Elizabeth
November 1584, 11-20

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Institute of Historical Research

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Sophie Crawford Lomas (editor)

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1916

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146-162

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'Elizabeth: November 1584, 11-20', Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 19: August 1584-August 1585 (1916), pp. 146-162. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=79067 Date accessed: 24 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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November 1584, 11–20

Nov. 11.Ortell to Walsingham.
Has spoken to the captain of the man of war, and as he must depart within two days, in order to convoy certain merchant-ships, desires to know his honour's good pleasure, whether to make use of him or not. Hopes that the departure will not be so sudden, and that he will have time to take leave and communicate with his honour.—“From my lodgings,”
11 November, 1584.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XXIII. 49.]
Nov. 12.Edmund Yorke to Davison.
Upon my brother's first committal, my lord of Leicester, Mr. Secretary and Sir Philip Sydney wrote to the Prince of Orange and M. de St. Aldegonde in his favour, and they ordered a stay of proceedings against him. After the Prince's death, I took letters to M. de St. Aldegonde from the same and the Earl of Warwick. On arriving in Zeeland, I heard that the clerk of the “blude” (fn. 1) of Brussels was sent into Holland with my brother's examination and confession, whereupon I went to Delft, and found him there, ready to return with authority that justice should proceed. I delivered to the States-General a letter from my Lord Chancellor, and twice petitioned for delay, but they answered, first that long before the Prince's death they had given order for speedy execution of justice, and afterwards that they could not revoke what they had done. On my application to St. Aldegonde, he wrote to the States, but I could not get a copy of their answer. Then I petitioned them to consider—1, that my brother was a subject of the Queen; 2, that he was not (nor had been for two years) in their service, therefore they had no authority over him; 3, that he was in the service of the lords of Ghent and bound to obey them; 4, that many honourable persons had requested his liberty. Receiving no answer, I petitioned again that they would advertise her Majesty of his offence, or send him to her for justice. This I delivered by advice of Mr. Ortell, and offered him 200l., in presence of Mr. North, if he would procure him to be sent over.
Count Maurice being chosen chief of the Council of State, I presented a petition to him to the same effect, who answered that he would do his best, in respect of those honourable persons who had written in his behalf, and answer was sent to M. St. Aldegonde, M. de Temple and the Council of War of Brabant, to whom the matter was wholly referred. Then Mr. Secretary wrote to MM. Meetkerke and Ortell, and also again to M. de Temple, signifying her Majesty's pleasure, “which was sufficient for a far greater matter than to pardon him that never offended.” He also caused MM. Ortell and de Grise to write to the States of Brabant and lords of Brussels, by whom it was laid before the General States, who answered that he should be sent to her Majesty.
M. Diego di Botelho heard from England that the hard dealing with my brother and the little regard paid to the honourable persons who had written might turn their goodwill into contempt, and wrote to M. de St. Aldegonde, whose answer I send you. Since my departure, my lord of Leicester wrote to Count Maurice and M. de Temple, which letters I met at Canterbury, and sent to my “very friend” Mr. Lovell to deliver, who dwells at the Hague, where the Court now is.
My brother wrote on Oct. 17 n.s. that he hoped within ten days to be at liberty. My humble suit is, that if his liberty “be not as yet,” you will ask the States to remember the letters Mr. Secretary has written in her Majesty's name; that when you see Count Maurice, you will put him in mind of my lord of Leicester's letter, and that you will write to MM. de St. Aldegonde and Temple, and the States of Brabant, for his delivery.
Though I am the poorest of his brethren, I will be bound to pay thirty or forty pounds, and my brother William, “whose ability is great, his charge little,” may and will disburse fifty or sixty. I wish you a prosperous journey, happy success and speedy return.—Stratford, 12 November, 1584.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 50.]
Enclosure not with the letter
Nov. 12.Walsingham to St. Aldegonde.
Her Majesty sending Mr. Davison over about some matters which concern the welfare of the country, I have desired him, as the danger of the passage of the river may prevent you from meeting, to communicate to you by some confidential person whom you may send to meet him, the purpose of his mission, in order that you may be thoroughly informed thereof. London, 12 November, 1584.
Signed. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XXIII. 51.]
Nov. 12/22.Capt. Edward Prinn to Walsingham.
There is arrived here a gentleman who left the French Court on the 14th “by the new reckoning.” He comes from M. de “Preneus” with letters to the States to hasten away the commissioners, who will be very welcome to the French King, and I understand that they are to depart with expedition. The people here are in great hope of the French King. The Council of State and Count Maurice departed from hence on the 16th for Zeeland.
From Antwerp heavy news comes to-day of the loss of a good gentleman and soldier, M. de Teligny, M. de La Noue's son, who is either slain or taken prisoner by the enemy. The river is now better to pass than it was, and every day ships go to Antwerp. Brussells is in want of corn, and the soldiers are in a mutiny for their pay.
