Henry VIII
November 1545, 1-5

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James Gairdner and R. H. Brodie (editors)

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1907

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'Henry VIII: November 1545, 1-5', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 20 Part 2: August-December 1545 (1907), pp. 330-349. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=80428 Date accessed: 17 September 2014.


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November 1545, 1-5

1 Nov.708. The Privy Council.
Dasent's
A. P. C., 265.
Meeting at Windsor, 1 Oct. Present:—Norfolk, Privy Seal, Cheyney, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Paget, Petre, Riche. Business:— Letters written to John Gressham and Thos. Wingfelde to repair to Dover and abide there to convey letters and execute commissions; and to my lord Chancellor to make them a "prest" of money, they being each allowed 6s. 8d. a day.
1 Nov.709. Wriothesley to Paget.
R. O.According to your letters, I have committed Patrick Hume to the Tower and the two Frenchmen to the Fleet, where they have an honest chamber, and liberty of the house and garden, and diet with the Warden. I thought this better than to cumber any man with them; and the Warden will let them go abroad with keepers who understand the tongue, to see that they neither write nor speak to anyone. The poor men that took them repair now to sue for some reward, which it were well they had,— to encourage others. "I pray you remember the lord Maxwell, being with Doctor Leighe, I mean, to rid Doctor Leigh of him." Your 3000l. went yesterday morning towards Bulloyn. Mr. Cofferer says that there is little copper in the Tower; and I have spoken to Sir John Gresham to write to Damoysel to prepare 40,000 or 50,000 weight. Money must be sent for it by exchange, 400l. or 500l.; "for it will come to m1 marks." Ely Place, [this Alha]lon Daye, at night.
Hol., p.1. Add. Endd.: primo Novembr. 1545.
1 Nov.710. Fane and Others to the Council.
R O.Yesterday afternoon Riffenberghe went into his camp and, by means of his lieutenant, Wulfe Slegher, raised such a mutiny among the commonalty that 500 hacbutiers of the rascals came to assault this abbey gate to fetch us out; whereupon the captain who had the watch over us bade them first send their conductors to declare what they would have with us. Their conductors then came, as ambassadors from the commonalty, to know, 1st whether we had given them up, 2nd for how many months we had paid Riffenberghe, and 3rd whether we would give them the third month for their return, according to their bestelling. We answered (1) that we had not given them up, nor could they "license themselves," seeing they had eight days of this second month to serve: (2) that we had paid Riffenberghe what was due to them according to their bestelling, "and so had now this whole second month sould the night afore," and could show his acquittances; and we desired safeconduct that we might go and be heard amongst them in this behalf: and (3) that within the eight days for which they were yet paid we should know whether the King required their service longer, and if licensed they should have their month for return, which was half a month more than any other prince gave them. They then got us safeconduct, and came for us with 500 or 600 hackbutiers, with whom the captain that kept us, and other two whom we charged upon their oath to speak for us, thought that we might ride to the camp, a great mile off. Describe how at their coming out some did them reverence, but the rest made them descend from their horses and go afoot, more like thieves than commissaries; how they found Riffenberghe and Slegher on horseback in the "ring," who procured that they should not be listened to, although the common soldiers favoured them, and finally caused the drums to beat and dispersed the men. Riffenberghe offered them a drum to sit on, which is "among them taken in derision." Riding back to the abbey they met the Emperor's commissary, who had seen the business but could not get near enough to hear; and have appointed him to require of Riffenberghe the King's ordnance and munition. We hear that they still claim the horsemen's fourth month. They told the Emperor's commissary that after to-morrow they will remove hence "and carry us with them afoot in irons." He said that they ought not so to do, we being their generals and commissaries, and if they could not trust us on horseback they should let us lie in one of our own wagons; "whereto they answered we should yet have 500 hacbutiers about us." Thus we find that Riffenberghe and his lieutenant, contrary to the commons' minds, imprison us and feign this to be a mutiny to make us yield to the fourth month of the horsemen. We have written my lord of Westminster to get a personage of estimation sent by the Emperor to see how we use them and stay the treasure that comes for their dissolution at Binche; "and that, having reckoned with us, they may set us free with the King's munition and other provisions there and fet the same." 1 Nov. 1545. Signed: R. Fane: T. Chamberlain: Tho. Avery.
Pp. 5. Add. Endd.
1 Nov.711. The Privy Council of Scotland.
Regist., 17.Meeting at Linlithgow, 1 Nov. Present: Governor, Cardinal, bp. of Galloway, lords Ross and Simple, abbots of Paisley and Culross, Secretary, Clerk Register. Business:—As the Lieutenant of England has commanded that no Englishmen, being prisoners in Scotland and allowed home upon their bond to re-enter, shall enter to their takers, proclamation is to be made on the Borders that, conversely, no Scottishmen shall enter to takers in England.
2 Nov.712. The Privy Council.
Dasent's
A.P.C., 266.
Meeting at Windsor, 2 Nov. Present: Norfolk, Privy Seal, Cheyney, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Paget, Petre, Riche. Business:— Letter written to the judges of the Admiralty to hear a matter between Aristogueta(?), Spaniard, and Giles Kelway, Wm. Bell and Ric. Smith touching a bark of San Sebastian taken in the West, and to take bond of the said Kelway, &c., to answer. Letter to the mayor of Dover in favour of Gressham and Wingfelde; and to Deputy and Council of Calais to make proclamation for the acceptance of French crowns at 5s.
*** Next entry is 8 Nov.
2 Nov.713. Wriothesley to Paget.
R. O.Upon receipt of his last letters, despatched those to Bulloyn, with the minute. Has twice sent for Gresham, and has answer that he is at Court. Spoke to the treasurers "to set forth the special natures of all things contained in their last views." Is thankful for the King's good opinion. In the matter of Pike, will do as much as justice permits; but it "smelleth shrewdly." Sends the pardons so long called for; and, because they are under the Great Seal, takes the opportunity to note that, lately, he saw "a licence under the seal of th' Admiralty which proceeded upon a letter from the Council." Would not "pass a like under the Great Seal" without giving his opinion. Hears that a warrant is come to Poules, for the deanery, under the Signet, "which ever yet passed the Great Seal." If they proceed upon it, "containing distributions, &c.," it will scant be a legal warrant; but if the King's pleasure be to have things so passed, is content and will "have so much the less care." Ely Place, this Alsoules Day.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.: 1545.
2 Nov.714. [Paget] to Gardiner.
Add. MS.
25,114, f. 337.
B. M.
Perceiving by your letters the "trynkering" that has been used to bring you thither, which seems to confirm the Frenchmen's report to the Commissaries of the Protestants that they would like the matter treated by the Protestants, but the King laboured to have it with the Emperor, and sent you thither so as to provoke the French king to send another, "which he intendeth not," and that Skipper comes hither only with words, the King might well have revoked you, but has determined as follows:—1. You shall signify to the Emperor and Council that as neither the Admiral (who was reported to be either there or far on the way before your departure hence) nor any other special man is sent, "it appeareth that the French king meant nothing less than to have the matter treated there." 2. The King finds it no less strange that the Emperor now, without cause, revokes his commission to Mons. Skipper and the Ambassador to conclude upon the interview and the differences between their Majesties, without informing the King's ambassadors resident there, that order might be given for commission to proceed. Skipper carried hence certain capita of the things in difference, with instructions to learn the Emperor's resolution therein, and apparently comes again without any answer. This might seem only a device to protract the time, were it not that the King believes that the Emperor really means to make an end forthwith, for which he has given you commission to conclude. And, in that treaty, if the French king has sent a special commissioner to treat the peace or truce, you and my lord of Westminster alone shall meddle (because your commission purports that you must be two); but if the French king has only sent commission to his Ambassador resident, my lord of Westminster and Mr. Kerne shall meddle and not your Lordship; and yet all three of you shall communicate and advise together from time to time. Thus it shall be seen that you were not sent specially to treat with France unless they send some special minister.
