686. The King's New Year's Gifts.
New Year's gifts given by the king's Grace to these persons ensuing,
1 Jan. 23 Hen. VIII.
To the Queen— (fn. 1) . To the French queen, a pair of gilt pots. (Morgan Woulf), 82½ oz.,
and a gilt cup with a cover (Freman's), 19¼ oz. To the Princess, 2 gilt pots. (Cornelles),
102 oz. 3 gilt bowls with a cover (Cornelles), 104 oz. A gilt layer. Amadas, 125/8 oz.
Bishops.—To the bishops of Canterbury, York, Durham, Carlisle, Winchester, Exeter,
Hereford, Lincoln, London, Llandaff, Ely, Rochester and Bath, gilt cups, cruses, bowls,
and goblets [made by] Cornelles, Freman, and Amadas; weight from 14 oz. to 25½ oz.
Dukes and Earls.—The Lord Chancellor, the dukes of Richmond, Norfolk, and Suffolk,
the lord marquis Exeter, the Lord Steward, the earls of Oxford, Northumberland, Westmoreland,
Rutland, Wiltshire, Huntingdon, Sussex, Worcester, Derby, and Essex, gilt
goblets, bowls, cruses, and cups, from 21 ozs. 1½ q. to 41½ oz.
Lords.—The Lord Chamberlain, lords Darcy, Lisle, Feres, Dawbeney, Audeley, Mountyoye,
Stafford, Rocheford, Mountagewe, Powes, Curson, St. John's, Wyndesour, Dacres
of the South, Hussey, Mountegill, Dudeley, Morley, and Souch, gilt cups, cruses, and
goblets, and one salt, 9¼ oz. to 285/8 oz.
Duchesses, Countesses, and Ladies.—The old duchess of Norfolk, the young duchess of
Norfolk, lady Margett Angwisshe, lady marques Dorset, lady marques Exeter, lady Salisbury,
countess of Wiltshire, Huntingdon, Westmoreland, and Worcester, lady Fitzwilliam,
countess of Kent, lady Shelton, countess of Derby, countess of Rutland, ladies Verney,
Lucye, Stannope, Gambage, Russell, young lady Guldeford, lady Sandes, Kyngeston, old
lady Bryan, lady Rocheford, lady Browne, old lady Guldeford, ladies Wyngfeld, Galthrop,
Mountegill, Tailbouse, Powes, Mary Rocheford, Outhrede, and Russell of Worcestershire,
gilt cruses, cups, salts, a lee pot, casting bottles, and goblets, 85/8 oz. to 355/8 oz.
Chaplains.—The deans of St. Stephens and of the King's chapel, the abbot of Abingdon,
Dr. Lupton, the King's almoner, the abbot of St. Mary Abbey, the Master of the Rolls, the
abbots of Westminster, Ramsey, and Peterborough, the prior of Christchurch, Canterbury,
Mr. Sydnour, Dr. Rawson, the abbot of Reading, Dr. Bell, Dr. Wolman, the Princess's
schoolmaster, the archdeacon of Richmond, Peter Vanne, secretary, and the abbot of
St. Albans, gilt cruses, cups, a goblet, and a bowl, 11½ oz. to 30¼ oz.
Gentlewomen.—Mrs. Hennege, Susan Parker, and John Parker, her husband, and Anne
Savage, Anne Joscelyn, Margery, Jane Assheley, and — Writhesley, with the lady
Anne, a gilt lee pot, a cup, and cruses, 9 oz. to 22 oz.
Knights.—Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam, treasurer, Sir Henry Guldford, comptroller, Sir Thos.
Cheyny, Sir Hen. Wyat, Sir Edw. Nevile, Sir John Nevile, Sir John Dawnce, Sir Nic.
Caroo, Sir John Gauge, Sir John Russell, Sir Fras. Bryan, Sir Ric. Weston, Sir Antony
Browne, Sir Wm. Kyngeston, Sir Bryan Tewke, Sir Thos. Palmer, Sir Edw. Baynton,
Sir John Aleyn, Sir Edw. Guldeford, Sir Ric. Page, Sir Edw. Seymer, Sir John Lawson,
Sir Geo. Harvy, and Sir Arthur Darcy, gilt cups, bowls, cruses, goblets, salts, and a
layer, 135/8 oz. to 28¼ oz.
Gentlemen.—Henry Norres, Robt. Amadas, Mr. Sulyard, Mr. Cromewell, Wellisborn,
Roger Radeclyff, Thos. Hennege, John Cavalcant, Dr. Benteley, Geo. Ardyson, Ant.
Knevett, Domyngo, Thos. Warde, Skydmore, gentleman usher, Dr. Butte, John Parker
and his wife, Chr. Wyllmer, Robt. Huggyns, Ant. Cassidony, Bastard Fawconbrige,
Wm. Lookke, Fras. Weston, Lee, gentleman usher, Penyson, Rawlyns, a spear of Calais,
Fras. Borron, milliner, Jerome Molyns, Maffew Barnard, one Kendall, one Harman Hull,
Goron Bartinus, Luke Gouner (Gunner), Hubbert of St. Kateryns, Thos. Flower, a dumb
man that gave the King sturgeon, Allyerd Juellour, Barth. Tate, Stephen Andrew, that
gave a "shevet" (civet), and Thos. Alford, gilt bowls, cruses, goblets, cups, salts, cruets,
and a casting bottle, 7¼ oz. to 36 oz. 3½ qr.
23 Hen. VIII.—New Year's gifts given to the king's Grace by these persons underwritten,
By the Queen,—
By the French queen, a pair of writing tables with a gold whistle. By the Princess —
Bishops.—Canterbury, 2 plain gilt pots, 111½ oz. York, 50l. in a purple velvet purse.