I did not think we should have stayed here so long, “but business came so overthwart that it is a long story to tell.” I hope we shall depart within six days, when I will write more at large.
“I spoke with M. de Temple's brother, and M. de Botelho in like manner, touching Mr. Yorke that is prisoner . . . I think that they will send him to England. I desire your honour to bear with my false English.”—“From Denaygen”[i.e. the Hague], 22 November. 1584.” Signed Edward Prinn Corea.
Add. Endd. “From Cap. Pryn.” 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 52.]
Nov. 13.Stafford to Walsingham.
I wrote to the Queen Mother to remind her to solicit the King for his answer, who presently answered that he desired me to stay four or five days, for having had so many ambassadors, he had not had time to consult thoroughly of so weighty a matter. The fifth day expires to-morrow, when, if I have it not, I will not fail to be importune.
Everybody here hopes some good will be done, but nobody knows how. Most think it will not be done in the King's name, but I think “yes,” for I am still of a mind that they will do nothing for charity, and if it is for sovereignty, I do not see how any name can be used but the King's own. The Queen Mother is marvellously bent to it, which makes men think she finds the King so, for since her great credit has diminished, she dares embrace nothing that he is not bent unto.
Bernardin has had a second audience, but again did nothing but condole. Tassis took his leave; never man came hither with so general a mislike as he, which they show openly at the Court.
I half think the King's delay is to see if the deputies will come, that he may speak with them first, but “he shall have an importunate guest of me and mine” if he does not keep his promise.
From Turin I hear that Cardinal Borromeo is dead and that great moan was made for him in that Court. “I pray God we have never greater loss, nor the King of Spain better fortune.”
The ambassador of Ferrara here is changed. The old one, Chevalier Courtez, came to me yesterday and told me he had long desired to see her Majesty and her Court, and now meant to go there; that the King had given him letters to Mauvissière, and he desired also my favour. I could not deny him and have written by him to you and others.
He was brought up a page in the Duke of Guise's house, and continually haunts there, which may make some suspicious, but I do not think anything thereof, taking him to be rather fit to entertain ladies than for any “far fetch or practice.”—Paris, 13 November, 1584.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France XII. 114.]
Nov. 13.Stafford to Burghley.
Copy of the above letter, with a line or two to Burghley at the end.—Paris, 13 November, 1584.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. XII. 115.]
Nov. 13.Instructions to William Davison.
Finding that the French King proceeds very slowly in the causes of the Low Countries, which (together with the cold answers received by our ambassador to our motions for the relief of the same) makes us conceive that he is not “so forwardly disposed to embrace the action either as a protector or as a possessioner” as necessity requires: And that the people there, growing doubtful of his aid and terrified by their losses and danger, are likely to incline to a reconciliation with Spain, “won the rather thereunto “by the good usage they hear Ghent receives at the Prince of Parma's hands: We have found it expedient to despatch you into the said countries.
On coming thither, you shall first inform yourself how far they have proceeded in their treaty with the French King; and if things have passed so far as that he has yielded to undertake their defence, our meaning then is neither to deal further ourselves in the cause (unless provoked by him thereto) nor to impeach his proceedings therein.
Yet as it will be looked for that you should give some cause for your repair thither, you shall, after delivering your letters of credit, inform them that having (after conference with their deputies) given order to our ambassador in France to move that King to join with us in some course for their protection and defence, but finding that the said King is not so forward in the matter as its necessity requires, we have sent you to learn in what state they stand, and what course they mean to take for their safety if the King do not accept the offers which we hear they have lately made to him.
And if upon this overture you find that the treaty has not proceeded so far as is reported, and that they have but small hope of succour at his hands; then you shall put them in hope that if they will deal with us upon sufficient caution, and “make it probable unto us,” how with such relief as we may conveniently yield them, they will be able to provide for their own defence, “we will then be ready (so far forth as may stand with our honour and due course of policy) to perform towards them, in this their extremity, the effects of the princely care we have ever had of them, and of the good friendship and amity that hath hitherto continued between this crown and the house of Burgundy.”
As to the cautions desired, you may “of yourself” let them understand that, as we before let fall some speeches to Ortell of our meaning to have Flushing, Brill and Enchuysen delivered to us, you think that we should stand upon the same terms still; but this it were fit to deliver rather in private sort to such of the States as you most apt to be dealt with, than to the generality.