As for the treaty between the Emperor and the King, you will here be thought to have done exceeding good service if you decipher as soon as possible to what they will come; and if the Emperor does give you but words you must give him as good words again, for the King considers you there first to adduce the Emperor to join him in amity according to the treaty, "and if that cannot be, yet, to dissimule with him our grief therefor and with policy to abuse him the best you can for a while until his Majesty may provide for his things otherwise, and then to let the string slip at the advantage."
As for the Protestants at Callys and Ardres; those who were in France are also come to Callys, and write that the French king will send the Admiral to Ardre to commune of this matter if the King will send "le parielles." And they say the French king has sent them word that he would have the matter pass by their means, but the King seeks to have it pass by the Emperor and has sent your Lordship to move the Emperor "to entreat the French king to send another; which the French king will not do, he saith, if he may in any wise have the matter passed by them." The Protestants write that on the 11th or 12th inst. the Commissioners for France will be at Ardre, praying that those from hence may be that day at Callys. The Frenchmen sent word that they would treat upon Boulloyn, and we answered today that the matter to be treated upon must be left to the assembly of Commissioners, which may be on the 15th or 16th inst. Before determining who shall go we must hear from thence again. "My lord of Duresme goeth not; but I go, I believe, and, if the Admiral come, my lord of Norfolk or my lord of Hertford. As your Lordship writeth, I would we had peace or truce, I care not by whom, and though it were by the Turk. I return Nicholas, to be sent with these other letters to the Commissaries, for whose relief the King's Majesty prayeth you to travail the best you can, and to send Nicholas away to them with diligence. My lord of Lenoux is entered into Scotland and playeth his vages without resistence. If you be come to my lord of Westminster I pray you to have me recommended." Windsour, 2 Nov. 1545, after midnight.
P.S. in Paget's hand.—We have news "that the Duke of Brunswyk hath the worst and his leg with a piece of artillery broken." Not signed.
Pp. 4. Add. Endd.
2 Nov.715. Paget and Petre to Fane and Others.
Add. MS.
5,753, f. 155.
B. M.
The King perceives by their several letters the lewd proceedings of Riffenberge and others, and both approves their answers and requires them not to fear, even if led away, because in the end his Highness will not fail to see them discharged harmless. He therefore prays you "to pluck your hearts unto you and play the men for the time, not suffering these knaves to take that advantage of their false and disloyal proceedings which they brag of and yet perchance look not for." The King has already sent a special messenger of good credit to the Emperor, from whom you will hear shortly; and meanwhile, after perusing and sealing the letter which Paget presently sends to Ryffenberg, you shall deliver it, and with gentle words induce him to a more honest manner of proceeding, showing that this is not the way to obtain their desires of the King, who knows "more of their double dealings and secret practices than they think," and will not pay them more than three months "except their pact do otherwise import." If Riffenberg find himself grieved therewith, let him resort "hither or unto the Emperor, or any other indifferent prince, according to whose determination" the King will content him to the uttermost penny. Wyndesour, 2 Nov. 1545. Signed.
P.S.—Albert Bishop is to be satisfied for his 50 men after the rest are despatched away, who is required "in the meantime to take patience."
Pp. 2. Mainly in Petre's hand but the last sentence in Mason's and the P.S. in Paget's. Fly leaf with address lost.
2 Nov.716. Paget to Reiffenbergh.
R. O.By several letters from his Commissaries, the King has learnt the disloyal and evil service which you have done him and your strange usage of his Commissaries. I am grieved, both for the dishonour to yourself and the diminution of the credit of him (fn. 1) who recommended you to his Majesty. The King has commanded me in his name to charge you to observe your covenants with him and to set his Commissaries free to execute their commission; or else, be assured that, wherever you may be in all Christendom, it will cost you your life, even if his Majesty pay 50,000 cr. for it. Windsor, 2 Nov. 1545.
French. Draft, p. 1. Endd.: Copie of Mr. Secr. Mr. Pagetes l're to Reiffenbergh, ijo November 1545.
2 Nov.717. Sabyne Johnson to her Husband, John Johnson.
R. O.Glapthorn, 2 Nov. 1545:—Your letter of 15 Oct. by Donckerlye I received only yesterday and perceive that your have bought his gelding, which shall be well kept until your coming home against Christmas. I trust you will come sooner if they die so sore at Callais. Thomas Grefen's wool is sold, and so is my father Chanterll's. When I sent Richard to him last week he said that you would not give so much as others, and did not want it or you would have sent to him before. Tomorrow I send Richard to London for 40l. for Haryson, in addition to the 25l. you sent me. This will pay for all except Mr. Beckel's wool.
2 Nov.718. The Cardinal of Lorraine to the Queen of Scotland.
Balcarres MS.
Adv. Lib.,
Edin.
ii. 121.
Could not allow the bearer to depart without a little message to her. He will give a full account of affairs here, as commissioned by the King, as wel1 as the Cardinal's own news, than whom no one is more devoted to her service. Folambray, 2 Nov. 1545. Signed: V're treshumble oncle, Le Caral de Lorraine.
Fr. p. 1. Add.: A la Royne d'Escosse.
3 Nov.719. Gardiner, Thirlby and Carne to Fane and Others.
' Add. MS.
5,753, f. 156.
B. M.
Have received their miserable letters, which shall be sent into England with all speed. Assure them of as much help as can be procured of the Emperor and others. They may take comfort that they suffer wrongfully, in the service of a noble prince, and their countrymen care earnestly for their relief. "If reason cannot have place, think yourselves among so many beasts, but cease you not to attempt with reason to overcome them if ye can," assaying them again and again. Tomorrow we trust to speak with the Emperor, to whom the King has given the bp. of Winchester special commission in the matter. Be of as good cheer as "your ungoodly and ungodly trouble" will permit. Bruges, 3 Nov. at night. Signed.
In Gardiner's hand, p. 1. Add. to Fane, Chamberlayn and Averey.
4 Nov.720. Plunder of a Spanish Ship.
Close Roll,
37 Hen. VIII.
p. 1, No. 22.*
Recognisances of Ant. Bonvoyse, John Gerralt and Achilinus Salvage, of London, merchants strangers, 18 Aug. 37 Hen. VIII, as to goods in a ship of Cattalona called The St. Anne and St. Christopher brought as a prize, by certain English adventurers, to Dartmouth; with inventory of the said goods as claimed by Anthony de Macuelleo and Ant. de Guarras, Spaniards. Cancelled 4 Nov. 37 Hen. VIII. by command of the King's Council.
4 Nov.721. The Privy Council to Lords Cobham and Graye and the Council of Calais.
Harl. MS.
283, f. 207.
B. M.
Whereas we wrote heretofore for the dismissing of the garrisons there, leaving in the castle of Guisnez 100, and in the town 700, besides the furniture of the bulwarks, the King, considering that you have there about 500 horsemen, 100 of Mr. Wallop's, 100 of Lord Grayes, 50 of Wingfeldes, 150 of Ludovico de Larmy's and 100 Albanoys, is minded that you, my lord Graye, shall "defaulke" 200 of the town of Guisnez and reserve 500 only, so placing the said horsemen that they may both annoy the enemies and be ready to defend the town.
Signifying to you, Mr. Wootton, treasurer [a] t Guyesnes, that Ludovico de Larmye's band "shall be fifty," and as his hacquebutyers on horseback have but 6 cr. the month, whereas others heretofore had 10 cr., you shall allow them 20 dead pays in the 100 whereas others had but 10. Wyndsor, 4 Nov. 1545.
P.S.—"Touching the prisoners there in the Mayor's ward the King's pleasure is that his laws shall take place, and that they shall be despatched away thereafter accordingly, saving that the porters and others now in ward for fraying in the gate shall by your discretions be put to liberty." Signed by Norfolk, Paget and Petre.