Carlisle, 2 rings with a ruby and a diamond. Winchester, a gold candlestick; and the
bishops of Durham, Exeter, Chester, Hereford, Lincoln, London, Llandaff, Ely, Rochester,
and Bath, sums of money from 20 mks. to 50l. in purses or gloves; the bishop of Ely
giving in addition a hawk.
Dukes and Earls.—Lord Chancellor, a walking staff, wrought with gold. The duke of
Richmond, —. The duke of Norfolk, a woodknife, a pair of tables and chessmen,
and a tablet of gold. The duke of Suffolk, a gold ball "for fume" (for perfume?), 8¾ oz.
The marquis of Exeter, a bonnet trimmed with aglets and buttons and a gold brooch. The
earl of Shrewsbury, a flagon of gold for rosewater, 9¾ oz. The earl of Oxford, 10 sovereigns
in a glove, 11l. 5s. The earl of Northumberland, a gold trencher, 8 oz. 1 dwt. The earl
of Westmoreland, a St. George on horseback, of gold, 1½ oz. The earl of Rutland, a white
silver purse, 6l. 13s. 4d. The earl of Wiltshire, a box of black velvet, with a steel glass
set in gold. The earl of Huntingdon, 2 greyhound collars, silver gilt. The earl of Sussex
a doghook of fine gold. The earl of Essex, —. The earl of Worcester, a doublet
of purple satin embroidered. The earl of Derby, 2 bracelets of gold enamelled blue,
5 oz. 3½ q.
Lords.—Lord Chamberlain, a pair of silver gilt candlesticks. Darcy, 6l. 13s. 4d. in a
crimson satin purse. St. John's, a gold salt and a dozen of carpets. Lisley, 20l. lacking
6d., in a blue satin purse. Edmond Haward, —. Dawbeney, a piece of cameryk.
Awdeley, a goodly sword, the hilt and pommel gilt and garnished. Stafford, a gold doghook.
Mounttague, a piece of camerik. Mountyoie, an ivory coffer, garnished with
silver gilt. Mountegill, a garter, buckle, and pendant of gold. Curson, 12 swans. George
Grey, —. Rocheford, 2 "hyngers" gilt, with velvet girdles. Wyndesour, a gold
tablet with a small chain. Delawarre, —. Hussey, 7l. 10s. in a black purse.
Morley, a book covered with purple satin. Souche, a fine shirt of camerik.
Duchesses and Countesses.—The old duchess of Norfolk, "The birth of our Lord in a
box." The young duchess of Norfolk, a gold pomander. Lady Margaret Angwisshe,
—. Lady marques Dorset, a great buckle and pendant of gold. Lady marques
Exeter, a gilt cup with a cover. Countess of Shrewsbury, —. Lady of Salisbury,
2 pieces of camerik. Countesses of Kent, a corse for a garter. Wiltshire, a coffer of needlework,
containing 6 shirt collars, 3 in gold and 3 in silver. Westmoreland, a brace of
greyhounds. Huntingdon, 2 shirts. Worcester, 2 shirts with black work. Rutland, a
piece of camrik. Derby, a black velvet girdle with gold buckles, pendants and bars.
Ladies.—Lady Anne, —. Lady Powes, a dozen hawk's hoods of silver. Sandes,
a gilt cup with a cover. Rocheford, 2 velvet and 2 satin caps, 2 being trimmed with gold
buttons. Fitzwilliams, a comb of "ybanes." Mountegill, a diamond ring. Old lady
Guldford, a garter with gold buckle and pendant. Young lady Guldford, a fine shirt.
Lady Shelton, a garter of stoole work. Old lady Bryan, a dog collar of gold of damask
with a lyalme. Lady Stannope, a regestre of gold. Verney, a regestre for a book.
Lucye, 2 greyhound collars with studs and turrets, silver gilt. Kyngston, a shirt of
camrik. Russell, a shirt wrought with black work. Russell, of Worcester, a shirt wrought
with gold. Calthrop, a box with flowers of needlework and six Suffolk cheeses. Wyngfeld,
a fine shirt. Cambage, a shirt with a black collar. Oughtrede, a fine shirt with a
high collar. Browne, a shirt of camerik. Mary Rocheford, a shirt with a black collar,
Tailbous, —. Darell, —. Carew, —.
Chaplains.—Abbots, viz., Glastonbury, —; Westminster, "Our Lady Assumption,
and a crimson velvet purse, 22l. 10s."; Reading, 20l. in a white leather purse
Peterborough, 20l. in a purse like a call of gold; St. Alban's, 30 sovereigns in a purse,
33l. 15s.; Ramsey, 20l. in a white bladder purse. The Master of the Rolls, —. The
abbot of Abingdon, 20l. in a white leather purse with gold buttons. The abbot of
St. Mary Abbey of York, 22l. 10s. The prior of Christchurch of Canterbury, 20l. in a
glove. The prior of Tynnemouth, —. Peter Vannes secretary, 2 cushions very fine
with needlework. The dean of the Chapel, a white satin purse with 7l. 17s. 6d. The dean
of St. Stevens, a red leather purse with 10l. Dr. Fox, almoner, a piece of arras. Dr.
Lupton, 10l. in a red leather purse. Dr. Rawson, 7l. in a red velvet purse. Mr. Sidnour,
20 mks. in a red leather purse. Dr. Wolman, 11l. 5s. The Princess's schoolmaster, a
book. The archdeacon of Richmond, a standing cup. Dr. Bell, a ring with a ruby
Gentlewomen.—Mrs. Hennege, a shirt.