If you find any opposition in dealing privately with them, and that the demands are thought too great, you may let them understand that they are to consider how, by taking them into our protection, we lay ourselves and our realm open to the malice of the King of Spain and throw ourselves into an actual war against him, which will draw with it an infinite charge and interruption of trade, to the great loss of our customs, “besides the doubtfulness of the event that may follow thereof.” Therefore we must have such cautions “as may be a sufficient assurance unto us that they will continue in due subjection and obedience under us during the time that we shall be embarked in the action, forbear to enter into any course of reconciliation or treaty with the King of Spain or other foreign prince without our consent and privity, and repay unto us in time convenient such sums as we shall disburse for their present relief.” Moreover, they are not to weigh and measure our demands with those of the French King, the circumstances being far different; “for the said King entereth as a possessioner, whereas we undertake the action only for their defence and relief, as a protector” of their lives, liberties and consciences”; and, withal the ancient treaties of amity between us and the house of Burgundy, and our extraordinary care of their well-doing and safety may remove all occasion of jealousy towards us, “which they have more cause to conceive of the French, their ancient enemies, who enter now with a purpose to become masters of the country.”
You must also inform yourself what contributions the United Provinces now furnish for the wars, and what likelihood there is of their continuance; whether, in case we take them into protection they could enlarge their contributions and for how long; it being well known that there are among them divers persons of great ability who, supposing their cause to be desperate, are loth to contribute so largely as perhaps they would if by the backing of a foreign prince they saw some hope of safety. You shall let these know that the world greatly wonders that they should be so “backward” in aiding the public defence, which imports the preservation of all their lives, liberties and consciences. And, as we have been informed that the impositions and taxes are not “duly answered,” but for the most part witheld by the officers through whose hands they pass and diverted to their own private uses, you are to inform yourself particularly of this, and how it may be reformed.
Lastly you are to “feel their minds” what course they themselves are most inclined to, if they see no hope to be protected or relieved either by the French King or us.
And as, in our letters to the Bishop of Cologne, we have referred him to you for an answer to his request made by M. de Segur, you shall inform him that the said Segur having made a motion to us to furnish him with a sum of money and to send a minister to the Princes of Germany to persuade them to aid him in recovering his bishopric, alleging that thus there was “great likelihood not only of good success in the said enterprise but also of relieving the present distressed state of the Low Countries by division of a great part of the King of Spain's forces”; we have appointed you to confer with him, and if he can make it apparent and probable to us that these good effects will ensue, we shall be content, both in respect of his own virtues and honourable disposition and of our care for the poor distressed state of the United Provinces, to yield him such support as the condition of our estate can afford. Sign manual of the Queen. Countersigned by Walsingham.
Endd.pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 53.]
Nov. 13.Segur-Pardeilhan to Davison.
Hearing that he is starting this day and being prevented from coming to him, he sends these few words to say adieu, to assure him of his friendship and to pray him to care for the Elector of Cologne. Also to forward to the Elector and M. de Villiers the enclosed packets.—London, 13 November, 1584.
Add. Endd. Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. XXIII. 54.]
Nov. 13/23.Capt. John Morrys to Walsingham.
At my arrival at Flushing, report went that the passage to Antwerp was stopped, and I was ordered with my men to Holland, but understanding the truth, I offered to make the attempt. It was my hap to be the first that went through. At Lillo, twenty cannons on each side the water played upon us, but hurt none except a boat of the burgomasters of Brussels and Mechlin, going from Holland with money to pay the soldiers, which was shot betwixt wind and water, but saved by the other boats. Two days after my arrival at Antwerp I passed muster with the English that were there before, to the number of twelve or thirteen hundred men, and have received a month's pay. Five companies are employed “upon the ditches, in sconces,” and the rest remain in Burgerhout, with nothing but bread and cheese, and for want of flesh, are fain to kill dogs and cats to eat.
All the news I can hear is that all Holland, Zeeland, Brabant and Antwerp are become French and have sent their deputies to confer with that King. One Straele (Strall) of Antwerp is gone, and Calvert and La Pre with him. “I am sorry in my heart that the French should be so far in the wind to command Holland and Zeeland, which had been more meeter for the realm of England.”
The Prince of Parma makes great provision to shut up the passage, and Holland and Zeeland do the like to “counter” him. Here in Antwerp a ship is making “which will bear the proof of the cannon and carrieth eight cannons of a side,” and three masts with three great tops, each of which will receive twenty or thirty musketeers to beat the enemy out of their sconces. Every top has “pavies (fn. 2) of proof of the musket.”
On Nov. 20, about threescore hoys came from Holland. Ten of them, laden with corn, butter and cheese were taken, and divers others shot through. M. Teligny, sent by “Allagundie” [i.e. St. Aldegonde] into Holland with matters of great importance, was taken and very sore hurt; “whether he be dead or alive we are uncertain, he was very much lamented of all men.”
One Commissary Russell told me that Mr. 'Polbies' [Paul Buys] is in disgrace with the States of Holland. The States of Antwerp marvel that the colonel [Norreys] does not come over.—Antwerp, 23 November, 1584.
Add. Endd. ¾ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 55.]
