasteries, the bprics., &c., and said, "All these things shall be thine; only call thyself what thou art, head of the Church." Any opposition would then be treason. Cannot affirm that he has reported what Satan's ambassador said exactly, as he was not present; but has set down nothing in that speech which he has not heard from himself or from those who shared his counsels. But why should the man not be expressly named? 28. It was Cromwell, a man of no pedigree, born at a village near London, where his father lived by fulling cloths. He had been a common soldier in Italy; he had been a merchant, or rather, a merchant's clerk and bookkeeper. Pole knows the merchant, a Venetian, in whose service he was. Tired of this, he returned home and became a lawyer, relying on his own cleverness and his experience abroad to help him on. Nor did he prosper in this till it came to the overthrow of monasteries which began under Cardinal Wolsey, who suppressed a few, nearly deserted by their inmates, to found colleges; when he showed such a capacity for destruction and laying things waste that he seemed born to no other end. At the Cardinal's fall, by whose authority he had acted, every one demanded that he should be punished, and Pole, who was then at London, remembers a rumor everywhere circulated, that he had been sent to prison. Nor would he have escaped that fate had not God in anger at the King given this man's life to Satan, who used him as an instrument to afflict his soul more severely. He reckoned on saving himself by reserving out of the spoils of the monasteries enough to purchase his life from those who were in favor with the King. It was by this work of destruction that his name first became known. Compares him to the demoniac in the tombs, &c. It is clear he has no standard of right except human opinion. No doubt he speaks in public of the Gospel, which, he says, is obscured by priestcraft, and which he wishes to purify by the King's authority. But he has used a different language in private, and Pole would refrain from judging his motives but for the strongest evidences. Pole admits that he never heard him speak in public; but in private he has heard him twice, and it is from his own words as well as his actions that he has formed his opinion. He could also produce trustworthy witnesses to whom Cromwell has expressed the same opinion. But in evidence of its truth, will only mention his own sudden departure from England as soon as he saw Cromwell's influence with the King to be on the increase. He left his country just at the time he had most desire to stay; merely judging from that one conversation what sort of government there would be if he held the reins: for he showed what it would be, in a single speech, when opinions were everywhere sought about the divorce. 29. When the King's councillors were divided, some upholding the right and others inclining to the King's will, Cromwell took occasion to address Pole, then just returned from Italy, having met him at Cardinal Wolsey's house, and talked with him about the duty of a prudent councillor to his prince. Pole having replied that above all things he should consider his prince's honor, and set forth his ideas about honor and utility, he said such views were applauded in the schools, but were not at all relished in secret councils; and he concluded that a prudent councillor should study first the inclination of his prince. Said nothing to this, thinking he only spoke for the sake of arguing and not seriously; but when Cromwell saw that he disapproved his opinions he said it was not wonderful that they should be disliked by one who had not given himself to public affairs; and he advised Pole to leave his studies, and if he would learn a little of the practical art of government, he would send him a book by an ingenious modern writer who did not pursue a dream like Plato; for he saw to what danger Pole committed himself by following the guidance of idle learned men. Pole promised to read the book and took leave of him; but when the King afterwards, daily increasing in licentiousness, estranged not only good men but even those who had once ministered to his desires, Pole remembered this conversation as a warning to fly beyond reach of his bow.
30. Understood all this much more clearly when he met with the book Cromwell had so commended, which he afterwards did, though Cromwell did not send it, for Pole understands he regretted his promise. Learned, however, from others the nature of his favourite studies, and took as much pains to find out as a general to intercept an enemy's despatches. The book was written by the Enemy of the human race, and declared all his method for the overthrow of religion, piety, and virtue; for though the author's name was on it, Pole had scarce begun to read when he recognised the finger of Satan. The name inscribed on it was Machiavelli. Gives an account of the teaching of the book de Principe; 31–35, and comments at great length on its character and the policy of Henry VIII. 36. Expects the vengeance of God to be declared against the King. 37. Appeals to the treatment of Becket's bones as in itself sufficient to justify himself from the charge of treason; 38–40, and shows at great length how impossible it is to have any relations with Henry; how he has rendered uncertain the succession to his own kingdom, and ruined those who were most bound to him. Refers to the case of Wolsey and to his own dying wife, to whom he refused permission to see her daughter. 41. Shows that, as to foreign princes, also, viz., the Pope, the Emperor, and the king of France, his conduct has been most perfidious; 42, 43, and urges a combination to liberate the Christians in the West from the enemy of Christ. 44. But Ant-Christ will be worn out without human hand. Is quite convinced that Henry himself, notwithstanding his apparent prosperity, is not happy, and is not powerful. 45. Means, however, to write another book upon this subject; which he will the more readily do as he is sure he must first go to those fountains from which alone the state of the Kingdom can be watered to produce wholesome fruit. Is anxious to repair thither, and wash away the bitterness of his past words.
Lat. Entitled (by the Editor): "Apologia Reg. Poli ad Carolum V. Cæsarem super quatuor libris a se scriptis de Unitate Ecclesiæ."