Knights.—Sir Wm. Fitzwilliams, treasurer of the Household, a black greyhound
and tirrets of gold. Sir Henry Guldford, comptroller of the Household, a gold tablet.
Sir Bryan Tewke, treasurer of the Chamber, six "soufferanes" in a red satin purse,
6l. 15s. Sir Hen. Wyatt, 11l. 5s. in a red leather purse. Sir Edw. Nevyle, a piece of
cloth enclosed within a Turkey box. Sir John Daunse, five sovereigns in a white paper,
5l. 12s. 6d. Sir John Gauge, a gold tablet hand in hand. Sir Arthur Darcy, a pair
of virginals. Sir Edw. Seymer, a sword, the hilts gilt with "kalenders" upon it. Sir
Wm. Kyngston, a bonnet with gold aglets and buttons. Sir Edw. Baynton, a black
velvet cap garnished with aglets and buttons of gold, enamelled white, and a brooch
upon it. Sir Antony Browne, a gold tablet with a dial in it. Sir John Aleyn, a salt
with a trencher for eggs, silver gilt, 24½ oz. Sir Ric. Weston, a casket and a tablet of
Mary Magdalen. Sir John Nevyle, a woodknife with a sheath and girdle of velvet. Sir
Fras. Bryan, a black velvet bonnet with a chain, aglets, and a brooch of gold. Sir Thos.
Cheyne, a gilt cup of assay, 7 oz. Sir Ric. Page, —. Sir Nic. Caroo, a gilt cup
of assay, 7 oz. 1½ q. Sir Thos. Palmer, a tablet of gold, with a devise of Adam and Eve,
and an hanging pearl thereat. Sir John Russell, a box for perfume, silver and gilt.
Sir Edw. Guldeford, a falcon. Sir Geo. Lawson, 2 "rakkyng geldynges;" one grey, the
other black bay. Sir Nic. Harvey, a ring with a seal of a George with a dial in the
Gentlemen.—Henry Norres, a cup with a cover, gilt, 49 oz. 1½ q. Robt. Amadas,
6 sovereigns in a white paper, 6l. 15s. Mr. Sulliard, a gilt salt with a cover. Cromewell,
a ring with a ruby; and a box with the images of the French king's children. [John]
Wellisborne, "a pair of carving knives, containing 8 pieces," with ivory hafts, garnished
with silver and gilt. Thos. Hennege, a silver gilt cup, 27 oz. 1½ q. John Calvacant,
a gilt chest with 44 alabaster pots, and a box full of fine thread. Geo. Ardyson, a piece
of fine cambric. Domyngo, a ring set with a pointed diamond. Penyson, a shaving
cloth wrought with "leyd worke," and a comb case of ebony. Dr. Bentley, a gold tablet
with a pomander. Chr. Myllinour, a gold brooch with a flower. Wm. Knevett.
Thos. Warde, a woodknife. Young Weston, 5 javelins. Bastard Fawkonbrige, a black
silk girdle, with buttons and tassels. Wm. Lokke, mercer, a cupboard of plate. Antony
Cassydony, triacle and a cheese of Parmasan. Jerome Molyne and Mathew Barnard,
a pair of beads with perfume. Goron Bartinis, Italian, a gold ring fashioned like
a rose. Alerd Jueller, a goodly shaving cloth. Lee, gentleman usher, —. Rawlyns,
a spear of Calais, a sword with a sheath of black velvet. Antony Antonys, —.
Fras. Borrone, milliner, a brooch of gold. Harman Hull, an Easterling, a leopard.
Lucas Gunner, a standish of alabaster. Wm. Kendall, a case with 47 figures gilt.
Hubbert of St. Kateryns, 3 partriches of Portingale and Marmylade. Thos. Flower, a
salt silver gilt standing upon a dragon, 21 oz. A dumb man, a jowl of sturgeon. Vincent
Woulf, 2 long and 2 round targets. Bartholomew Tate, a shaving cloth embroidered
with gold, and an ivory comb case. Thos. Alford, a cambric shirt. Skydmour, 6 doz.
trenchers. Stephen Andrew, a beast called a civet.
Pp 11. formerly a roll. Endd.
687. Convocation At York.
See Grants in January, No. 1.
St. P. II. 153.
688. Piers Earl Of Ossory to Cromwell.
I thank you for your pains in soliciting my writings to the King
and his Council, and trust you will obtain his speedy answer. I have a
hobby for you to be shipped at next passage. Kildare is studying to
supplant me by persuading my lord of Wiltshire to let to farm to him such
garrisons and fortelaces as I have. He says he has obtained a lease of the
manors of Tullagh and Arcloo granted to me and my heirs male by Thos.
late earl of Ormond, which I recovered from the Irish at great cost, though
I showed the deed before my lord of Wiltshire and his counsel in England.
I have written on this subject to my lord of Wiltshire, and enclose a copy.
I beg you to remonstrate with him, for the King's sake and his own, more
than mine. The King should beware of letting Kildare get all the strength
of the land. For my own part I fear him not, with all his pomp and rumor
of power; but by his policy he finds means to obtain favor for his transgressions;
—which is a perilous example.
I send certain instructions which I beg you to move to the King and his
Council. I do not write to his Grace, for fear of being tedious, but trust to
you to advertise him of the affairs of this land. I am very homely to put
you to such pains, as the acquaintance is but new between us, but I trust it
will continue. Kilkenny, 2 Jan. Signed.
Add. : Of the King's Council.
St. P. II. 156.
ii. Instructions to Cromwell to show the King and Council on behalf of
the earl of Ossory.