Nov. 14.Stafford to Walsingham.
Introducing the Ferrarese ambassador, the Chevalier Courtez, from whom he has received all courtesies, and who has now got leave, before returning to Italy, to kiss her Majesty's hands and see her court, being encouraged by the honourable report of many gentlemen who have received great entertainment there. Prays his honour to show him what favour he can, that he may return satisfied as others have done.—Paris, 14 November, 1584.
Add. Endd. ½ p. [France XII. 116.]
Nov. 14/24.Capt. William Myddelton to Walsingham.
As Colonel Morgan writes desiring me to send you certain news of all things here, you “may please to understand that this town is like to come unto great misery; the rich men for the most part are fled, and daily more and more do run away, whereby their trade is ceased (' sest ') and the town greatly impoverished. They have already taxed the common people twice, every man as they thought them to be of ability, which amounteth to the sum of 300,000 guilders, where I think they shall be able to receive two, for many have not the means to pay.” I do not think they will ever bring them to give the third; so without help their estate cannot long stand, though some flatter themselves the contrary.
I have long known these people, and find them for the most part very inconstant. “In the beginning of the wars they were affectioned to the prince (affexiened to the plinch) and that faction; so now to the contrary side. Their only hope is in the French King, whom all wise men in these parts never think will do them good. The common people cannot well ' away ' with the French, only the magistrate and the chief do like well that way.” The enemy lies strongly on the ditches, at Callo on the Flemish side and at Ordam on the Brabantish. His principal camp is at Stabrocke, a mile from the dyke, eight thousand men; his horse-men three miles off “in the Peall,” twenty cornets strong. They make great preparations for closing up the river, and I dare assure you they will do it ere long, though some think the contrary. They have made a new 'farde' [vaart, i.e. channel] between Callo and Ghent, so their ammunition is brought by water, which is a wonderful commodity to them, and the Prince of Parma has sent twenty ships into Artois for ammunition for his camp. I send you the pattern of the work with which he means to close up the river, so far as he can instruct me that saw it. I assure you “the King will bend all his forces against this town, and will not leave it except by force he be driven away.”
The bearer will inform you how M. Teligny is taken; likewise ten ships laden with commodities coming hitherward. “Thus simply but most truly” I write you the state of all things.—Antwerp, 24 November, 1584.
Add. Endd. 4 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 56.]
Nov. 14.Dr. John Sturm to Walsingham.
The counsel as to the agro Icciano is most wise and good, if it has succeeded or shall succeed. From the court of Lorraine come reports that the States have agreed with the King of France, and that Belgium has become his country and his people. If this report be true, it will give rise to much discussion.
The friend I had in the army was my brother's son. He was drowned at Heidelberg in a flood a fortnight ago, as he was thinking of returning to Belgium. He it was who gave me the information about plots which I wrote by Zolcher a few weeks ago, but he had no certain proof. I mourn his fate, but such things are common to our times.
I sent to Lewin a copy of a letter which I wrote to Beza, urging him to undertake my cause in recovering my French debt, which he did, as you have learned from his letter which I lately sent to you by Zolcher. Indeed he played the part of a good, loyal, wise old friend.
But look what he now writes; reducing me to my former misery and despair ! These are his words :—
“My friends announce that your cause was urged by the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé in the assembly at Montauban as zealously as could be, but nothing could be got from the deputies of the churches either in your case or in mine (for I too am owed 16,000 since 1567), nay not even in the case of the King of Navarre, much less that of any private persons. The churches obstinately refused to pay a halfpenny until the Edict of peace should be fixed and observed. The [French] King had demanded back the cities which he had entrusted to our people for a certain time as security. This also the churches refused, for the same reason. So Lavall and Du Plessis (Plessiacus) were sent to him, to lay before him the complaints of the churches as to the non-observance of the Edict. On his answer to this hangs everything. Meanwhile, my friends give me to understand that it would be wise for you to write to the King of Navarre, and get letters of commendation from your Senate and from as many princes as you can, praying that King to grant you a yearly pension to satisfy your creditors until the churches show you more consideration. If you send me such letters, I will see that they are quickly and safely delivered . . .—Geneva, 6 October, 1584.”
I consulted my friends about this, and this was their answer:— “We have read Beza's letter, but with some distress. We see that he thinks your debt should be demanded of the churches, and that you should request the King of Navarre to allow you a yearly pension for the satisfaction of your creditors. This, we think, needs deliberation. No doubt Beza counsels you with the best intentions, but we are afraid that, if you involve yourself in fresh petitions, you will withdraw from the main business. It comes to this. It is quite possible that as great difficulties will present themselves in obtaining fresh petitions as have done so in the main business, in the prosecution of which you have consumed twenty years and more without having yet obtained payment. In any case, what yearly sum will you ask ? You must name something. You will have to ask enough not only for current interest and expences, but also for past non-payments. How much will that be ? If you name nothing, and ask in general terms only, you will be given three halfpence; nay, we rather think you will get nothing. Meanwhile, your creditors will be roused against you, whether you get anything or not. For when they learn that you are working to obtain a petty pension, laying aside the main business, they will think that you despair of recovering the principal debt, or at least that you have not much hope of it. Then an outcry will arise which you will not be able to quiet. So let sleeping dogs lie. (Videos igitur ne felem dormientem excites).