2 Feb.
R. O.
This day my lord Privy Seal delivered me this letter, which, he says, is full answer to the letters brought by bearer, and that now your lordship's gravity and wisdom will appear by your proceedings. He desires you to have good respect to the marches, as he said he had signified your lordship and the Council there. As for the Friars and the 400l., he says that now I shall be ascertained the full contents of [the King's] pleasure therein. Would like to know wherein Lisle may trust, for sometimes promises taketh scant place. Believes Lisle will be disappointed, and will have to furnish some other way. Mr. Polsted does what he can, but my lord has no leisure to set order in his own causes. Has now tarried eight days for nothing but the premises. Need write no more till he come himself. London, 2 Feb.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
2 Feb.
R. O.
I have received your letters by Harris. Mr. Knevett thanks you for his boy. I will inform you at my coming how he gets on. I hope the stuff I sent is come in safety. Mr. Manchester says now that the Frenchman who makes the quilts has lined them with say, and you may turn them which side you please. I cannot yet be despatched of my lord, (fn. 3) though Mr. Polsted has done what he can. I intend to write no more till I come. London, 2 Feb.
I have divers tokens and letters for you, which I will bring.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
[2 Feb.]
R. O.
Reminds him to move the King to appoint a sheriff of Kent, which is very necessary for the return of processes, and the county court may not be omitted, because of exigents and outlawries. The sheriff's patent may bear date as near the death of the old sheriff as the King pleases. Sir Wm. Kempe, the late sheriff, died on Tuesday last, and the very day of return of xva Hillarii was the Monday before, and the quarto die was on Thursday last. So the return is good in Mr. Kempe's name. The county court of Kent is always on Monday, I know not whether it will be to-morrow or not, but the Teste of the new sheriff's patent should be on Friday on Saturday last. Grey's Inn, this Sunday.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Privy Seal.
2 Feb.
R. O.
204. JOHN VERNON (fn. 4) to CROMWELL.
This Candlemas day, George Fae and Michael Meche, "two Egyptians as they say," came to his house, and according to the late statutes he examined them for being within the King's realm; who showed no other writings than those in the box, sent by his servant, the bearer, "whereof one of them is made by the mayor of London as they say, another by James the king of Scotts; a letter to our sovereign lord the King's high majesty, sealed; a letter to the lord President and Mr. Justice, sealed; another letter to Sir Richard Bukkeley, knight, sealed; a letter or testimonial made by George Darcy, knight, then sheriff of York (Yorkshire); another letter made by Walter Welshe, then sheriff of Worcester (fn. 5) ; one bill indented; one bill made by the abbot of Halyrudhous; three other bills; and five bills pricked with one pin; and a testimonial made in parchment, supposed to be made by the commissioners in the marches of Wales." As he knows not what, prejudicial to the King and realm, may be in the sealed letters, he keeps the men in ward. As he hears they have 20 persons in their company, and his officers say there are in Staffordshire seven score more who "have robbed and spoiled," he desires to know how to act. Harlaston, Candlemas Day, at night. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal.
On the back is written, in another hand, "Abbess of Elstowe for the parsonage of Willeshamstede with all manner gleb. to Gerard Hervy, esquire."
2 Feb.
R. O.
On 2 Feb. I received your letter in favour of Mr. Grenway, one of the gentlemen ushers of the Chamber, for our ground and closures called Ruxsex. They are our old demesne lands, occupied by ourselves without (i.e., beyond) remembrance of any man living; we have no other ground unlet to feed the cattle we kill daily in the house; and we get in the said closures all the hay we spend in the year. Otherwise we would be glad to oblige you.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.
2 Feb.
R. O.
Appeals to Cromwell as Paul appealed to Cæsar, or else the usurped power and unequal laws of the bp. of Rome, openly preached against by him almost alone in these parts of Hampshire, will be heavily laid upon his neck. The parson of Burfeld, priest in holy orders, has kept a concubine these 20 years openly, and has children by her, by dispensation, as it is said, "and no man seieth blak is his ye." The asking of banns is commonly sold, the marrying in another church the parson or curate licenses for money; as appears in their articles against him and his answers, sent by bearer. These answers they would not admit, and made answers to their own questions, so that now the victory must be won by my lord of Winchester, before whom he has to appear, at St. Mary Overes, the Saturday after Ash Wednesday. It is accounted a great triumph to suppress and tread under foot a poor blind man, neither offending God nor his prince. Is loth to be compelled to eat the unwholesome droppings of stinking Anti-Christ. Asks Cromwell to take the benefice if it can not stand with the Divine Ordinance, and rid him out of their bondage, and, as they write, subjection; for he is lawfully subject only to the King. Bentworth, 2 Feb.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.: Ao xxx.
2 Feb.
R. O.
He and Dr. Baskerfild have, by virtue of the King's commission, taken the surrender of the abbess and convent of Pollisworth. As they lately at great cost purchased the continuance of their house and yet have left it in such a state that the King is put to no cost in despatching them, we have assigned the abbess 26l. 13s. 4d. pension. With her virtuous reputation and great age, we think she rather deserves more than less. To Joan Penye, the prioress, and Margaret Todye, we assigned, 53s. 4d., because they are aged, and to the rest, 40s.