1. Where Kildare's friend O'Nele "maligned now lately against the
King," the Deputy proclaimed a hosting to be made upon him; to which,
at the Deputy's request, I agreed, notwithstanding the long distance of 140
miles from my habitation, and brought with me a better company than
Kildare's. While I was absent in the enemy's country, Kildare's servants
made assault and wounded one of my servants; and the Earl himself displayed
his standard, attacked the little company left to keep my lodges,
slew the captain of my footmen, and spoiled the lodges of harness, victuals,
money, &c. At my return I had much ado to restrain my company from
revenging; but no restitution has yet been made.
2. I have a liberty in Tipperary, wherein dwelleth my cousin Sir Edmund
Butler, whose froward disposition my lord of Norfolk knows. For his
manifold transgressions he was kept in gaol five years till the coming of
the present Deputy, who commanded me to send him to Dublin, and, trusting
to his false oaths, let him go at large. He is now stolen away by the
conduct of one of Kildare's servants, who took him first to the Earl's son-in-law
O'Conour, "who did all the last insurrection," and from thence
through Kildare's Irish friends brought him home.
3. The Deputy having by my assistance constrained Irishmen to put in
their pledges to make recompence to the King's subjects, the pledges were
delivered to Kildare's custody, who still keeps them, notwithstanding orders
from the Deputy to send them to Dublin Castle, hoping to convert the
recompence of their redeeming to his own advantage.
4. The baron of Brantchurch (Burnchurch), knight for the shire of
Kilkenny, was taken on his way to the Parliament at Dublin by Kildare's
servant and "norishe," M'Enecrosse, within the county of Kildare, at the
gates of the Earl's own manor of Casteldermot, and was pursued by
another companion of the said Baron's (qu. Earl's) into the said Earl's
manor. The malefactor had familiar communication with the Earl's constable,
and afterwards went to the Earl himself; and on his return the
Baron was conveyed to Beerdys Castle, in the heart of the county of
Kildare, and irons were brought out of Kildare's own manor of Kilkaa to
make him fast. Nor was he liberated till I prosecuted the cause upon the
malefactor and his complices with such a powerful company that Kildare
did not venture to interrupt me; yet the Baron lost his horse, money, and
apparel without restitution.
5. The burgesses of Kilkenny returning from the Parliament were taken
by Kildare's trusty servant, Moriart McWony, baron, at the gates of the
Earl's town of Athy; and the malefactor wished that he had the King in the
end of a handlock and the Deputy in the other end, as fast as he had the
burgesses,—like as O'Conour said before. The malefactor then rode to the
Earl on one of the burgesses' horses, and had leisurely communication with
him; after which the burgesses were kept in durance till they made fine and
paid ransom in ready money, besides losing their horses, &c.
6. Kildare has taken his own brother James, to whom the inheritance of
Sir Thos. Fitzgerald, late deceased, has descended, and keeps him in irons,
notwithstanding sundry requests by the Deputy and Council for his delivery.
Signed : P. Oss.
iii. "The copy of my lord of Wiltshire's letter" (i.e. from Ossory.)
Your grandfather (fn. 2) by his deed gave me and my heirs the manors of
Tullagh and Arcloo; whereupon I recovered them out of the possession of
Irishmen. Yet Kildare boasts he has obtained of you a lease of the said
manors, with the Karig; whereof I marvel. He covets them for no love of
your Lordship, but only to confound me. The late insurrection was made
by his kinsmen, and all the Pale would have been destroyed if I had not
come to the rescue in the dead winter at my own cost, and incurring debt,
of which I shall not be free this seven years. It is a perilous example in
this land to see Kildare's son-in-law, O'Conour, who defied the King, taking
falsely the Deputy, murdering his men, and robbing and spoiling the King's
subjects, till I rescued them, and all his outrages clearly remitted to him.
I give you 10l. stg. a year to further my causes. If you are not content
that I have the Carryk for a reasonable rent, set thereon one of your servants
or an indifferent person. Excuse my not paying your rent last Mich. I
was then in Dublin at the Parliament for seven weeks, spending more than
my ordinary revenue, but on returning home I prepared your payment,
which I have had no opportunity of sending till now. If you would assign
Sir Barth. Dyllon, or any other in Waterford, I would every term make
payment before the time appointed.
Copy, pp. 2.
689. George Lawson to Cromwell.
Begs his favor for "my neighbour Thornton, master of St. Christopher's
Guild," in his suit touching the weal of the guild. How the King's
letters have been received and ordered he will explain. William Holme
takes upon him as master, and levies the subsidy of the guild. York,
Hol., p. 1. Add. : To my right worshipful Master Cromwell, of the
King's most honorable Council.
690. Rauff Pulleyn And Others to Cromwell.
On 19 Dec. we delivered to the mayor of York and to Wm. Holme
the King's letter, in the presence of the aldermen and others, yet neither the
mayor nor Wm. Holme would deliver to Thos. Thorneton the books and
charters he has of the guild, nor suffer Thorneton to occupy as master. And
whereas formerly the subsidies of the said city were gathered at Christmas
time : notwithstanding the King's commandment, the said Holme gathered
the subsidies and occupies as master still. We beg you will support
Thorneton as master. By Rauff Pulleyn, Rauff Symson, and Thos.
P. 1. Add. : Councillor.
Vit. B. XIII.
691. Henry VIII. to Ghinucci and Gregory Casale.
Has received their letter dated 17 Dec. Learns from it and Karne's
letter of the same date the pertinacity with which the Imperialists insisted,
after Benet left, that the Pope should reject the King's petition. Thanks
them for their promptitude and liberality in sparing no expence to bring
scholars to Rome whilst these disputes were going on in the Consistory.