To return to the pension. You will either not get one at all, or it will be small. If the dice fall luckily, you will get one, which will be doled out piecemeal or will cease in a short time. You will have to send a proctor to solicit it, and perhaps to no purpose. It will cost you more to get it than you will get out of it. How then will you pay your interest ? Meanwhile, by running after pensions, you will, in a way, put a curb on your pursuit of the principal sum. The pension would be given you to provide for your subsistence, and in order that you might bear with patience a longer delay. How long ? Are you of an age to allow of delays ? Will not your creditors say that your debtors are fooling you with such trifles, in order that, by spinning out the matter, they may wait quietly until you die and so pay nothing. Take counsel with yourself and your friends. We who are not ignorant of such court negotiations tell you honestly what we think, only because you ask it of us. We hold Beza to be a good and sincere man, very zealous for you and your cause. But a good man cannot think of everything. To conclude, we advise you to go on doing what you have hitherto done, that is, to demand the whole of the principal, with interest and costs, not from the churches, but from the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé. Let them get it where they can; it does not matter to you, provided satisfaction be given you by those to whom you gave the money and for whom you became surety with the merchants.—Strasburg, 23 October, 1584.”
That is their advice. So what am I to do ? I answered Beza's letter, told him what my friends advised, and said I would ask the electors and princes to intercede for me, but would not petition for a small, uncertain pension; showing him that I do not wish to change the names of my debtors. And my decision has been confirmed by what I have learnt from Zolcher as to the opinion held by Segur in this money matter. He told Zolcher that the King of Navarre owed me nothing; if any debt was due to me, it was due from the Prince of Condé. Of this I excuse the King. I suppose he has been alienated from me by counsellors who know nothing of the matter nor can know of it [possum, rectius possunt], because of its age; though I do not know how old Segur is, never having seen him, to my knowledge, in Germany. But the King of Navarre neither could nor would excuse himself by such a cavil. He would not, because I hold him to be the best and truest of Kings; he could not, because the truth of the matter is too clear. For his mother was one of the leaders of the society when at Montauban, in the presence of the King of Navarre, the Prince of Condé, the Admiral and Francurius [qy. Francourt], 30,000 francs were decreed to me; and at the same time, the Queen herself promised me 500 crowns out of gratitude. How can the King reject the guarantee of these leaders and hand me over to a debtor who, however excellent and liberal I think him to be, is certainly not solvent ?
I pray you to use your influence with Segur. There is no doubt that it is his advice and that of others like him that has not only hindered but actually ruined me. I sent to Lewin a copy of my letter to Beza, setting out the whole history of my French loan. I pray you summon him to you at your leisure, for I think it is owing to shyness that he has not appealed to you in my business. From that letter, you will get many arguments wherewith to meet the preposterous opinion stated by Segur. I have also sent a cipher to Lewin to communicate to you.
I send you a vessel of red wine from my little farm. I have searched for Marlemianum in the adjoining country, in hopes that it might be a better growth this year, but it is harsher and rougher; so I beg you to receive this in good part. To-morrow I will enquire at Strasburg for Reisfeldianum, and if it is smoother and richer, I will send you some with this.
Of general affairs among us, you will hear from Zolcher. One thing I heard a few days ago, of which you will be a better judge than I am. A friend wrote to me that there was a rumour at Venice that peace had been made between the Turk and the King of Persia, and that the King of Spain is claiming from Venice the cities which long ago belonged to the Empire, but have been occupied by the Venetians for many years, as Padua, Vicenza, Treviso, Verona, Brescia and such like; whereat people are astonished, it being considered that he has no right to claim them, and has not chosen a happy time for doing so. They also write that the lords and republics of Italy are much troubled by the marriage of the Duke of Savoy. Whether these things are true, I must leave to you to decide. . . . .
As to the epilepsy of a certain person, I have heard no more than you. I am, however expecting it to be announced every day.—Nordheim, 14 November, 1584.
Signed. Add. Endd. Latin. 6½ pp. [Germany, States, III. 49.]
Nov. 14.[Dr. Sturm] to The Queen.