I beg you to ratify these pensions; for most of them are aged, impotent or friendless. Burton-upon-Trent, 2 Feb.
II. List of the convent with their pensions, viz.: Alice Fizharberd, abbess, Joan Penye, prioress, Marg. Toddye, Anne Fremyngam, Mary Charnelles, Katharine Corbyn, Eleanor Blunt, Edith Willinghull, Eliz. Oteleye, Eliz. Wadleff, Alice Ulleye, Mary Saunders, Kath. Whytkyrtell, Grace Holton, Benedicta Burton. Signed.
P. 1. Add.
2 Feb.
R. O.
By this bearer, Francisco, who brought to me and my fellows the King's letters of 20 Jan., I received yours of that date. What we have done upon our last commission I remit to our letters to the King, because the discourses be long. Two things appear, viz. that the Queen would be loth to let us go with nothing, and that the Duchess is well inclined, considering that nothing has been said to her on the King's behalf. Thinks her worthy to be queen. The discourses, however, are true, for he has the one part written and the other may easily be carried away. Takes some hope from the fact that he was more friendly handled than before. I have been so quick with some of "these folk" that they dare not openly speak of the King and our affairs; so that some of them begin foolishly to talk of me, marvelling that in so great a matter the King should send "a man of no estimation, a secretary of your lordship's." I tell them none of them know of what house I am, and that I may be as noble as the proudest of them; that princes gives titles to them that be worthy and if nobility be in the blood it is in all the family and not only in him that bears the title. As to my estimation I say that if I meet the best of them as my master's friend he is welcome, but if otherwise I trust to give him a buffet. As to being your secretary I tell them "if it were so I would not be ashamed of it"; and at home I served the King under you, and that when they come to England after my return they shall see that I am not ashamed to carry your bag of books with pen, ink, and paper after your Lordship to do your bidding, and that I can give them as good a welcome there as they can give me here. The more they seem to contemn things the greater countenance do I keep. "I think surely that these folks were very angry with the death of the Marquis"; perhaps because they deserved as much themselves and fear that with an alliance with the King the Emperor might learn to give them their deserts.
Skipperus who is now despatched to the Emperor through France carried with him two cups of gold as tokens to the King and Queen. The duke of Orleans is to marry the Emperor's daughter, howbeit I think they mean Ferdinando's daughter, and have the present possession of Millain. The duke of Gueldres has made absolute answer to the orator of the duke of Lorraine that he will never yield the duchy to him or the Emperor or any other person. I received or (qu. on?) Thursday letters from Mr. Wiat which I send. "They give no great hope, because I think you have heard from him since that time, and yet I cannot mislike them." Among the gentlemen who daily visit us is Mons. de Vauldry who sent the King the wine: he is very sorry the vines fail this year, so that he cannot make the King a like present, but he wishes to present the King with a goodly horse. Forty-five of the ships here taken up for the Emperor's voyage are ready to depart with the first wind: the French king aids the Emperor with men who are also said to be ready.
Has expressed to many here how sorry he is to be chief minister in an embassy which is so coldly received. Has told them the King was glad of their truce, (fn. 7) and wishes it were more perfect than it is. Tells them plainly that old friends would not be forgotten in such new reconciliations, and that the Emperor's interests were not so well secured that he could afford to despise them. Tempers this tale after the quality of those he talks with. Has treated thus with Mons. de Berges, and three or four more of the wisest in this Court. To Madame de Berges who dined with us, I triumphed upon the lewdness of "talkings" here, of the King's virtue, and their coldness, and I think she will now be a champion for our side. "She is a dame of stomach, the duke of Arskott's sister, and one that hath a jolly tongue." I wrote to you for the King's "phisnamy" which I think would make the Duchess leave Emperor and all rather than be frustrated of so great a benefit: indeed she is in far enough, and too far if it go not forward. Her dower will do little more than bear her own charges, and the Emperor can delay it at any time: it is like my fever, God take away the evil days! I have declared to the best wits here the treasons of the late Marquis and his complices "even from the beginning when God drove the King's majesty into Hamshir against his will, how Holande and Geoffrey Pole were there taken, how Carowe's letters were by chance found," with all the King's goodness to them. I beg your favor to Mr. Henry Palmer: if I had not had honest men, whereof he was one, about me in my fever I think I should not have escaped death. Brussels, 2 Feb.