They will learn from Benet, who has already been dispatched four days, the
state of the King's cause. Has arranged with Matthew Bernardi de la Banco,
a Venetian merchant, for the transmission to them of the money required.
They are to use every possible effort to adjourn the case. Greenwich,
Vit. B. XIII.
692. Ghinucci and Casale to Henry VIII.
Dr. Carne has written to the King of their diligence. Had an
interview with the Pope today, and showed him the letters of divines and
lawyers, especially of Decius and Curtius. Explain to him the delays
thrown into the way of Parisius by the Imperialists. Were with the cardinal
of Ancona this morning, but could not obtain from him or the Pope any
assured hope of delay. Rome, 4 Jan. 1532.
693. Clement VII. to Henry VIII.
Has heard formidable news from Mark Grimani, patriarch of
Aquileia, on his return from Jerusalem. He met with Lewis Gritti, son of
the doge of Venice, who had great influence with the Turk, and his
minister, Ibrahim Bassa, who told him that the Turk was preparing a very
large fleet to invade Christendom, and had made a new league with the
Sophy. Urged the various ambassadors to write to their sovereigns for aid,
and unite for the protection of Christendom. Communicates the news to
the King. Warns him against delay from the example of Rhodes and
Hungary. Expatiates upon the dangers which will ensue if the Turk invade
Italy. Rome, 4 Jan. 1532.
694. John Baptist Sanga to the Duke Of Albany.
The Pope has seen his letters with great satisfaction, and has heard
the credence of secretary Raince and M. Bartholomew, especially about Scotland.
As to the promotion of one of the Duke's brothers, the Pope will
fulfil his promise, but this is not the time. Thanks him for defending him
against those who tried to injure him with the French king.
Sends letters for Scotland, including a brief from the Pope to the King
about preparations against the Turk. Albany might do much with the
French king in this matter. Rome, 4 Jan. 1532.
695. Francis Dinteville, Bishop of Auxerre, to Montmorency.
On Innocents' Day the Pope assembled eight cardinals, the ambassadors
of the Emperor and his brother, the knight Casale, the man of the duke of
Bar, and the Bishop. He told them that the patriarch Grimani, on his return
from Jerusalem, met at Constantinople Lewis Gritti, the Venetian, who
desired him to tell his father the Doge and the Pope secretly that the
Turk intended to attack the Emperor and his brother in Italy and Hungary
unless they made some appointment with him; that the army consists of
40 galeasses, 40 "galees bastardes," and 70 "gallees subtiles," with 100
foists and brigandines to carry horses; 60,000 foot, 150,000 horse, and
8,000 janissaries. They intend to commence in April by taking several
ports in Italy and fortifying them, and three payments (treble wages?) will
be offered to Christian foot soldiers who will serve.
His Holiness desired the Ambassadors to send the above news to their
masters, and beg for aid. He will do what he can, and accompany the army
Cardinal "Freneze" (Farnese) then spoke, offering, in the name of his
colleagues, to do what the Pope wished. The imperial Ambassador said that
he had sent this news to his master and was expecting an answer, and
offered at once to make arrangements for the defence of Christendom.
Ferdinand's Ambassador thanked the Pope for his goodwill to his master,
from whom he had already presented letters with information of the Turk's
enterprises, which had not been believed, but he had been accused of writing
them in Rome,—a complaint which the writer thinks unfounded. He
offered, if there was any occasion to resist the Turk outside Hungary, that his
master would devote his body, goods, friends, and the whole of his power to
that object; adding that he had power to enter into particulars.
The Bishop, considering that all these proposals were but waste of time
and boasting, replied in the same way, that although the King did not
know of these news, and he had no charge about them, yet, knowing the
commission which had formerly been given to Mons. d'Albanye on a similar
occasion, he was sure the King would do his duty, and he would send him
the information. Casale, speaking for the king of England, said he had
express charge to treat for defence against the Turk, and the man of the
duke of Bar said the same. The Archduke's man then spoke again, praying
that great diligence might be used, and said that some might excuse themselves
as the places threatened do not belong to them. Thought this was
intended as a hit against him, but made no reply. The company then
His reason for not replying was that he thought they wished to have
cause of complaint that the French king had hindered the affair in this first
assembly. They want the French king to contribute money without
sending any one to Italy. Informed the Pope before the assembly that the
Imperialists were spreading a report that the King consented to the Turkish
invasion, and that certain cardinals and ambassadors had undertaken to say
something about it; and, if they did so, he would reply that the Pope, the
Cardinals, the Emperor, and Ferdinand had alone caused it. Asked him
why he had excommunicated John of Hungary at Bologna without a hearing,
at the Emperor's command; for it could not have been done with justice, as
he afterwards in remorse gave him secret absolution. He must not think it
strange if the Bishop replied to two or three ambassadors, who, without
commission, tried by lies and insults to renew quarrels between princes who
were now friendly. His Holiness then summoned Antony Mussetola, one
of the Imperial ambassadors, and enjoined the Cardinals not to allow him to
say anything offensive to the Bishop, whom he desired to return the following
The Pope then begged him to induce the King to do his duty in protecting
Italy, for he knew that the Turk could do nothing if the French king
and Emperor were friendly; he knew that in the treaties of Cambray and
Madrid the Emperor "a trop tiré la corde a soy," and that it would be a
good thing if he gave the King what belonged to him. He then spoke of
his poverty, the impending danger, and the little chance of help. Replied
that he was sure the King would do his duty for the defence of Italy, but he
was too wise to meddle in private quarrels where he could gain neither
profit nor honor. The best way to induce him to send assistance to Christendom
was to show him that those who were most concerned were doing their
duty; that the Emperor, who holds all the dangerous ports of Italy, was
putting them into a state of defence. His neglect to do this has given the
Turk hope of success. The Pope should also send persons to govern those
places, and should treat Christian princes equally. He should particularly
consider the condition mentioned by Gritti, the agreement of the Emperor
and Archduke with the Turk about Hungary; that it was unreasonable to
arm all Christendom at the desire of one man who refuses justice; his
Holiness must not make the Emperor his excuse, for he would be glad to
avoid expence and to prevent the coming of a French army into Italy, and
besides has but little affection for his brother; would report what he said
about the Emperor restoring to the King what belonged to him, if the
Emperor had commissioned him to say so, but not otherwise; the King
would not mingle God's affairs with his own, as did the Emperor and others.