I have sent to Walsingham a copy of a letter which a certain person [i.e. himself] has sent to Catolycus, from which your Majesty will learn the perilous state of Germany. To all good and prudent men the matter of Cologne causes the greatest concern. Great hope is reposed in your Majesty. Indeed the matter is worthy of being referred to the Estates of the realm in your present Parliament. But it is astonishing that while Caÿpha [qy. the Queen] (fn. 3) sees the peril to our whole heritage, the Evangelical princes (Gregales) fail to realize it, and are allowing the excellent paterfamilias [Truchsess] to be lost for the sake of a little money. As to the Bishop of Cologne, I doubt not but that your Majesty knows and has heard more than we in these parts. He is ejected from the whole of Westfalia, but he still maintains the same spirit, the same constancy and the same hope that God will not desert him.
Here is a fact worth remembering. Archbishop Hermann, in 1543, began to change the religion; the Archbishop Truchsess, forty years afterwards, in 1583, inaugurated that reform of religion which has brought this danger upon him. Add this also : that in the very year in which Hermann ceased to be Archbishop, i.e. 1547, in that very year Truchsess was born. Good men interpret this to mean that the latter is destined to bring to a conclusion what the other so many years ago began. Certainly I do not despise such things, and sacred writ bears witness that even God's providence is ordered by years and times.
We have in our country a mathematician who demonstrates, not only by mathematical proofs but by examples that this Pope will be the last of the Papal tyranny. Such things I do not lay stress on, but I rest my hope on the prophecy of St. Paul, who notes it as a peculiar mark of Antichrist that he “forbids to marry,” (fn. 4) Now it is for this very reason, because he has married a wife, that Truchsess has been excommunicated; a thing which has hitherto happened to none of the princes. The Dukes of Saxony and Brandenburg have invaded bishoprics and archbishoprics, but no Pope has ever dared to turn them out of the Church by excommunication. Yet he has not shrunk from driving out the Archbishop, and I believe we have here at the doors the revelation and fulfilment of Paul's sentence.
If I have had the courage to plead for this married Archbishop of Cologne (Phocensis), that his cause may be referred to your Majesty's Parliament and Council, much less shall I fear to plead for our married Elector after this revelation of St. Paul's prophecy. He may be rescued from his perils either by a grant of money, by the sending of money, or by the establishment of new friendships.
No doubt one of two things will happen. Either the Pope will secure the excommunication of the Elector, in which case there is no place in the future for the treaty of Passau, in pursuance of which the princes have often demanded in the Imperial diet that, in the matter of reform, the ecclesiastical princes should have the same rights as the lay; or else the abrogation of this Papal penalty and Roman excommunication will be secured, when Babylon and the whore of Babylon will fall, with her lovers, scoundrels and sorcerers (nebulonibus et alcymis) . . .— 14 November, 1584.
Signed, “Your Majesty's ever faithful servant, whose name you may learn from Walsingham.”
Latin. 2½ pp. [Germany, States, III. 50.]
Nov. 14.[Dr. Sturm] to Walsingham.
Not only the cause of the Archbishop of Cologne (Megaricus) but that of all the Evangelical princes (Gregales), including your Queen, will be troubled if the Pope (Catolycus) succeeds in putting his excommunication into effect, as you will see by the letter I am writing to him, a copy of which I send to you and to the Queen. I beseech you, if ever you have resolved to seek glory for your Queen and yourself, but above all the glory of God, to apply yourself vigorously to securing help for him of Cologne (Phocensis). I will leave no stone unturned to secure a grant from our people. . . .
I trust you will interpret to the Queen what Pratulensis [Sturm, i.e. himself] writes.—14 November, 1584.
Yours whom you will know from the argument and the handwriting.
Latin. 1 p. [Ibid. III. 51.]
Nov. 16/26.Thomas Lovell to Walsingham.
I have received your letter of Oct. 28, and hope to accomplish your pleasure “with the first,” for I have already put it in practice. It will ask a little time and some travail, but of that I make no account.
On the 22nd inst., new style, Monsieur's secretary “Prenewes” came hither with a letter from his master to the States, declaring that the King is ready to receive their commissioners, and that a house is prepared for them at Dieppe until a place is ready for them to meet the King and “entreat” of their government. I am told that a copy of the articles they will handle shall be sent to her Majesty and to the King of Denmark within twenty-four hours. The governor of Bergen (Barro) has of late practiced to deliver the town to the enemy, but being discovered, he is fled to them himself. On the 19th, Nimeguen was nearly taken at night for lack of good watch, but, God be praised, it was disclosed, those of the enemy within the town beaten out and some of them put to the sword.—The Hague, 26 November, 1584, stylo novo.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 57.]
Nov. 16.Count John Of Embden to The Queen.