Hol., pp. 10. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
2 Feb.
R. O.
Refers him to their common letter to the King for their conference with the Queen on Friday last. The Queen seemed unwilling to let them depart, and said she looked daily for instructions from the Emperor and had on Monday last despatched Skyperus, a learned man of the Council here, to solicit the Emperor to send a full resolution. Trusts all will succeed to the King's pleasure. The duchess of Milan is bent on this alliance, and cannot bear to hear any other marriage proposed for her. Refers to Mr. Wriothesley's discourse in their common letter. Asks for more money: has spent all he had in their household expenses. Brussels, 2 Feb.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
3 Feb.
R. O.
210. SIR JOHN ALEYN, Alderman, to CROMWELL.
Asks him to grant to the bearers, Chr. Cok and Edw. Lightmaker, merchants of the Stylyard, a licence to export 700 qrs. of corn into Estelonde, which they say Cromwell promised to them for supplying the city, when in great necessity during his late mayoralty, with 15,000 qrs. of wheat and rye cheaper than could be got elsewhere. 3 Feb. Signed.
P.S. in his own hand. Asks for a safe conduct for his nephew Chr. Ascughe, who is outlawed and dare not come to London. Reminds Cromwell that he promised to do him a good turn and assures him that he has a true heart to him next the King. Wishes for an answer by Wm. Popley.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.: Ao xxx.
3 Feb.
R. O.
Thanks his lordship for his favour to her late husband (fn. 8) , herself, and her children, and especially for procuring a living for her son, Sir Richard, the priest. The earl of Wiltshire has now discharged him from being his chaplain, and he will be compelled to reside on his benefice, unless he can find service with some other worshipful man. Would not mind this if his benefice were in these parts among his friends. Asks [Cromwell] to take him into his service, so that he may avoid the dangers of the statute. Skotteney, 3 Feb. Signed. (fn. 9)
P. 1. Endd.
R. O.Is driven to make suit to his lordship by necessity, having neither friend nor kin of whom she has any hope or relief. Has not yet received the money she had from him; for my lord of Huntingdon will not pay it unless he has his bond returned to him.
Hol., p. 1. Endd.
3 Feb.
R. O.
I have received your letters concerning a prebend for such a clerk as the King will appoint "whereby the said clerk may be capax to take the dignity of the deanery upon him." Yesterday, Candlemas Day, I gave a clerk of mine a prebend of 4 mks., and to-day sent to London to compound for the first fruits; but for so good a purpose I have caused my clerk to give up his title, and enclose the collation. Your servant, Thomas Jones, shall cause my servant to stay compounding for the first fruits. I am sorry it is so small; but for this purpose it will serve as well as the best, and I beg you move the King "to name to the said dignity that worshipful good clerk his chaplain Master Doctor Day." 3 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.: Ao 30o.
3 Feb.
R. O.
xiv. 637.
Surrender of the house and all its possessions in cos, Soms., Wilts., Glouc., and elsewhere in England, Wales, and the marches thereof. 3 Feb., 30 Hen. VIII. Signed by Ric. Clerkson, master and three others. [See Deputy Keeper's Eighth Report, App. II., 48].
Seal slightly injured.
Enrolled [Close Roll. p. 5, No. 41] as acknowledged, same day, before John Tregonwell, King's commissioner.
R. O.2. Pensions granted by the King to the master and brethren of the late surrendered house of St. John's in Wells, the first half-year's payment to be at Lady Day next, A.D. 1539, viz.:—
Ric. Clerkeson, master, 12l.; Wm. Merkes, 4l.; John Dyte, 53s. 4d.; John Carnycke, 3l. 6s. 8d. Signed: Thomas Crumwell: Jo. Tregonwell: Wylliam Petre.
P. 1.
R. O.3. Another copy, subscribed with the date 28 April, 31 Hen. VIII. Signed by Sir Ric. Ryche.
P. 1.
3 Feb.
R. O.
About six weeks ago you wrote in answer to my request to procure grain from your country that an examination would be made this Candlemas how well the country was provided. I beg you will now give me passage for 400 rasers of soucrion, 200 of oats, and a small quantity of wheat. Gravelinghes, 3 Feb. 1538. Signed.
Fr., p. 1. Add.: a Callais.
3 Feb.
R. O.
"Micguel," I have received your letters of the 27th Jan. and you may tell the King that I will do my best in his affairs, as I stated in my answer to your letters of the 18th. I have sent them to Grave and am glad that you have some hackneys. Be careful you get a quiet and surefooted one, as I cannot ride well when she goes "contre son homme" like the white one you formerly gave me. I hear that Gueldres is tired of its lord, (fn. 10) and, moreover, that he does not come into the country. Everyone here is preparing to go with "l.m." (the Emperor) to Constantinople. My son, the Prince of Orange and many young lords are going. They think here that the Duke of Orleans will go, some say he has gone already. Brussels, 3 Feb.
I dine to-morrow with the King's ambassador.
Copy in Mercator's hand. Fr., p. 1. Endd.
3 Feb.
Acts of the P.
of Sc. II. 353.
Holden at Edinburgh, 3 Feb. 1538, by lords commissioners, viz. Walter, lord of St. John's, &c. Ordained to stand over at the King's pleasure and only to sit if occasion require.
4 Feb.218. SIR ANTH. ST. LEGER.
4 Feb.
Close Roll
30 Hen. VIII.
p. 2, No. 38.