P.S.—If there be more "than fifty" (altered to 150) of Ludovico de Larmye's band, "the overplus shall be c[asse]d when the other strangers be discharged."
Pp. 2. Add.: To our verie good lorde, the lord Cobham, deputy of the King's Majesty's town and marches of Calais, and the lord Graye of Wilton, captain general of the crews, and to the rest of His Highness' Council there. Poste haste, post haste, with all diligence possible.
4 Nov.722. Boulogne, &c.
Cal. of Cecil
MSS.
Pt. i., 194.
Victuals and other things sent, and ready to be sent, to Boulogne, and such as shall be sent thither monthly for 5 months, for 8,000 men.— Nov. 4.
3 pp.
4 Nov.723. Otwell Johnson to John Johnson.
R. O.London, 4 Nov. 1545:—Private business, chiefly concerning Mr. Appenrith and his son's pack, which John Holland reluctantly left to go by next ship, Thos. Guyllem's, on Saturday next. Money matters involving names of my lord of Arundel, Henry Garbraunt, Maria, Hen. Laxten, your wife, Ric. Preston and Harryson. My uncle Johnsone is answered concerning the miscarriage of his vinegar by a letter of my brother Gery and one of mine sent by young Bradfeld of Guysnes. "Your booke of copye of l'res is not to be found in my howse, and therfor lett Mr. Pratt remembre himself better therof. The story of his lyff shalbe sent you shortely, with bier, chiese and braune. Your Chancery buysiness is yett undetermined."
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: at Callais. Endd: Aunsweryed at Callais le 8 in the same, etc.
4 Nov.724. Gardiner and Thirlby to Henry. VIII.
R. O.
St. P. x. 647.
Upon knowledge of your pleasure concerning my (fn. 2) repair to this Court I arrived here on Saturday night last, awaiting the Emperor, who left Gaunte on Monday (fn. 3) and came hither yesternight. This day, at 3 p.m., we had audience, being sent for by the Countie Bures. Describes their reception by the Emperor. Tempered the declaration of his credence according to letters which he received from Mr. Secretary two hours earlier, saying that he was sent at the request of the Emperor's ambassador, and upon the understanding that the Admiral of France was on the way hither, who seemed now not to be coming at all, for the ambassadors of the Protestants reported that the French king would send him to Arde if Henry sent a like personage to Calais. The Emperor answered that undoubtedly the Admiral is on his journey and will be here within three or four days; and, smiling, said he could not tell how the French king used the Protestants or what the Protestants reported, but the French king had signified that the Protestants had so wrought with Henry that he trusted to get a good bargain, and if so would take it; whereunto the Emperor had answered that if the French king had two strings to his bow he might use which he listed,—all the Emperor desired was a peace, and the Admiral came with power to treat of peace and truce, as (he thought) Gardiner did, and he himself would do his best for either. The Emperor then told of his despatch of Skepperus to Henry, and how he moved the French king for a truce, understanding that Henry would be content therewith; and, now that it appeared otherwise, the French king "somewhat altered" about sending the Admiral, but was finally sending him. The Emperor did not press a truce as Skepper did to me, Winchester, nor insist that a truce must needs be first; and therefore we deferred discussion thereof until we might hear again whether to follow the instructions sent to me, Westminster, to proceed (the interview failing, as it does) to the treaty of peace first. The Emperor told us that he had signified to you what kept him from the interview, and that, we being of your Privy Council, the other matters might be here considered. I said I wished that he had sent his resolution by Skepper, but you had given us commission to treat of those matters upon confidence that he would resolve upon them "at the time of being here." He desired to speak with his Council, and wished that "al thing wer cleresed."
Thought it best to let the Emperor speak without contradiction, and, as he did not show himself desirous of a truce, they did not show why Henry misliked it. He passes all over to the Admiral's coming and seems not displeased with the meddling of the Protestants. Meanwhile, will have opportunity to move Grandvyle to the "eclaryssyng" of the treaty with the Emperor; and, by his "answer and fashion," will either put off the matter or go about it. Yesternight, received letters from the Commissaries with the Almains showing how cruelly they are handled, and wrote them letters of comfort. Spoke of the matter to the Emperor; who detests it, and desired the writers to speak to Grandvela therein, saying that "having their bargain paid them they may have no more." He said that they were destroying the country, and desired that when the Almain horsemen at Calais were discharged it might be by bands and not great troops. Bruges, 4 Nov. Signed.
In Gardiner's hand, pp. 5. Add, Endd.: 1545.
4 Nov.725. Gardiner to Paget.
R. O.
St. P., x. 650
At Bruges, before the Emperor's arrival, spoke with Chapuys, who confessed that he was commanded to follow the Court until our matters were past. In answer to the interrogatory whether he knew of any new practice with France, he denies it utterly; and yet, in communication, he mentioned that the Prince of Piemont's suit for the recovery of Piemont was deferred until the Admiral's coming. Chapuys told of a long communication with the Emperor (who is more lusty than he was) about the Lady Mary, wherein he had "made the Emperor's mouth water"; and he wished Gardiner to hope well of this journey and be assured of the Admiral's coming, "and yet this was on Monday." (fn. 4) De Bure, in accompanying him to Court, said that only skirmishes had occurred as yet between the Lansgrave and Brunswike; the news, in letters of the 21st ult., of the "taking of Bruneswike in a parliamentation" was untrue, and Brunswike had the better band of men of war, the Lansgrave the more peasants. Notes in Paget's letters that the French king will have Bolen spoken of in the communication at Calais, and fears that the same will be required here, since the French king is so familiar as to tell the Emperor consilium suum and the Emperor pretends no discontent. Now you may there easily fish out whether the Protestants give the French king more likelihood of good conditions by their means than you are privy to; and, as the Admiral comes hither, and yet the French king practises by the Protestants with the Emperor's knowledge and contentment, our cause cannot be the only cause of the Admiral's coming. Upon communication with Grandevela we shall see a little more light. Bruges, 4 Nov., at night.
P.S.—"My lord of Westminster noted that the Emperor did not call the French king brother, and therefore I put it out in my letter, for in the doubt I had rather have it so."
Hol., pp. 3. Add. Endd.: 1545.
4 Nov.726. Vaughan to Paget.
R. O.Has sent the Commissaries as much money as they required for despatch of the Almains. Of the money taken up by exchange from Jasper Dowche, has received 5,084l. 14s. 6d. and expects the rest today. Jasper Dowche expects some reward, and should be gratified in order that he may help another time. As soon as the writer hears that last exchange is appointed to be paid in London, he will leave this country. Andwerp, 4 Nov.
In receiving and paying the King's money, has lost between 80l. and 100l. Sends a packet of letters from Mr. Buckeler.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.: 1545.
4 Nov.727. Bucler and Mont to Henry VIII.
R. O.Signified on 27 Oct. that the duke of Brunswick and his eldest son were taken prisoners by the Lantgrave, 21 Oct. What they wrote is confirmed, saving that the Counts of Oldenburgh and Ritbergh, "a day or two before the field, privily conveyed themself away." The Duke and his son were brought into Cassells, with 500 horsemen, on the 23rd; and on the morrow the Duke was carried to the Landgrave's castle of Ziegenchaene, his son remaining in Cassells. The Duke's men were despoiled of horse and harness and sworn not to serve against the Protestants for three months. Their captains are kept in hold. The Duke confesses that trust in false friends brought him to this ruin. The Lantgrave has got possession of all the Duke's writings, "whereby men suppose many secrets shall come abroad." Divers captains affirm to us that the Duke's soldiers were assembled for the French king against Candlemas Day; and the Duke bribed them to help him meanwhile to recover his country, promising to lead them afterwards to the French king. The Lantgrave remains about Brunswick putting things in order, with 16 ensigns of footmen, and has summoned Oldenbergh and Ritbergh to come and purge themselves on pain of losing their countries.