Your Majesty's envoy, William Harley [i.e. Herlle], has delivered to me his letters of credence, dated 8 June last, and has told me of your goodwill, not only to me but to this county of East Fries-land; a goodwill which I have often before this experienced. He also made known your anxiety to heal the breach between me and my brother, and explained the business on which he is sent,—namely to render all possible assistance towards a reconciliation, so that the cause of true religion, which has many and powerful enemies, may be promoted, and all excuse for invading and confiscating the country may be removed. For myself, I render you sincerest thanks for your goodwill, and no lack of zeal shall be found in me, if any occasion should offer of deserving well of you.
Although I willingly acknowledge that fraternal quarrels are most perilous in the conduct of affairs, and that very important matters come to ruin through them, yet if your Majesty could persuade yourself that no obstacle has ever or is now made by me to prevent the division of the county being settled in a friendly and brotherly spirit, and that, even while the suit between us has been pending, I have used all means to bring about an agreement on the basis of equal division of administration, then your Majesty, without any words of mine, would be freed from all uneasiness on the subject. Certainly no motive in the cause of religion has even been stronger with me than this : to preserve it, wind-tight and water-tight, as we received it from our ancestors. And this has been the rather my study because I know it is consonant with the writings of the Old and New Testament, and not alien to the Confession of Augsburg.
For the present state of the controversy with my brother, the case stands thus. Although with the clearest right I am contending for a withdrawal from partnership (which is often called the mother of discord) I should nevertheless have abstained from aspiring too much, if only my brother would have considered the question of a division, and refrained from depriving me of the city of Embden, in contravention of the tenor of the investiture; of the decree and declaration of the late Emperor, Maximilian II, in diets at Speier in 1570 and Ratisbon in 1576, and of the partnership held and exercised by me from my youth up, with the full knowledge of my brother, Count Edzard—I solemnly declare I would have forgone much of my right. But as he has always refused, and still does so, to consider the question of a division, I must needs seek, by way of law, what I have been unable to secure in a friendly fashion; and indeed my brother was the first to have recourse to law by securing a commission from the Emperor Maximilian II.
The matter cannot and ought not to be laid to my fault, firstly because a partnership (in which no one is bound by law to remain against his will) is a cause of much inconvenience, and secondly because common sense and the tenor of the investiture conferred on me by name on two occasions, in the years 1558 and 1566, plainly show that I should be admitted to the succession of this county no less than my brother. For it is an undoubted fact in law that when investiture is conferred on any persons, not collectively but by their own names, each one is considered singly without precedence for any, so that all are understood to be invited and called simply as men, equal in condition and rights.
There is all the less room for controversy in this case as not only my ancestors but I myself was from my earliest years in possession of the partnership, with the approval of the Emperor; from which, according to law, there is such a presumption of dominion as to secure a judgment for division, for it is sufficient to prove such possession in common, even if there were no proof of dominion by investiture; as has been set forth at large in a Council of law, which your Majesty's representative has been shown, and by the leading jurisconsults of Germany, Matthew Wesenbeck, John Nervius (sometime assessor in the Imperial Chamber) and John Steffanus, as well as by the votes given by the universities of Marburg, Jena and Freiburg, after weighing the proofs adduced.
Added to this, my brother himself has never called my right of succession in doubt until the last few years. For when he married the King's daughter in Sweden, no action was taken in regard to my share of the succession, nor was my subscription or signature asked or obtained. So far indeed was he from any doubt as to my right, that not only did he allow me to be invested by name together with himself of the fee of this county; not only, as our mother has deposed on oath, was homage rendered equally to me and him, coinage struck in both our names and the burdens of the county acknowledged by both of us; but it is shown in the Acts and by the confession of my brother that I am considered to be joint lord of this country not only by him but by all the States of the Empire. Whence it came about that my brother could not and did not wish to confer the smallest usufruct on his wife without the consent of myself and my deceased brother Christopher, which consent he only obtained by promising that nothing should be diminished thereby from our right of succession.
Seeing therefore that I demand only what is consonant with law and equity, while my brother, in contravention of the custom of all Germany, of my possession of the partnership, and lastly, of his own confession of my lordship, flatly refuses to admit any terms of division, I trust that your Majesty will not lay aside your affection and goodwill towards me, but will rather aid in defending me from the injury my brother has inflicted on me by excluding me from partnership in the city of Embden.—Our court of Leer (Levana), 16 November, 1584.
Endd. Latin. 5 pp. [Germany, States, III. 52.]
Nov. 17/27.The Town of Antwerp's answer to the Prince of Parma's letter.
Endd. French translation from Dutch. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXIII. 58.] Printed in Bor, bk. XIX. f. 37.
Nov. 19.Duke Casimir to Walsingham.
I am sending Zolcher with the wines for you and my other friends in England. If they are not well chosen and safely brought, you must blame him, who has been to my cellars at Neustadt and has had them in charge. I was sorry to hear your news of Scotland. The hearts of Kings are in God's hands, who disposes them as it pleases him either to bless or chastise a nation.