219. CHRISTCHURCH, Canterbury. (fn. 11)
Grant to the Crown by Thomas, the prior, and the convent of Christchurch, Canterbury, of the manor of Panfylde Prioris, Essex, and the park called Bokkyng Park, Essex. Chapter house of Christchurch 4 Feb. 30 Hen. VIII.
With mem. of acknowledgement, 2 March the same year, before Sir Christopher Hales, master of the Rolls, at Christchurch.
4 Feb.
Close Roll
30 Hen. VIII.
p. 6, m. 35 d.
Receipt given by Thos. lord Audeley of Walden, Chancellor of England, to John Griffiths of Eystanes ad Montem, Essex, a yeoman of the King's guard, for 67l. 10d. stg. in full payment for the messuage or hospice called the "Sarozon's Hedd" within Aldgate, and of the buildings, garden, or curtilage, &c., now held by Henry Freer in the parish of St. Catherine Cristechurch, London; which messuage the said John lately bought to himself and his heirs from the said lord Audeley. Dated 4 Feb., 30 Hen. VIII.
Acknowledged by Audeley in Chancery 12 Feb.
4 Feb.
R. O.
I received some time ago your letters in answer to mine about your own causes. I think you will do well to speak to Mr. Writhesley about them at his coming. You would understand my former letters as written by a treasurer whose duty it is to say much for getting in of money; but I wish rather to prick your lordship to sue than to do anything extreme against you. London, 25 Jan. 1538.
P.S. Since writing I have received a letter from my lady, and a puncheon of French wine, which is the more valued as it came from your own cellar. London, 4 Feb., 1538.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
4 Feb.
R. O.
I enclose a letter from my lord Privy Seal in answer to yours. As for the 400l., Mr. Polsted intends to move it, but he says my lord will not meddle without good security. I shall know his lordship's pleasure in two or three days. The commission for the Friars is made. You must write at once whom you will have in the commission with you. Mr. Polsted comes over to you about Shrovetide about Kingston Lisle, and then at furthest the commission shall be sent. Till then it should not be much spoken of, lest there be things hid which shall not easily come to light afterwards. The prior may in the mean time instruct you how things stand. you must write your mind concerning Wyckes to Mr. Hare. To day the King removes to Waltham and so to my lord Prince, and on Monday next his Grace will be back at West-minster. London, 4 Feb.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais.
4 Feb.
R. O.
I, being a lone woman, and needful of good counsel, sent for my cousin Hyde, which your Lordship doth remember, and he came to me at my house in Abendon. At which time four servants of Chr. Asshton assaulted one of my cousin's servants and, "if that one poor woman had not been," would apparently have slain him. And incontinently the said persons assaulted my said cousin at my own door, when he came out to expostulate with them, one of them, standing behind a pale at the door, making a stroke at him by which he is maimed and like to die. With that they fled out of the town towards the said Christopher's house, and were met on the road by horses to conduct them safely, for some of my cousin's friends had followed them to take them. Chr. and his servants are much doubted in this country, they threatened those who followed them. I would rather have spent all my substance, than have had this happen at my door. I beseech you to call the said Chr. and four of his servants to appear before you and answer for this and other charges against them. Abingdon, Tuesday, 4 Feb. (fn. 12) Signed.
Pp. 2. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.
4 Feb.
R. O.
When with your Lordship lately, I exhibited a complaint of the misdemeanours of Sir Piers Dutton about which I intended to have waited upon you at this term, but am so diseased that I cannot, as my brother, the bearer, will tell you. Brereton, 4 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.
The letter in Vol. XIII., Part I., No. 218 may be of this year. See Notes and Errata to that Volume.
4 Feb.
R. O.
The Chancellor, abp. of Dublin, Treasurer, and Chief Justice were lately in Wexford, where Sherlock is by Cromwell's preferment receiver of the King's revenues. Declared to them the state of the revenue, which amounts to 220l. a year, of which 90l. are paid in officers' fees (detailed) and the pensions of two abbots, leaving but 130l. to pay the 390l. which Wm. Seyntlow and his retinue have yearly for their wages. The gentlemen of the county have lately granted a subsidy of 100 mks. Wm. Seyntlow has in his absence appointed one Jerbarde as deputy seneschal, whose perverse disposition the gentlemen of the county cannot brook. Will repair to Cromwell in Lent next, and will then declare the abuses of the soldiery, who adopt Irish manners, riding on Irish pillions, and changing their long bows for darts. Waterford, 4 Feb.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.: Ao xxxo.
5 Feb.
Titus, B. I.
B. M.
St. P. I. 592.
Castillon has been with him and says he has received letters from Francis in answer to the King's message, and desires an audience. The answer is friendly, but there are points he could not disclose to Cromwell. Finds, however, that Francis wishes his speedy return, and will make no conclusion with the Emperor till then. He expects another ambassador will be sent in his place. Francis has refused to have a legate established in France. Cromwell told the ambassador that the King was quite able to defend himself, and showed him his armoury as a specimen of those of 20 other lords and gentlemen. He said he thought your Grace the prince best furnished in Christendom. "We commoned of the cafart Cornibus, (fn. 13) that slaunderose freve," against whom the bp. of Hereford had proposed articles and had been "very plain and round" with the French council. If Castillon could have audience tomorrow he would be glad to see my lord Prince.