"The Duke of Saxonye, the Marques electours, (fn. 5) Duke Maurice, the Duke of Lunenburgh, the Duke of Pruse, the Lantgrave's commissaries, with other princes' commissaries" are assembled at Newnbergh in Saxony, and there expect the king of Denmark, who is said to have passed the river of Albis. The Protestants have appointed their learned men for the colloquium at Ratisbona, as concluded in the Diet of Woormbs. The Diet of all the Protestants will be shortly, but time and place are not yet declared. Franckforde, 4 Nov.
P.S.—Are just certified by the magistrates of this town that the Diet of the Protestants will be kept here on 6 Dec. next. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add. Endd.: 1545.
4 Nov.728. Bucler and Mont to Paget.
R. O.On 27 Oct. sent a packet of letters to him enclosing letters to the King, and have now written again. Desire him to return their post and let them know what to say to the Protestants now at their Diet, on 6 Dec., at Franckforde; otherwise it seems best for them to absent themselves. Franckforde, 4 Nov. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: 1545.
[5 Nov.]729. Wriothesley to Paget.
R. O.
St. P., i. 835.
Sends the declarations of the treasurers at length; all save Mr. Tuke's, whose books are partly at Court in the hands of Michael, and who paid little or nothing towards the garrisons this year past, nor will "the new treasurer there find one groat remaining but the office much in debt." Paget may declare to the King that 20,000l. will be ready here against Monday next, (fn. 6) viz., from the Mints, "our holy anchor," 15,000l., from the Augmentation 3,000l., from the Duchy 1,000l., and from the Wards 1,000l. The Tenths and First Fruits and the surveyors have nothing, and the Exchequer but 1,000l., which must serve towards the ships now preparing and the relief of the debt of the Ordnance. Has faithfully promised Mr. Cofferer to borrow no more there till all be repaid. The 3,000l. last sent to Bulloyn was also out of the Mint. The mayor and his brethren declare that since harvest not 200 qr. wheat has come to London, and less flour, and that unless the lack is supplied before Parliament there will, be dearth. Has offered, if they will name certain persons to make provision for the city and not for private benefit, that the Council will write to the provisioners to permit the said persons to make such provision, provided that it hinder not that made for the King. They have named the persons, as appears by their several letters, herewith, which Wriothesley has signed and desires the rest of the Council to sign. Received this morning a licence for Martin Pirry to bring bullion to the Mint, 2,000l. monthly for four years, and have his return every month within four days. Requires him to show the King that it is impossible to pay so soon without loss and the delay of payment of the debt due, and that if the King would venture great loss by so preferring one man he may have for such a licence 2,000 mks.; for the writer has been offered 100l. to get a man the exchange of 500l. a month for six months, paid within six days after his bullion came in, and is sure that Mr. Cofferer has been tempted that way too. "If Martin Pirry will tarry three or four months as other men do (yea some be constrained by these loans to tarry longer) he should have thank, but when he seeketh only his own great gain and the King's Majesty's extreme loss, I cannot away with him." Ely Place, this Thursday.
"I thank you for your Nothing. It will, I doubt not, breed one day somewhat; whi[ch] shall be a riddle, of nothing to come somewhat."
Hol., pp. 3. Add. Endd.: Novembr., 1545.
5 Nov.730. Gardiner and Thirlby to Henry VIII.
R. O.Sending this morning to know when I, Gardiner, might have access to the Queen of Hungary, I had answer by Scory that she thought I could not come before dinner, as I was to dine with Grandvela, but she would expect me at 3 o'clock. "I mused of th'addition, for I had not heard of it," and yet thought to have sent to speak with Grandvela. And Grandvela was appointed to come to us before dinner; which he did, with Prate and Scory, saying that they were sent by the Emperor. I repeated my credence, and, as to the Emperor, spoke of the "eclarsyng" of the treaty, "not over lively at the first"; and so passed to the matter of the Commissaries, pressing them to execute the Emperor's promise. Grandvela answered that I spoke of three things, first the cause of my coming, viz. to treat with the Admiral of France, second Skepperus' charge for "th'eclarishement," and third the Almains. As to the first the French King, hearing that the truce was staid, stayed the Admiral, who was, however, now coming, by way of Lisle, and would be here within three days, and the Emperor would travail to conduce a good peace; the truce was to have been in case of a meeting, which the Emperor would gladly have had, but the trouble in Almayne disappointed it. As to the saying of the Protestants that the Admiral should go to Ardre and the peace be treated by their mediation, Grandvela made no account of what "the Frenchmen say," and it might be that the French King would send commissaries to Arde, understanding that the Protestants have the matter in good train, who have promised him a good bargain. I replied that the Admiral should have but a cold journey hither if the matter he came for was to be treated elsewhere. Grandvela could only say that assuredly the Admiral comes hither; and made no sign of the Emperor's miscontentment that the Protestants should meddle.
To the second, Grandvela said that the Emperor did not send his resolution by Skepperus because he thought it might be passed here if you would give me commission. I rehearsed how you had looked to have the matter passed there, but now had commissioned us two and Mr. Cerne to pass it, and we were ready to enter communication "whiles the Admiral is a coming." Hereat Grandvela changed his cheer and said that the Emperor understood not so far yesternight, and all three looked as though they heard glad tidings and talked more lively, Granvela saying that the Emperor "had been troubled therein in vain." We then communed of a memorial made by Skepperus, of which they doubted the finding; but that, they said, should be no stay. By and bye, when we spoke of the Commissaries, they determined that Mons. de Lyre should be sent with letters to Ryffenberge to conform to reason and his covenant. Scory alleged that since the first bestelling they had agreed to be content with three months, and suggested that letters out of England should be worded so as not to irritate them, for in disorder they were "unreasonable beasts," but Mons. de Lyre knew how to handle them. Prate said that this is the Lansgrave's doing, who, fearing that some army might be gathered on this side against him, caused it to be "soulded" by you, under the leading of this Riffenberge, one of his chamber; and never meant it to enter France but be ready for him if required; and Riffemberge was beginning to swear them to the Lansgrave, and, as Bucholt and another honest man signified, certain of the captains refused to serve the Lansgrave. Bruges, 5 Nov. Signed.
In Gardiner's hand, pp. 5. Add. Endd.
5 Nov.731. Gardiner to Paget.
R. O."I must have, for the while, as good opinion of these men here as we had of Skepperus and his fellow in England." Assuredly when they saw that we had commission to speak of matters between us and the Emperor they made earnest countenance of rejoicing. Skore seems, for the time, all ours; and Mons. de Prate spoke ten times as many words as in all our meetings last year. Goes this afternoon to the Queen with the King's "present of hounds and grewhondes, which shall be a gorgeous matter when their colours be on, which be very gay." Will write if he sees any change or clouds, and will not (like Jasper Laet) say what will follow but testify what he sees. Spoke coldly in the matter they would fainest hear, to see if there was any warmth in them, and now must needs judge their warmth to be a natural heat. Will learn more by the Queen's "fashion"; and will not spare the King's purse in posts, every man being disposed to spend the uttermost, "besides them that waste,—but I stay here, for fear of entering the matter of victuals, etc."
The Prince of Piemont has "sent word to send to visit me this afternoon." Pray let me know the King's pleasure about visitation of ambassadors and such princes, which "is cause sometime of knowledge." I have despatched Nicholas to the Commissaries, as will be seen by the letters to the King. When I forget commendations to my good lords and masters, pray remember it; for I mean it, but may forget, "as ye did in subscribing in your name to your last letter." (fn. 7) Bruges, 5 Nov.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.: 1545.