The Pope replied that he had no charge to speak of this, but that it seemed
reasonable to him; and the Imperialists did not doubt that their master
would rather see Hungary restored to John than the Turk descend in Italy,
provided that the strong places and the frontiers remained in the hands of
the Archduke, to prevent the kingdom coming into the Turk's possession.
He wishes to send to king John "pour adviser le moyen ... ," to
put the fortresses of Italy in order, and to send the news to all princes.
Having heard that Gritti's information had not been given without the
Turk's knowledge, which the Pope concealed, saying that Gritti had told
the patriarch Grimani that only the Turk, Braym Basca, and he knew of it,
proposed to his Holiness to send secretly to Gritti warn him of his danger, as
the news had reached Italy, and was said to come from him. He replied that
Gritti wished it to be known that the report came from him by order of
Braym Baccha. Thinks, therefore, that other news should be expected.
The Pope said that Gritti's offer of settling the affairs of Hungary was more
for his own interest than for any other reason. Does not understand this;
for if the Turk wished to make war he would not send word to his enemies,
and, if he did send, it would be in more honorable form than this. And if
Gritti was seeking his own advancement it would not be at the peril of his
head. Thinks the Pope will try to draw money from the Church and other
people. While waiting the King's pleasure, will see what is done about
fortifying the places, &c., and will speak occasionally to the Pope. Sends a
copy of a letter lately received by his Holiness from king John. Has found
out for certain that the patriarch Grimani, when he made this report to the
Pope and Cardinals, said that the Turk was instigated by Christian princes,
and that the arrival of Andrew Gritti would show the truth. Some of the
company have told me that it was the King. Hopes to be able to show that
the Venetians are the real cause, being better friends and subjects to the
Turk than any other people. Has spoken about it to the ambassador
[of Venice], who protests that the Signory has no such opinion, and is too
much obliged to the King; that the Signory would punish a secular man,
but Grimani is a priest; and begged the Bishop not to write anything which
would give the King cause of offence with the Signory. The Patriarch
denies having said any such thing, but the Bishop believes it, nevertheless.
The Pope ought to have prevented it. The cardinal of Mantua is here, but
the cardinal Trivolce has not yet arrived.
Requests the Grand Master to procure assistance for him from the King.
The duke of Albany knows what living is here. Rome, 4 Jan. 1532.
Fr., copy, mutilated, pp. 11. Endd. : "R., 10 Marcii 1532."
696. Chapuys to Charles V.
Dr. Benet, as he was about to leave, sent word to the Queen that he
begged she would pardon him for having solicited against her; to which he
had been compelled, and still was so, but that in good will she had no better
servant, nor any one who prayed God more heartily for the preservation of
her royal estate, in which she certainly would remain, notwithstanding all the
King and his agents could do; and that now or never was the right season
to use every effort with the Emperor in her behalf, seeing the coolness and
cowardice of the Pope, for her affairs were never in better condition.
She has accordingly commanded me to ask your Majesty to write to the
Pope and others who have charge of this affair, although she wrote herself
to your Majesty with my last letters four days ago.
On the evening of Monday, the 1st, there arrived a servant of Dr. Benet,
who left on 17 Dec. with news that the Pope had ordered the advocates of
the King and Queen to discuss the admission of the excusator at the first
Consistory after Twelfth Day, and that his Holiness had spoken severely to
the ambassadors of the King's treatment of the Queen for the last five or six
months. The King was displeased at this, and on Tuesday sent Dr. Faulx
(Foxe) to complain to the Nuncio of his having written about his treatment
of the Queen, as he had always treated her well and royally, and
had not diminished her retinue nor income : neither the Pope nor the
Imperialists had any business to meddle with such things : the Imperialists
said she was his wife, and, if so, it was as lawful for him as for other
husbands to command his wife to live for some time apart, for reasons which
could not be published to every one. The Nuncio replied that he did not
think he had written anything that he ought not to write, and that he would
speak to the King next day.
Yesterday, when the Nuncio was at Court, the King spoke to him in the
same manner, and gave him particulars of the Queen's treatment. The
Nuncio denied having written anything except what was notorious; he
believed what the King said, but, if he would recall the Queen to Court, it
would not prejudice his case, and would shut the mouths of 100,000 persons.