Has sent other letters by a man just arrived from Flanders. From his intelligence and that of my lord of Southampten there seems no great preparation in Spain, and the King need not be hasty in concluding with the French ambassador. Encloses a book brought this morning by Nic. Cratzer, astronomer, which Geo. Spalatinus, sometime schoolmaster to the duke of Saxony, desired him to deliver to the King on "the Solace and Consolation of Princes." London, 5 Feb. Signed.
Add. Endd.
5 Feb.
R. O.
This morning, by John Teborow, I received your letters, which I shall deliver to Mr. Hare, and by the help of Mr. Harrys do my best to get respite till next term. I enclose Mr. Tywcke's letter, showing his mind. I have yet no answer from Mr. Polsted what my Lord's pleasure is for the loan of 400l. Mr. Polsted, I think, will bring the commission, and if he go not the rather I will procure it myself; for my Lord staid it because of Mr. Polsted's going over. I will answer Mr. Skryven as much as I can, and think he will forbear. I will send both your patents by the first trusty messenger. John Teborow is ridden today to the King by my lord Privy Seal's command. I have heard of no such matter concerning Mr. Porter as you write of. You must now practise with such as know what lands the Friars had, as corn rent, housing, annuities, plate, and other. London, 5 Feb.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais.
5 Feb.
R. O.
Rymer, XIV.
Surrender of the house and all its possessions in cos. Notts, York, Leic., and Ntht., and elsewhere in England and Wales and the marches thereof. Appointing Thos. Gyfte and Thos. Williams, laymen (laicos nostros), their attorneys to receive and deliver the above to John London and Edw. Baskerfeld, clks., to the King's use. 5 Feb. 30 Hen. VIII. Signed by Thos. Barford, warden, and seven others. [See Deputy Keeper's Eighth Report, App. II. 35.]
Enrolled [Close Roll, p. 1, No. 59] as acknowledged, same day, before John London, clk., King's commissioner.
5 Feb.
R. O.
Rymer, XIV.
Surrender of the house and all its possessions in cos. Notts, York, Leic., and Ntht., and elsewhere in England and Wales and the marches thereof. Appointing Ambrose Clarke and John Redyng, laymen (dilectos in Christo laicos nostros), their attorneys to deliver possession of the above to John London and Edw. Baskerfeld, clks., to the King's use. 5 Feb. 30 Hen. VIII. Signed by Roger Cappe, prior, and six others. [See Deputy Keeper's Eighth Report, App. II., 35.]
Enrolled [Close Roll, p. 1, No. 60], as acknowledged, the same day, before John London, clerk, the King's commissioner.
The letter in Vol. XIII., Part I. No. 224 may be of this year. See Notes and Errata to that Volume.
5 Feb.
Calig., B. I.
B. M.
St. P. v. 148.
This day received his letter, dated York, 26 Jan., referring to despiteful and slanderous ballads and fantastic prophecies believed to have been made in Scotland. Has already, upon advertisement of this matter by Sir Thos. Wharton, warden of Henry's marches, ordered search to be made throughout his borders for any such ballads, but cannot as yet find any man of his realm "yat evir hard red or saw ony siclike quhill ye copy yairof wes now presentit." Suspects the authors to be either his dearest uncle's subjects of the Borders or else his (James's) rebels who are "resident and entertained" in England, and who will never cease their crafty efforts to make business between the realms. Has renewed his charge for the suppression of such ballads and offered rewards for the detection of the makers. Exhorts him and all Henry's counsellors and servants to pay little heed to "sic trumparyis." As for fantastic prophecies, never took nor will take regard to such things. Palace of Edinburgh, 5 Feb. 26 James V. Signed.
P. 1. Add.
Calig. B. VII.
B. M.
2. Commission of James V. to the warden of the West Marches in consequence of writings sent to him from the King of England's Council at York, Sir Will. Evers, captain of Berwick, and Sir Thos. Wharton, warden of the West Borders, complaining of "divers famous, unhonest, displesand and dispiteful ballettis" made by his subjects against his dearest uncle—to proclaim at the market cross of Dumfreis and elsewhere that none publish or read the same, but that those who find them destroy them on pain of their lives. Edinburgh, 5 Feb. 26 Jac. V. Sealed.