5 Nov.732. Gardiner to Paget.
R. O.Since the despatch of yesternight, is reminded of what he wrote by Francisco, from Newporte, about being sent to Jherico; for, by his servant Olyver, Paget has sent Jherico to him, in words so ordered as to "import a just cause of lamentation and sorrow, and such as will engender deeds, as horse hairs do snakes if they be suffered to putrify," viz., one of the books cast abroad in London and noted at the end to be printed at Jherico by Tom Trouth. The author has an ominous name, "Mors," proponing matter that threatens death of body, by dissension, and of soul, by damnation. Points out how the King is touched by the bringing into contempt of those who rule under him, the aldermen of London and the Parliament, and concludes that Roderigo Mors who writes the book, and everywhere prints the word Joye with a great letter, is "indeed Joye that worketh sorrow to himself and other, and not Mors, whereof if he borrowed an adjective it should be well placed." Laments that "a knave lurking in a corner, as Joye doth at Antwerpe," should be nourished to trouble the realm thus. If it were the truth, and if those who set it forth had qualities to commend it, and those who meddle with it grew better, and not a great deal worse, and if it were not evident that the end of the sect is the destruction of God's honour and man's, this writing might be thought vehement. "How many books and scrolls have been cast abroad in London within this year and the offender never found out, so many priests searched and put from their goods for a time, so openly done and the offenders never found out. These be common open matters. As for private attemptates there have been a great many, and such particular tales blown abroad as cannot be sown but of the Devil." Paget would have him contemn them, but he cannot contemn the wealth of the realm. Fears not these malicious follies during the King's life; but when those who are now young shall contemn religion and conceive another opinion of God than is true, what will ensue? The example of Germany and the Emperor, "who, whatsoever he be, is their superior," shows how "the learning" teaches obedience to princes. If Gardiner saw that party more honest and reasonable than they were he might think the learning good for somewhat in this world. As for the world to come, he is sure it is naught, for it is new and agrees with "no religion that hath been established by God in the Old Testament or the New Testament"; and the Lansgrave's dealing with us shows him a goodly champion of Christ's Gospel with "verbum Domini written on his men's sleeves." Paget knows that the matter proceeded thence, and was maintained thence "by the letters wherein was written cronorum," (fn. 8) and can tell what the writer said of that word, not by the spirit of prophecy but quodam animi presagio. "I cannot forget the old earl of Essex, Bowser, who was with my lord Prince, vij years past, when the ambassadors of Saxe and Lansgrave were sent to see my lord Prince. At which time, when my lord Prince could not be brought to frame to look upon those ambassadors and put forth his hand, for no cheering, dandling and flattering the nurse and lady mistress could use, but my lord Prince ever cried and turned away his face; and yet at the same time, to accustom him to a stern countenance and rough great beard, the said earl of Essex played with my lord Prince, took him by the hand, put his beard near his face, which my lord Prince took pleasure in and was therewith merry. In th'end, when th'ambassadors could have none other sight of my lord Prince, for all the labours taken, my said lord of Essex came to my lord Prince and said 'Now full well knowest thou,' quoth he, 'that I am thy father's true man and thine, and these other be false knaves.' Such speech escaped him suddenly, for which he might percace have been then blamed of some. But as Pilate said Quod scripsi scripsi. My lord Prince (God save him!) hath as much of his father the King's Highness' good nature as ever had any child of his father; and thereupon a man might say was caused in my lord Prince an alienation in nature from them, for I never saw that the King's Highness of himself had any affection to them, but hath ever wisely weighed and considered the natures of them, and understandeth them as right as any man could describe them. His Highness, sometime of necessity, sometime of policy, hath wisely used them, and sometime I know hath been informed and told many greater things of them than have followed." How extolled the Lansgrave has been, and yet we hear by Mons. de Prate that he is thought to have wrought this matter. God send us a good end of our Protestants! If they bring us peace I will thank them for so much; but if they only defame us, as likely to agree in their opinions, they will do us as evil as Riffenberge, whose naughtiness is theirs, but yet it is noted in us, as the Civil Law says, quasi delictum quod utamur opera malorum hominum. By law the Lansgrave ought to make all good, but by disputing and fighting truth and honesty are torn, and a very good peace is needed to coin them again with the right stamp.
I have finished my answer to George Joye, and therein show that I have thought on other matters and am not such as he notes me. "And although I go not about to prove myself a saint, for I have made no such outward visage of hypocrisy, yet it shall appear I am not utterly a devil, and if I be a devil I am not of that kind of devils that he noteth me of, and such other as have pleasure to have me so spoken of." But that is not the purpose of mine answer, which is to declare certain things that need declaration. That book I write to the world, but to the book of Lamentation which you sent I only answer lamentably to you, digesting in these letters the displeasure received in reading "this most abominable book." This is my best pastime here, and this letter may be read at leisure or not at all, "it is no pain for me to write and I [never?] wrote so much in a month as I have done in th[is], and 1 look so lustily, thanks be to God, that I talk shamefastly of any sickness by the way. God make all that be sick, either in body or soul, whole." Bruges, 5 Nov.
Hol., pp. 7. Add. Endd.: 1545.
733. "Roderick Mors." (fn. 9)
"The Complaynt of Roderyck Mors, somtyme a Gray fryre, unto the Parliament Howse of Ingland, his natural cuntry."
A treatise, arranged in chapters, with a short preface in which, after a prayer for the success of his work, the author, a man banished his native country "only by the cruelty of the forked caps of England for speaking God's truth," declares himself bound to disclose to Parliament the heavy yokes laid upon his countrymen by laws which they may lawfully neither resist nor, if contrary to God's word, obey, [The arguments are supported by continual quotations of Scripture.] 1. All councils should begin with real prayer, not as hitherto with "an unholy Mass of the Holy Ghost rolled up with descant, pricksong and organs, whereby mens hearts be ravished clean both from God and from the cogitation of all such things as they ought to pray for"; and some honest learned man might preach a sermon, of an hour to an hour and a half long at least, three times a week while Parliament lasts, telling the lords and burgesses (who mostly consider their office an honour and never ponder what things are amiss in the realm) their duties, and what abuses need reform. 2. The enhancing of rents and taking of unreasonable fines, especially by those to whom the King has given or sold the abbey lands, which, "but only for that they led us in a false faith (as their companions the bishops still do)," might well have remained, for they never enhanced their lands or took cruel fines. Now if another offers for the land the tenant is cast out, to beg and steal, and be hanged for it, and the realm decays through the increasing dearness of wool and victuals. English cloth, which used to sell before all foreign cloth, is brought to such a price that the foreign sells first, and our merchants have theirs left long on their hands; and much wool goes abroad "by licences and by the Staple," which foreigners mix with theircoarse wools and make cheaper cloth than English merchants can sell. The lords being the cause of all this, it is hard to have it redressed by Parliament, unless the choosing of burgesses is changed; for hitherto, "be he never so very a fool, drunkard, extortioner, adulterer, never so covetous and crafty a person, yet if he be rich, bear any office, if he be a jolly cracker and bragger in the country, he must be a burgess of the Parliament." Such men cannot give godly counsel, but are ready enough to consent to anything which makes for the profit of "Antichrist's knights and temporal rulers." Some say that the King enhances not, but the chancellors and auditors undo his tenants by taking bribes and fines. 3. It is a cruel law that when a traitor, murderer, felon or heretic is put to death, his next of kin do not enjoy his lands, nor is his credit paid. Riches "hath helped many an honest man to his death, by the covetousness of the officers that farm such things of the King." Arguments that the child if suffered to enjoy his father's lands might in time become a traitor too, or that there would be more offenders if a man knew that only his own life should be forfeited, are vain; for if the King walk in the fear of God and make no acts that are not grounded upon God's word, he need not fear 20,000 rebels. "How mercifully did God quench the fury of the people in the time of the commotion in the North!" Whereas, if the King make wicked laws, God will stir up even his own friends against him. 4. The wickedness of enclosing fruitful ground in parks, forests and chaces. 5. The selling of wards for marriages, in which the parties never "favour" each other, has led to adultery and "develish divorcement, which hath of late been much used." The same God that says "Thou shalt not steal" says also "Thou shalt not commit adultery"; and "though that vice reigneth most abundantly in noble and rich men, and in the Pope's shavelings most shamelessly, which shame to take them honest wives of their own," it should be made "felony indifferently to all men." 6. The partial Act of rating is most grievous, for the rates were made when rents were 20s. which now are 40s., 50s. or 3l.; and the purveyors take three times as much as serves the King and sell it again to their own advantage. A good dog or hound is taken in the King's name which the King never sees. The poor butter wife has that which cost her 1½ d. taken from her, dish and all, for 1d., "and that but a tally, and sometime never paid." Men must leave their harvest to serve the King, with their carts at 2d. a mile! 7. Why should the King's writ only serve for one shire, as if the King were lord of one shire only, last but for one term, and be served only by the sheriff or his man, who often play the false shrews and warn the party to keep out of the way? "Oh, the innumerable wiles, crafts, subtleties and delays that be in the law!" Lawyers are almost as evil as the wicked bishops and priests of Antichrist. 