At this the King seemed confused, and nearly in tears, and said he had sent
her away so as not to injure his cause, and because she used such high words
and was always speaking of the Emperor in a half-threatening way. In
answer to the Nuncio's enquiries, the King would not say whether Benet
had brought a proxy (procure), but he said he had come on private affairs,
which is not true, and that he had sent him with a full declaration of his
will. He complained of the short delays that were given, though he
acquitted the Pope of ill will, and attributed his actions to his fear of the
Emperor. The Nuncio said he had heard that the Pope was astonished
that he had not informed him of the King's soliciting the French king to
declare war upon the Emperor; to which the King replied that these were
Though the Queen has been forbidden to write or send messages to the
King, she sent him the other day by "son novel," or one of his chamber, a
gold cup as a present, with honorable and humble words; but the King
refused it, and was displeased with the person who presented it. Two or three
hours afterwards he looked at it, and praised its fashion; and, fearing that
the person who presented it would return it to the Queen's messenger, and
that the latter might make a present of it publicly to the other, who could
not refuse it, he ordered it not to be returned till the evening; and so it was
sent back to the Queen. The King has sent her no present, and has forbidden
the Council and others to do so, as is usual. He used to send New
Year's presents (mander lc nouvel an) to the ladies of the Queen and
Princess, but this has not been done this year. Thus they will lower the
state of both, unless there is speedy remedy. He has not been so discourteous
to the Lady, who has presented him with certain darts, of Biscayan
fashion, richly ornamented. In return, he gave her a room hung with
cloth of gold and silver, and crimson satin with rich embroideries. She is
lodged where the Queen used to be, and is accompanied by almost as many
ladies as if she were Queen.
The King has at last granted to the Auditor De la Roche, who was sent
by the Pope to Scotland, leave to go thither, and to grant dispensations and
other faculties in England. He may have done this to cause him and the
Nuncio to send a better report of his treatment of the Queen to Rome, for
he has despatched a courier thither this morning, and he has come to take
the Nuncio's packet, although they assure me that there is no business of
importance. London, 4 Jan. 1532.
Fr. From a modern copy.
697. Cardinal Du Prat to Clement VII.
Hears that the king of England frequently complains that justice is
denied him in a cause too important to be proceeded with by proxy, while
he cannot go to Rome without great danger. In England, on the other hand,
it will be easy and free for persons among whom the case has arisen to
answer whatever is asked of them. The people who have to give evidence
cannot be dragged to Rome, and the matter can be settled with less trouble
and expence in England. The English and French, especially the Kings,
have always been accustomed to have their cases settled in their own country.
The King shows that he first demanded that the case should be remitted to
impartial judges in England, but his prayers were of no avail, although backed
up by the opinion of many learned men. This repulse, when known, will so
move the minds of his subjects, that he fears, though he intends nothing of the
kind, that they will make some changes to the prejudice of the Apostolic See
(ne quid novarum rerum in Sedem Apostolicam moliantur) which may not be
easily appeased, especially as there is a report that the Pope is influenced by
fear or favor of the Emperor. Does not suspect this, but thinks that the
matter ought to be taken up with the prudence and mildness which he knows
to exist in his Holiness, and decided as soon as possible. Knows that this
course will be pleasing to the kings of England and France, and worthy of
his Holiness, and calculated to avoid many evils. Apologises for writing so
freely. Abbeville (Abbatisvilla), Non. Jan. 1531.
[5 Jan.] (fn. 3)
Vit. B. XIII.
698. A. A[ugustine] to [Cromwell].
Wrote on the 12th and 17th Oct., and ... of last month, to
commend his own affairs. Is tired with the delay "quia de statu rerum
mearum jam se vertente sexto mense sum penitus ignarus ... quicquam
profuit innumeris meis Freschobald' solicitasse aut famul ... sisse,
aut dñi de la Pomeray oratoris Christianissimi apud illam serenissimam
Majestatem pa ... qui plane scribit domino de Veyle hic, per
ejusdem secretarium se rem om ... rum, qui tamen adhuc non venit,
sed cotidie jam hosce duos menses expect ... meis totus orbis clausus
esse videtur." Does not know what to do, unless he comes to [England] by
way of France, in the spring. Is warned not to write by fear lest his writing
is discovered, and by his ignorance how [Cromwell] takes his letters.
"Postremum quod mihi supervacaneum videtur, velle ea vobis fastidiendo
a tot oratoribus vestris hic clarissimis et dignissimis viris non minore
diligentia significantur, potissimum istuc veniente R. Doctore Bonero, qui
solus ... omnium scriptis cumulatissime potest supplere.
Felicissime valeat [magnificentia vestra] si honores amplissimi non mutarunt
mores, quod memo bon[us] ... bit, nec mihi aliter exploratum
est, qui generosi sui animi ser ... perspexisse) aliquando
super his dignetur aliquo pacto r[e]cte ... rim etiam
dignabitur me conser ... me commend . ."
Hol., p. 1, mutilated.
283, f. 73.
699. Henry VIII. to the Abbot Of Evesham.
Exemption from attending Parliament in consequence of his debility
and age. Greenwich, 6 Jan. 23 Hen. VIII. Signed.
P. 1. Add.
700. Cardinal Of Grammont to Clement VII.
Though the Pope cannot have forgotten that he has often expressed
the complaints of the king of England, thinks he ought to repeat them, as he
hears that the King's expostulations are daily increasing, both by letters and
from the conversation of many, but that he knows the Legate and Chancellor
has written everything necessary. Begs the Pope not to delay remitting
the cause to England until evil consequences have arisen. Abbeville, 8 Jan.