England's interest in the preservation of that kingdom to the Religion is so great that I am assured the Queen, following her own wisdom and the good advice of her Council, will forget nothing which may serve to bring all things to the best possible agreement. The time and the course of the world is such that almost everywhere are seen sparks of disturbances which ere long must flame up into a great fire if God do not take pity on his people, even on this side of the Rhine, where the Bishop of Strasburg, supported by the Emperor, and urged on by the Pope, supports the Papist canons against four others who are of the Religion and on their part are supported by the city of Strasburg, and some neighbouring protestant Princes and States.
I hear that M. de Segur is still in England, waiting for some effectual favour from the Queen for the Bishop of Cologne, who indeed has great need of it. You can do much to aid it, and, I am sure, will not fail in so doing. I commend Zolcher to you, who hopes for some recompense from the Queen for his past services.—Heidelberg, 19 November, 1584, old style.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Germany, States, III. 53.]
Nov. 19.Elizabeth, Countess Palatine to The Queen.
Reminding her of her former letter, and renewing her request that George Zolcher may not be denied permission to export a thousand barrels of English beer, free of all duties and charges.
Having found that her Majesty, some time ago, was pleased with their wine, they are sending her some barrels of Neustadt and Bacharach, Although this, the best there is in their country, will seem poor to her, accustomed as they are in England to the best wines, they pray her Majesty not to disdain to accept it, with a kind heart and a cheerful countenance.—Heidelberg, 19 November, 1584.
Signed, “Elizabeth Pfalzgreffin.” Add. Endd. Latin. 1¼ pp. [Ibid. III. 54.]
[c. Nov. 20.][Walsingham] to Stafford.
“Heads of a letter to Sir Edward Stafford.”
That the French ambassador at his audience on Sunday told the Queen that the King his master could not resolve touching the Low Countries until he received further satisfaction touching certain points propounded by des Pruneaux, and might also confer with some principal persons of his realm. That before he proceeded, he would acquaint her Majesty with his resolution and take her advice therein.
That there are now two ministers here, one from the King of Scots, named the Master of Gray; the other from the Scottish Queen, her secretary, Nau. The Master of Gray makes great offers to the Queen of his master's devotion towards her, whereof she means to make some trial, and, to gratify the King, will withdraw the noblemen now upon the borders to the uppermost part of this realm.
That Nau is come to solicit the finishing of the treaty for that Queen's liberty, “wherein yet there is no resolution.” That she shall be presently removed to Tutbury and committed to the Lord St. John's custody.
To acquaint him with Mauvissière's (Moveser's) requests. Debts.
To acquaint him with 'Lopopyn' [qy. L'Aubespine].
Last two lines in Walsingham's hand. Undated. Endd. 2¼ pp. [France XII. 117.]
Nov. 20.P. Beutterich to Walsingham.
The Elector of Saxony is neither dead nor ill. His son is a very hopeful youth and an intimate friend of my lord [Duke Casimir]. The Elector is settling the State as firmly as possible, having given one of his daughters to the son of Duke Julius of Brunswick and the other to Duke John Casimir, son of Duke John Frederick of Saxony, who for eighteen years has been imprisoned at Neustadt in Austria, and will shortly, by God's help, be set at liberty; which has been a great joy to my lord, for one is his father-in-law and the other his brother-in-law.
There are here many signs of disturbances, my lord being on one side prosecuted in the Imperial Chamber by a Marquis of Brandenburg, Duke of Wurtemberg and Louis Landgraf of Hesse, who wish to interfere with the guardianship of our young prince, by virtue of the late Elector's testament, and by this means to prevent all change in religion, which my lord is making as gently as possible. On the other side, there are commotions at Strasburg because of the four Comites [?] of the Religion excommunicated by the Pope, from whom the other papist canons and the Bishop have cut off their ordinaries, they being supported from elsewhere. The town takes the part of the reformed canons as does my lord, with other protestant Princes and States. Until now, it has only been a matter of letters and embassies, but a few days ago, the city of Strasburg took an important step, and has sent ambassadors into Switzerland to seek support. If the affair is not settled, there is a prospect of great evils. It is said everywhere that the King of France is resolved to preserve the rest of the Low Countries, which is much to be desired, but I cannot believe that he is in good earnest until I see some signal results therefrom.
You will receive by Zolcher some ' Berweyn' from me and I pray you to take it kindly. If the wines of Arboys had arrived, I should have sent you some.—Heidelberg, 20 November, 1584.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Germany, States, III. 55.]

Footnotes

1 “bloed;” i.e. clerk of the criminal court. Cf. Bloedrichter.
2 Old form of “pavis,” a screen or shelter.
3 Interpreted in the margin as the Pope, while Catolycus is not translated. But in the next letter, this latter is given, evidently correctly, as the Pope.
4 See I Tim. iv. 3.