8. If a wicked person falsely bring an action against an honest man for a matter touching the King's profit, although it be found false the "villain promoter" pays nothing of the poor man's charges. 9. The King might use some of the profits of the abbey lands to give stipends to judges and pleaders (that such might live like lawyers and not, as they do, like lords, by robbing the poor), and let neither take a penny of any man upon pain of losing his right hand and being banished from pleading. Means not but that suitors should pay for writing; but writings also need to be looked upon, for in divers courts ten or twelve lines cost two groats whereas 2d. were too much. 10. Would that the King knew the extortion, oppression and bribery used in his Courts of Augmentation and Exchequer. We see how a clerk of either court, who at his "incoming" brings but pen and ink, "within a little space shall purchase 20, 40, 50, 200 or 300 mk. a year." It is a common prayer to be saved from the Court of the Augmentation; and the writer has known divers who after spending much money therein gave up their suits. 11. The law's delays profit lawyers and favour the rich. In Chancery the defendant is sworn, and afterwards, when proved to have sworn falsely, is not punished. Why? For the profit of the Court. Otherwise few men would defend wrong causes as they do. Doubtless if my lord Chancellor (fn. 10) were to ponder this matter he would be the first to procure a remedy. Another abuse is the tossing men from one court to another. The courts are too many, "being so filthily ministered." Of the Marshalsea the "slenderness and unreasonable charges" are unspeakable, and it is through God's mercy that fire does not descend from heaven and destroy both that court and the Augmentation. 12. Consider the prisoners whose lodging is too bad for hogs and their meat evil enough for dogs—and yet they have not enough of it. Kings and lords of prisons should remember that they who put men in prison and suffer them to die for hunger are murderers, and that many times true men come to prison. In some prisons, for the ruler's pleasure, the prisoner may pay for his commons and bed, but he shall pay four times more than in the dearest inn in England. In the Marshalsea are men who have lain there six or seven years, who came up to sue for land and were cast by their adversaries into prison, where they cannot even know what is laid against them and lie more like dogs than men. In Newgate lie servants by the command of their masters. An alderman of London may cast a poor man into prison for certain days, and when these are expired he "borroweth his brother's authority and so may go through the 24 aldermen"; and this is often done to please a friend although the party is innocent. 13. Is it reasonable that in a controversy between two men one should be put into the hands of the other, as learned men are put into the bishops' hands ? "Was not one (fn. 11) within these 2 years murdered in the bishop of Wynchester's lodge? And then the matter was forged that he hanged himself. Have ye not a like example of Hunne also?" It is marvel that any in their custody are not poisoned or murdered. Instead of putting the preacher, teacher or writer of the Gospel into the bishop's hands, both the bishop and the party he accuses should be put in prison until the matter may be tried before an indifferent judge. Bishops ought not to have prisons, seeing that all shavelings which "bear the mark of that abominable whore of Babylon (Rome I mean)" are partial. Why should they be suffered to have prisons in their houses where they torment and pervert men? And in their courts, if two false knaves secretly accuse a man, he must "either die, bear a faggot or recant, or at least privily bear a faggot of rushes in his chamber as Moore (fn. 12) did." How cruel is it that in any court a man should be condemned to death without the witnesses appearing openly, who if found perjured ought to suffer the death they intended him to have! Let those in authority fear the vengeance of God for such laws as that "of late made" whereby a man shall be condemned to most cruel death without being brought to open justice, as were "the servants of God, Barnys, Gare and Jherom." Never were such cruel laws as those made within these few years. Since the High Priest, in crucifying Christ, said Secundum legem nostrum debet mori this mori went never out of priests' mouths, and now they have infected the temporal rulers. Commends the practice of divers German cities where real heretics, as Anabaptists and others, are only banished, and no man put to death for his faith's sake, because faith is the gift of God. 14. When the Antichrist of Rome durst walk openly in England his children got all the best lands and most of the parsonages and vicarages into their hands. Most of these were impropriate, and such as were not they gave to friends, some of whom were learned ("for the monks found of their friends' children at school") and those that were not at least kept hospitality. If the parsonage was impropriate the monks were hound to deal alms and keep hospitality; and thousands were well relieved by them, "and might have been better if they had not had so many great men's horses to feed, and had not been overcharged with such idle gentlemen as were never out of the abbeys." Your pretence in putting down abbeys was to amend what was amiss. It was amiss that lands given to bring up learned men and provide hospitality and alms should be spent upon a few superstitious monks, who gave 40l. in alms when they should have given 200l., dealt but the 20th part of a parsonage to the poor, and preached but once a year to them that paid the tithes, etc. But it is amended as the Devil mended his dame's leg (in the proverb); for in more than a hundred places where 20l. yearly was given to the poor not one meal is now given, and where there used to be a vicar or hired preacher the farmer is vicar and parson in one, and only an old castaway monk or friar that can scarce say his matins is hired for 20s. or 30s. and his meat, yea, in some places, for meat and drink alone. Knows over 500 vicarages and parsonages thus served. The farmer says, I have hired the parsonage of such and such a lord; the lord that the King gave me the abbey and what belonged to it, as given to him by Parliament, and if thou speak against my being parson and vicar thou art a traitor. For the 13th article of our Creed, added of late, is that Parliament, or proclamation out of Parliament time, cannot err. Explains that this is bringing Rome home to our own doors. The bishops when robbed of their pope of Rome would needs make the King pope, giving him authority to do as the Pope did, "as, to forbid marriage certain times in the year, and then to sell licences for the same, to sell licence to eat flesh in Lent, non-residences and such other, and even, the Pope's proctor said (as it was told me), that he might make Saints also!" They even caused proclamation to be made that the Pope's ceremonies should be taken for the King's, and thus "made the King father to the Pope's children." Trusts that the King will espy their popish intents. Warns the lords who are parsons and vicars that they climb into the sheepfold by another way than the door. 15. With these lords becoming parsons, shepherds and merchants, no man can live. If a lord keep more sheep than may serve his house he should forfeit his whole flock, half to the King and half to the complainer. 16. The Pope made a law that every bishop should lack the first fruits of his bishopric; but Parliament an act that not only every bishop must pay the first fruits of his bishopric, but every parson and vicar of his benefice and every lord of his lands. One "would think that the Latin papa were translated into English, here is so much paying on every side." Suggests that in the clergy's case the King was not the cause of this paying, and would readily forego it, as it is "plain robbery" and contrary to the scriptural command not to muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn. In the lord's case his son cannot find (i.e. keep) his father's old servants, who, to shift for themselves, "must take standings in Shoters Hill, in Newmarket Heath and in Stangate Hole." 17. When a man fails to meet his credit, instead of the partial law of attachments, which is "first come first served," all the creditors should, as in divers countries, act together and share alike. 18. Kings and rulers ought to be accessible to all who are seeking justice, even the poorest; whereas they have so many porters that none can come to them "unless he be rich or have great friends." Commends in this the custom of the magistrates of Strasburg. "O noble Germans, God hath made you a light unto all the rulers in the world, to rule after the Gospel." 19. Wickedness of that privilege of Parliament which protects lords, knights and burgesses from their creditors as long as Parliament endures; and of retaining men without wages, who are thus encouraged to become robbers and are protected by their lords. Calls upon rulers to away with images and superfluous holidays and creeping to the Cross; to banish whoredom and unnameable vices from the priests by letting them marry as in the primitive church; to condemn auricular confession, which, as now used (in asking vain questions), "doth not minish sin but increaseth it"; to provide for prayer and fasting according to Scripture, sacraments in the mother tongue, church services only out of Scripture. To do this "ye must first down with all your vain chantries, all your proud colleges of canons, and specially your forked wolves, the bishops; leave them no temporal possessions but only a competent living. A hundred pound for a bishop, his wife, and children, is enough." Let there be no degrees but priest and bishop; and, as for the goods of these chantries, colleges and bishops, take no example by the distribution of the abbey goods, but look to the "order of the Christian Germans in this case," who convert them to the use of the common wealth. 20. One priest ought to have one benefice, one farmer one farm. 21. The "inhansyng of the custom of wares inwards," which was granted for certain years to help the King in his wars on condition of defending the merchants from pirates, is now taken for a custom, and the condition not kept; so that all prices are raised by it 5 per cent, or more. If the King knew what a burden it is, he would be content with the old subsidy of so much for every package, "as it is in Flanders and over all the Emperor's lands at this day." 22. Advice as to the bestowal of the goods and lands of the bishops, etc., in gifts to the poor, marriage of poor maidens, relief of poor cities, hospitals for the sick, and free schools for lectures in Hebrew, Greek and Latin.