P. 1.
5 Feb.
R. O.
Yesterday I had at dinner Mons. le Countie Bure, Mons. Distain and others of the best sort like Mons. de Vauldray. After dinner M. de Bure and I fell in communication apart by ourselves, and I spoke of the late Marquis and his accomplices, and of their coldness here in these things which first proceeded from the Emperor, and made comparisons between a new reconciled enemy and an old friend. He seemed glad to hear the truth of those traitors. He offered to tell me something he had heard in council and I promised that whatever he told me it should not be known who was the author of it. He said that not 24 hours before, he talked and "half chode" with the Queen and her council, and compared both friendships together with the doings of each in times past. He found the fault was laid on our side, and that it was said the King meant not to go through with the alliance, but was even now practising in France for a marriage with the daughter of Mons de Guise. They were such friends with France of late that nothing could be done in either country without being known in both. He said he did not believe the report, for it was the nighest way to diminish our credit. I thanked him and said I knew the French king had made overture to the King of Mons. de Guise's daughter and all the ladies of his realm and of his friends and allies, but since my coming the King had given little care to them and was too sage thus to practise with both parties; this intolerable coldness of the Emperor might enforce the King to retire elsewhere. "Why," quo' he, "may I be bold to say it is not true?" This was hard to answer, yet I said he might give it on my authority that if any such matter had been spoken of again of late it came on the part of the French; my master was bound to hear the messages of princes, but would not agree to any such thing unless driven to it by their coldness. "I am" quo' he, "as glad of this dinner as I was of any meal I took this 12 months." I said I was glad of it, &c., and that there were too many good Frenchmen here. "By God," quo' he, "but there be yet moo Englishmen." He said he wished these things about the Marquis, Mountacute, Nevel and Carrowe were put in print. I said this was partly done and no doubt would be translated and sent abroad; but no book could comprehend all their treasons, for the Marquis had "been a traitor these 20 years and ever studied how to take his master's place from him, and to destroy all his children." He said nothing was done here without the Emperor's instructions, but after the Emperor he, for one, would ever serve the King. I thanked him and gave him the best horse in my stable, and thus we parted.
This man is also an honest man in religion and confessed to me that he trusted only in the blood of Christ and prayed he might live to see these things weighed by reason and authority and not by men's wills. But great as he is here—and I have ever seen him go above the duke (fn. 14) when I have seen them together—he dare not speak openly of these things.
Of late I went to Louvain, 12 English miles, a great journey for me as yet, where with my practise before I have so far travelled that I trust by tomorrow night to have Henry Philips yield himself to me as the King's prisoner or else lay him fast there. I had him sent for out of the high country and have put him in hope of the King's mercy. I have sent one (fn. 15) for him that will surely either bring him or make him sure there. If he come I shall send him to England and, for my word's sake, be a suitor for his pardon. If well won he would be useful, as "his language in many tongues is excellent and his experience great." I have sent such a message today to the English merchants at Barrowe that perhaps you shall hear of it. Some of them be the starkest villains alive, and prate of the King's affairs and ministers at their pleasure. I have sent them a general word (if Mr. Vaughan do it as he has promised) that I trust to see them hanged unless they use their tongues better. Many mischievous reports come from them. Please thank Mr. Cofferer for me, you know how I have been bound to him in times past and by his letters, enclosed you may see his kindness. Brussels, 5 Feb.
I beg that the bearer may be one of the first returned to me.
Hol., pp. 8. Add.: Lord Privy Seal.
5 Feb.
R. O.
Lately by Mr. Welden's means I sent a packet of letters by Thos. Dady and trust you have received them; there were letters to my lord Privy Seal and Mr. Morryson. I was wondrous glad to receive a letter with your superscription, but within was nothing of yours. Whether I be married or unmarried I shall still be your beadman. Since you left I have had much trouble and without the help of friends "I think to go shortly a begging." Mr. Archdeacon Pates was once content I should dwell with him to confer with him in divers learnings, and I could do so still, for my wife was a poor wench and serves me like a servant. I would have sent your "bahn" but wist not whether you would convey any gear in him. I showed you here there was more gold in your two rings than I had of you by 3l. 4s. which must be paid to Mr. Rede. Paris, 5 Feb. 1539.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.: Ao 30o.
5 Feb.
Vit. B. XIV.
B. M.
235. GUIDUS J[ANNETUS (fn. 16) ] to CROMWELL.
"Illustrissime Domine. Quæ mense Januarii apud nos acta fu[erunt] ... Camerini possessio data fuit. Urbini quidem Dux illam ... præcipuam fuisse non obscure significat, quod Cæsar ita ... Dux Ferrariæ conditiones a Pontilice accepit, quod anno s ... fuit transactum esse: res tamen nunc primum est confecta [Francisco de Este] Romæ negotium fratris gerente. Convenerunt inter reliqua [quod] ... clxxx millia aureorum Pontifici solvat, et Hippoly[tus Archiepiscopus] Mediolani, alter ducis frater, qui apud Regem Galliæ in s ... Cardinalis fiat. Illud insuper sciendum, Andream Au[riam] ... fuisse, ut cum Pontifice ageret de eo, quod opus esse ex ... bello adversus Turcas administrando, ac illud tanquam ... proposuisse, ut si victoria est expetenda, ipse Venetorum ... præficiatur, ut ejus imperium omnino habeat. Quam rem si ... non modo dejicerentur a sententia susccptoque consilio sua loc ... tuendi et conservandi, verum etiam sese Imperatori Car ... dederent atque subjicerent. Neque deerunt fortasse inter ... qui contra hujuscemodi postulationes minime tergiversabun[t ... illa quoque jam in Italia respublica periculosis studiis et ... depravata. Alii Cæsari, alii Gallorum rebus nimis faven[t.]