701. Wolsey's Colleges.
Appointment of Thos. Cromwell as receiver-general and supervisor of
the lands lately belonging to the Cardinal's colleges at Oxford and Ipswich,
forfeited by the attainder of Thos. late card. and archbp. of York. Westm.,
9 Jan. 23 Hen. VIII. Signed and sealed.
702. Sir Edw. Baynton to Latimer.
Has communicated the effect of his letters to divers of his friends,
who desire a reformation in Latimer, either in his opinion, if it swerve from
the truth, or at least in his manner and behaviour, which give occasion of
slander and trouble, to the hindrance of his good purposes rather than any
inconvenience to his person or good name. Has desired them to note their
minds in this letter, which he sends. Is his assured friend and favorer in
in that that is the very truth of God's Word. Trusts he will temper his
judgment, and affirm no truth of himself which would divide the unity of the
congregation in Christ, and the received truth agreed upon by the holy
fathers of the Church, consonant to the Scriptures. Being unlearned, must
rather follow their doctrine than Latimer's, where Latimer disagrees with
them, unless God inspires the hearts of people to testify to it in some honest
number, which ought to induce him to give credence to them. Only God
knows the certain truth, which is communicated to us as our capacity may
comprehend it by faith. There have been some who have the zeal of God,
but not according to knowledge; among whom, however, be does not include
Latimer. To call this or that truth requires deep and profound knowledge;
and as Baynton is unlearned, what he takes for truth may be otherwise.
Is told that an opinion which causes dissension in a Christian congregation
is not of God. Like as the Word of God has always caused dissension among
men unchristened, whereof has ensued martyrdom to the preacher; so in
Christ's congregation, among those who profess his name, those who preach
and stir rather contention than charity, though they can defend their saying,
yet their teaching is not to be taken as of God, as it breaks the chain of
Christian charity, and makes division in the people. Would pray that not
only there may be agreement in the truth, but also such soberness and
uniform behaviour in teaching and preaching as men may wholly express the
charity of God, tending only to the union in love of us all to the profit and
salvation of our souls.
703. Latimer to Sir Edw. Baynton.
Is sorry that he has communicated Latimer's letters to his friends, as ill
interpretations might be made of them. Having to write so much gives him
much trouble, and he has no leisure to answer the objections made. Is in
his cure without books. Justifies his assertion, "I am sure that I preach the
truth," and insists upon the certainty of faith, with many arguments. Condemns
men wasting their time on such subtle and impracticable questions.
Will insist upon nothing which is contrary to the fathers. Refers to the
dissension about the dissolution of the King's marriage, and states that not
everything upon which dissension follows causes dissension. Is surprised
that Christian congregations should be grieved at lay people reading the
Scriptures. Thinks it would be better to have a deformity in preaching than
a uniformity without the truth. Refers to his previous letter. Says that
there is one Raphael Maruffus, of London, an Italian, a merchant of dispensations
in times past, who would die in the quarrel with God's true knight
and true martyr. Touching purgatory and worshipping of saints I showed
you my mind before my ordinary, and am surprised you would adjure me to
open my mind before him, though neither he nor you disapproved of what I
said. I look not to escape better than Dr. Crome. I have been very busy in
my cure. A man has come from my lord of Farley [Sir Walter Hungerford],
with a citation for me to appear before my lord of London, to be punished for
such excesses as I committed when I was last there.
704. Latimer's Citation.
Citation by Richard Hilley, D.D., vicar-general of Laurence bp. of
Salisbury, of Hugh Latimer, vicar of West Kington, in the archdeaconry of
Wiltshire, to appear before John bp. of London, at St. Paul's, on Monday
29 Jan., between 9 and 11 a.m., to answer to certain interrogatories concerning
crimes or grave excesses committed by him within the jurisdiction of the
said bp. Salisbury, 10 Jan. 1531.
28,584, f. 159.
705. Dr. Garay to Charles V.
Having nothing to do at present in the case of the queen of England,
has written an account of Luther's heresies in Spanish. (fn. 4)
Approves of the Emperor's order that this faculty should say nothing more
about law in the Queen's case, except that the cause should be prosecuted in
Rome. Was originally of opinion that the Pope should take cognisance of the
case in this town or kingdom by commissaries, to declare the justice of the
Queen's cause; but as he has not done so, it would now only disturb what is
in good order. The Ambassador, however, does not cease his endeavours to
see and obtain possession of the acts of the faculty. Endeavours also to
obtain signatures; for there were some who did not attend the Council, and
who favor our side, and others who signed for the Queen, and now in the
Council have signed the contrary. Will practise also to obtain the book of
the determinations in the Congregation, because if this is well examined her
Highness gains her cause, as I have already written. Because, undoubtedly,
if these men believed the right was with the king of England, considering
the good will they bear your Majesty, and the importance of the cause, they
would long ago have given us all we asked; but they know that if they give
it they will be infamous.
Advises the Emperor to urge the Pope to declare the case by sentence,
since he cannot do so, even if he would, without doing justice to the Queen.
Is trying to obtain a statute in our faculty, which is a difficult thing, for
there must be a majority of two thirds.
Sp., pp. 4. Modern copy. The original endd. : Del Padre Garay, x. de
706. Francis I. to the Pope.
The Pope is aware how long his ally, the king of England, has sued
that the cognisance of the cause concerning his marriage should be remitted
into his realm, without further pursuit at Rome, because of its distance.
Has often written, especially from the bridge Sainct Cloud near Paris, and
from Chantilly, in favor of his good brother, and sent messages to the same
effect by his ambassadors. As yet there is no reason to hope that the affair
will come to a speedy issue; and Henry is much discontented, fearing lest
scandal and inconvenience should arise from this delay, which would perhaps
redound hereafter to the diminution of the authority of his Holiness and the
Holy See; so much so, that the Pope would not have from England the same
obedience as formerly. Moreover, Henry has been given to understand that
the Pope insisted on causing him to be cited to go to Rome for the decision
of his cause. This is contrary to the privileges of his realm, as Francis has
been assured by most learned persons. Arcques, 10 Jan. 1531.