23. "A lamentation for that the body and tail of the Pope is not banished with his name." Laments to hear the Gospel named a thing causing sedition, yet how busy the bps., etc., were "to stay the putting forth of the Great Bible and to have had the Bible of Thomas Mathy called in," and how shamefully have they driven men from reading the Bible. Bonner, bp. of London, shamed not in the year 1540 to "prison one Porter (fn. 13) and other for reading in the Bible." And in the beginning of last Parliament, (fn. 14) in the year 1541, "how did they blaspheme, rage and belye the Holy Ghost, saying it is not rightly translated, and that it is full of heresies, and that they would correct it and set one out rightly. Sooner can they find faults than amend it. Who perceiveth not your wicked intents, that, in the mean time, ye look for the death of the King, whom God preserve to His pleasure." Cannot blame their fighting to suppress the Scripture, which, showing them the enemies of God, would cast them out of men's consciences, where they have "sitten in the place of God" and take away their riches and authority. One bishop, dean or house of canons has more hindered God's word "than ten houses of monks, friars, canons or nuns ever did"; and the King, beginning well to weed the garden of England, has left standing the foulest weeds. As well seek to clear England of foxes by killing those in St. John's Wood. We say we have "cast the Pope out of England," because "his tributys and other pollagys be taken from him"; and, thank God, we be somewhat eased in our temporal burden, but does not his body (the bishops and other shavelings) and his tail (of traditions, laws and ceremonies) remain, and the whole of his pestiferous canon law, "and men condemned to death after the prescript of it?" The bishops will in time bring his temporal power back, who never took such pains to defend the Pope's kingdom as they have done since the King rightfully took from him his "pollagys"; as is proved by the blood they have shed since then of God's servants, "as Tewkysbery, Baynam, Fryth, Bylney, Barnys. Garet, Jerom, with divers other in Kent, Salysbery and divers other places. And William Tyndal, the apostle of Ingland (although he were burnt in Brabance) yet he felt the bishops' blessing of Ingland, which procured him that death which he looked for at their hands." They were slain for the Gospel's sake; and "whereas the King was before but a shadow of a King, or at the most but half a King, now he doth wholly reign through their preaching, writing and suffering." The bishops have bewitched Parliament into making "such viperous acts as the beast of Rome never made"; for the Pope never made the marriage of priests to be death. The word of God may not be preached purely without mixture with "your invented traditions and service," and what you have received is, by craft of the bishops, despised as "new learning" and men driven from it. By these fruits they may be known the children of their father the Pope, "and that shall the realm feel at the change of a prince, or at such time as they look for." Be sure the bishops would not so diligently sit upon the Six wicked Articles were these not a 'stablishing of the Pope's authority. May that God who gave grace to Achab to hearken to Elyah give our King the same grace to hearken to the "godly lernyd" and destroy the false prophets in England, and then not one pompous bishop shall remain. Finally, if you would banish the Antichrist, the Pope, you must fell to the ground those rotten posts, the bishops, and abolish all his "ungodly laws, decrees, traditions and ceremonies without significations; for they wait but for a time to rob some noble man of his wit, as they would have done with the Marques of Exetor. This is as sure as Wynchester received a letter from the Pope at his being at Regenspurg." (fn. 15)
24. "A comparison between the doctrine of the Scripture and of the bishops of England." God only is to be worshipped, and yet "our forked Chananytes, the pompous bishops," teach the worship of many gods, appointing holy days to their Saints, as to the Virgin Mary, Paul, Peter, James, John, Corpus Christi, etc., and prayer to them as gods. A woman that is a "Pharisee" in labour cries "Our Lady have mercy upon me." And every church is full of images, "and specially S. Mary Overy's in Sothwarke for gilded images. And although by virtue of the King's injunctions divers idols be taken away, yet, Bonar, bishop of London, by the counsel of Cole, his traitorous popish chancellor, (fn. 16) one of Poolys right scholars, although he came from him under a pretence to be his deputy as his fruits declare if they indifferently be looked upon; by his develish counsel, I say, his master shamed not, contrary to the same injunctions, to set up other in their places, as in the body of Powlys Church, whereas stood an idol of the Virgin Mary, . . . . . . [he] set up in the same place another idol of S. Johan Baptyst. And Wynchester, at his being at Ratyspone, caused an image to be gilded, and payed for the gilding of an idol named the Schone Mary, that men of all nations being there might see what favour he bare toward his Prince's injunctions." Ye will say "they be books for the unlearned, and therefore necessary." How can that be necessary which the Holy Ghost forbids? "Answer me Cole, with thy popish canon law." God appointed the Sabbath day, for which we hold the Sunday, which our forefathers ordained instead of the Saturday, that people might meet in the temple and be edified by the preaching of God's word in their mother tongue, but not to keep the day so idly but that we might afterwards do any needful business. Now, by our bishops, every fourth day is made a holy day, for people to come to church to an invented service in a strange tongue and depart, empty of all spiritual knowledge, to spend the rest of the day in dice, cards, dallying with women, dancing and such like; but if any man work, although his living compel him, "he shall be punished and called heretic too." To work for the King on Sunday, or even Easter Day, is indeed lawful, as though it were lawful for the King to break God's commandment; yet, if they feared not the King more than God they would punish this also. Marriage is an institute of God, honoured of Christ by His presence and first miracle, enjoined by St. Paul upon all men, used in the primitive church; "and yet, notwithstanding, our lecherous bishops or rather sodomites, as chaste as a sawt bitch, take it for a vile and an unholy thing! For they forbid themselves and all that bear the mark of the beast Antichrist to marry, and have procured death to them that seek rather to marry than to burn, but to keep whores their own law permitteth. Steven Gardner, which was the chief causer of that wicked Act, (fn. 17) is it not manifest and openly known that he keepeth other men's wives, which I could name, and will do hereafter if he leave not his shameless whoredom? If all the bishops in England were hanged which keep harlots and whores we should have fewer pompous bishops than we have." And you bishops who had wives at the making of that Act and put them away for fear, you had better have suffered death than so cowardly to deny the law of God. Repent, with Peter, and take them again, though you give over your authority and riches. Scripture teaches confession of sins to God, but the "greasy shavelings" of Antichrist "teach men to pour their sins into the ears of their generation that they may sit in the conscience of men, whereas God alone should sit," gladly hearing the confession of harlots "that they may know where to speed" and undertaking to forgive sins. Christ teaches us to pray, not with much babbling, like the heathen, but in lifting up our minds to God; whereas our forked hypocrites teach us to number our prayers, as "so many Lady's Psalters with long matins and evensongs," and that in Latin, and if but one verse is unsaid the labour is lost, "for which cause I myself in my days have said many times ij hundred and fifty Aves to one Lady's Psalter, because