Sed ut ad ea, quæ ad vos propius accedunt deveniam. D[e Reverendiss. Poli] cardinalis clandestina ad Cæsarem profectione ex super[ioribus meis literis]audistis. Necesse enim est, ut cum cardinalis aliquis ... discedit quamplures id resciscant. Crediderunt fortasse f ... fore aditum ad Imperatorem, si in illius aula fuerit c ... non obliti eum ex Gallia cum esset legatus exire [coactum fuisse]. Adversarii vestri haud exiguam spem sibi collocant I ... populorum animis, perinde ac pericula non putaturi ... tametsi sententiæ forent diversæ. Neque perpauc [os] ... sed omnium ferme offensos et alienatos sibi ... nt; quod vel inde colligi potest, quod Regis Scotiæ Cancellarium (fn. 17) [in ordinem] Cardinalium cooptaverunt. Putant Regem Galliæ de jure ... i concessurum, si ei Carolus Angliam offerat, perinde quasi ... ile sit, eum qui regem Galliæ crescere non vult, ideoque ... anum ei non permittat, eas impensas, quibus minime par est, facturum ... ut eundem regem se ipso majorem constituere adnitatur.
"... ane interrogabis, curnam adeo absurda ridiculaque scribere ausim? [Procul]dubio absurda sunt, quæqe prudentibus viris in mentem venire [non d]ebeant. Sed longe absurdiora sunt quæ hic loquuntur ... es non minus quo in statu res vestræ sint ignorantes, quum id ... maxime perspectum esse putent, quam vobis male volentes. Nec ... n usque adeo delirant, ut quæ moliuntur sperent confici posse [donec] prius Caroli et Francisci consensus ad eandem rem conspiraverint [quo]d nunc quidem agi credendum est. A Cæsare illud saltem [im]petrare conabuntur, ut aliqua censura, ut vocant et interdicto [prom]ulgato, permittat, ea ratione quæri, si quis tumultus istic [con]flari possit. Non enim illis satis perspectæ sunt Regis Angliæ [vire]s, opes, et amicitiæ.
[Nu]ntiatur ex Hispania Cæsarem hoc anno Siciliam Neapolitanumq[ue regn]um invisurum; propterea prohibitum est, ex illis regionibus, [com]meatus apportari. Illud quidem omnibus manifestum est, [C]æsarem erga Pontificem Paulum valde se officiosum exhibere [quod] ea fortasse arte fit, quo Rex Franciscus talia animadvertens [Imper]atorem minime audeat provocare.
"[Veneti] novum Principem (fn. 18) creaverunt. Guidus Rangonius comes [ordine equ]estri Michaelis insignis Gallorum Regis stipendia meritus ... rei militaris peritissimus diem suum obiit."
"[Quidam episcop]us Transylvaniæ ex Hungaria missus a Joanne Rege cum Pontifice colloquutus est. Intra paucos dies hinc ... Gallorum contendens. Cum Pontifice agi credo de ... regni cum Ecclesia Romana, de confirmandis epis[copis qui] multos annos sine autoritate hujus ecclesiæ episcopatus [sunt] adepti, deque subsidio pecuniario contra Turcas implor[ando]. Aliud autem scribendum non habeo, nisi rogem, ut me ... esse memineris. Vale. Romæ die v. Februarii, MD[XXXIX]. (fn. 19)
Multilated. Hol. Add.
R. O.The King has read all the letters which Cromwell sent and has had conference with the lords of his Council here. He will make no answer until he hears from Cromwell what the French ambassador declares from his master. Does not see that the King conceives any hope of good success from these news out of Flanders. Part of Mr. Wriothesley's proceedings he likes very well and part indifferently. Waltham.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Seal. Endd.: Ao xxx.


1 The Nos. are those of the different sections of the letter as printed.
2 Anne Boleyn.
3 Cromwell.
4 He was sheriff of Staffordshire 1538–9.
5 Sir George Darcy was sheriff of Yorkshire in 1535–6; Walter Walshe, of Worcestershire, from 13th November 1535 till his death in March 1538.
6 Gervase Markham, the last prior.
7 Of Nice, 18 June 1538.
8 Henry Darell. See Vol. V. No. 168 (2).
9 The signature is not in the same hand as the letter which follows.
10 The young duke of Cleves.
11 The commencement and conclusion of this document are printed in Rymer, xiv. 616, without showing the substance of the grant.
12 The 4th of February was a Tuesday in 1539, which seems to be sufficient evidence of the date; but if so, the letter of Lord Sandes in Vol. XIII. Pt. I. No. 245 must be referred to this year as well.
13 Peter de Cornibus, D.D., a Franciscan at Paris. See Adelung's Fortsetzung to Jöcher's Gelehrten Lexicon.
14 Of Arschot.
15 Wm. Layton.
16 Supplied from modern marginal note, made before the mutilation.
17 Cardinal Betoun.
18 Pietro Lando.
19 Supplied from modern marginal note.