I would be sure to say enough." The fast taught by Scripture is to let them out of bondage which be in danger, to break the oath of wicked bargains, etc., but our belly gods teach us to abstain from flesh, even the sick, and that not only for the honour of God but of the Saints and of the Pope, "as the Imbryng Days"; and whereas Christ teaches "not to fast to be seen of men" they always proclaim it openly in church the Sunday before, saying "Such a day ye shall fast in the worship of this or that Saint." So fasting, you may surfeit upon fish and drink until drunken, but if a poor man eat a morsel of flesh he is a heretic and must do penance. A man who feels his flesh prone to wickedness should abstain from meats, and that not only upon Fridays and appointed days but whenever necessary. The Apostles who were the bishops of Christ's Church were told that they should be servants, not "gracious lords" like the rulers of the Gentiles; but, see, our "lordly apostates" are lords, commissioners in every temporal matter, councillors and ambassadors for princes. But woe to that city or realm where they rule in Council! "And commonly it speedeth unhappily to that realm where they be ambassadors, shortly after; for some mischief followeth more or less, or else they fail of their purpose, as some did within these two years, (fn. 18) thanks be unto God only therefor! "What lords have more gorgeous houses than they? "What a cockatrice sight was it to see such an abominable sort of pompous bishops in lordly parliament robes as went before the King at Westmyster the 16 day of January in the year 1541. (fn. 19) even to the number of 18 whereas 3 were enough to poison a whole world? What godly redress to set forth the Christian religion or reformation of things for the common wealth can there be hoped for where such a sort of vipers be? And specially where they bear such a swynge as Wynchester doth, to whom the greatest number of the bishops do lean." Contrasts them with St. Paul's description of a bishop as the husband of one wife, etc. So greedy of lucre are they that if a man deny them one groat "they will serve him as they served Master Honne or else bring him to the fire." Christ said that a disciple must bear his cross daily, and St. Paul rejoiced in that cross, whereas "our forked and open idolaters teach no such cross," but will have men worship all similitudes of the cross (long ago rotten) on which Christ died, and creep to that cross at Easter. "And if they creep and give no money nor money worth they shall be counted heretics." Other arguments showing that the bishops are the wolves in sheep's clothing, dragons, lions, bears, etc., foretold by Scripture.
25. Conclusion, viz., that the commonalty is oppressed and the poor uncared for, and the wicked laws, etc., of Rome are enforced by the bishops; all which abuses it is for "ye lords, knights and burgesses" to redress by the touchstone of God's Word, or else to expect the punishment of God. For adultery and idolatry no country will so well compare with Sodome and Gomor as England; and yet nowhere has God's word been so abundantly set forth or God's ministers in that office so cruelly murdered. The time of peace and plenty in which "this realm" has lately been is to be likened to the 7 fat oxen of Genesis xlj. It is time for England to awake.
Imprinted at Savoy per Franciscum de Turona.
2. "The Lamentacyon of a Christen Agaynst the Cytye of London for some certayne greate vyces used therin."
Rich citizens will not have the Gospel read in their houses and persecute godly preachers. In trouble they do not repent and call upon God, but (p. 82) go "a whorehunting after their false prophets through the streets, once or twice in the week, crying and calling to creatures and not the Creator with Ora pro nobis (and that in a tongue which the greatest part understandeth not) unto Peter, Paul, James and John, Mary and Martha, etc; and I think within few years they will (without great mercy) call upon Thomas Wolsey late Cardinal and upon the unholy (I should say) Holy Maid of Kent. Why not as well as upon Thomas Becket? "They provide for useless prayers for the dead (p. 86), when in London, "one of the flowers of the world as touching worldly riches" (p. 90), innumerable poor people go begging. Those in office feast the rich and forget the poor "except it be with a few scraps and bones sent to Newgate for a face" (p. 90). "Well, the poor well feeleth the burning of Dr. Barnes and his fellows which labored in the vineyard of the Lord." For they "barked upon you" to look upon the poor; but now, alas, ye be cold. There is a yearly custom in the city called "the warnmall quest" to redress vices, but what good? Some of the aldermen keep whores, and unless they amend this the writer will, in a future work, name them (p. 91). No Christian bishop has reigned over London within living memory (p. 93). Perversion of the Lord's Supper (p. 97). "Thou wilt say it is God Himself, even flesh, blood and bones, yea and sinews thereto, as Master Standish, one of your wise false prophets, preached of late among you" (p. 102). Exhorts those who favour the Gospel to read John Fryth's works and remember that neither Winchester, nor London, nor the rest of the bishops, can destroy more than the body (p. 103). The King set out injunctions to vicars, parsons and curates to preach the Gospel and not their own dreams; but such as so preach the bishops will hang, burn or privily murder (p. 109).
5 Nov.734. [Gardiner, Thirlby and Carne] to Fane and Others.
Add MS.
5,753, f. 158.
B. M.
By bearer we "might" know again how you are treated, after your money paid for two months and ready to pay the third; "which is more than in reason they can require," and therefore we pray you to travail with them by all good means, as the Emperor will do by Mons. de Lyre, to whom he now writes. We think that "they" will at last remember themselves and use you so that others hereafter may not be afraid to be commissaries in like case. We hope that through Mons. de Lyre, who now repairs thither, you will shortly be out of trouble. Bruges, 5 Nov. Signatures cut off.
In Gardiner's hand, p. 1. Add.: To Fane, Chamberlain and Averey.

Footnotes

1 The Landgrave.
2 Gardiner's.
3 Nov. 2nd.
4 Nov. 2nd.
5 Meaning, the Duke of Saxony and the Marquis (Margrave of Brandenburg), Electors.
6 Nov. 9th.
7 See No. 714.
8 Alluding to No. 207, in which the word is used by the Landgrave ("tria millia Cronorum").
9 "Roderyck Mors" is a play upon the name of the author, Henry Brynklow (Bring low), a mercer of London, who died in 1545. His widow, in the following year, became second wife of Stephen Vaughan. The Complaynt must have been written in the time of the Parliament of 1543 (22 Jan. to 12 May). The authors other tract, which is referred to in No. 732, "The Lamentacyon of a Christen Agaynst the Cytye of London," printed in 1545, was written after "the burning of Doctor Barnes and his fellows" (p. 91) and one edition of it bears date as "printed at Jerico, in the Land of Promes in 1542," but it contains little internal evidence of date and is a general tirade against the rich citizens and the bishops. Both tracts have been published by the Early English Text Society (1874, Extra Series No. 22, to which the page numbers given above refer), with a preface comparing the Complaynt with Starkey's Dialogue of Pole and Lupset (Vol. viii.,No. 217).
10 Audeley.
11 A priest named Saxy. See Foxe v. 530.
12 There is nothing about this case in Foxe.
13 John Porter. See Foxe, V. 451.
14 Jan 16th to April 1st, 1542.
15 March to July, 1541. See the story of this as given by Foxe VII. 588-591.
16 Dr. Henry Cole and the "Chancellor of London" mentioned in Vol. XVIII., Pt. II. Nos. 479,546 (pp. 298-9), are no doubt one person. Cole was arrested in December, 1543, but pardoned in April 1544. See Vol. XIX., Pt. I., No. 444 (11).
17 The Act of the Six Articles, 31 Hen. VIII, c. 14.
18 Gardiner's embassy to Charles V. in the years 1540-41.
19 Opening of Parliament, 1541-2. The Lords' Journals name 21 bishops as present.