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| 14 Dec. |
4. Count de Feria to the King.
The bishop of Aquila arrived here on the 7th, and the day before
he sent me on the letters from Dover, so that I should not have to
await news of my brother's health. He suffered greatly at sea, but I
believe the tears of the earl of Arundel floated them into port, for he
says the Earl cried like a child. I saw the Earl at the palace very
smart and clean, and they say he carries his thoughts very high. A
courier called Mendez whom I sent from here on the 25th November
deserves punishment. He ought to have crossed with Lord Cobham,
but went to sleep at Dover, and Cobham crossed without him. The
other man who was sent on the 26th was more careful and crossed
with Cobham. The day on which the Queen died I wished to send
by land and sea, but could not as the earl of Arundel's servant who
crossed over bore the orders to close the ports and to give him ships
to bring his master over. I wrote nevertheless by Don Alonso de
Cordova, but he was a half an hour too late, and although he offered
them large sums to let him go they refused. I wrote the letter with
great fears that they would take it from him, but I am glad your
Majesty received mine of 21st, 25th and 27th, which answer some of
your questions.
The bishop of Aquila seems to understand thoroughly the business
of the Emperor and his sons, and your Majesty has certainly done
me a great favour in sending him to me as he is a very discreet and
virtuous man and may help me much.
As I understand from him, the Archduke Ferdinand is not a man
very fit for this business, but if your Majesty does not wish for him
I do not see whom we are to put forward.
It gives me great trouble every time I write to your Majesty not
to be able to send more pleasing intelligence, but what can be expected
from a country governed by a Queen, and she a young lass, who,
although sharp, is without prudence, and is every day standing up
against religion more openly? The kingdom is entirely in the
hands of young folks, heretics and traitors, and the Queen does not
favour a single man whom Her Majesty, who is now in heaven,
would have received and will take no one into her service who
served her sister when she was Lady Mary. On her way from the
Tower to her house where she now is, she saw the marquis of
Northampton, who is ill with a quartan ague, at a window, and
she stopped her palfrey and was for a long while asking him about
his health in the most cordial way in the world. The only true
reason for this was that he had been a great traitor to her sister, and
he who was most prominent in this way is now best thought of. The
old, people and the Catholics are dissatisfied, but dare not open their
lips. She seems to me incomparably more feared than her sister
and gives her orders and has her way as absolutely as her father did.
Her present Controller and secretary Cecil govern the kingdom,
and they tell me the earl of Bedford has a good deal to say. When
I spoke to her at Lord North's house, she told me that when anything
had to be discussed with me she would send two of her Council to
me. I asked her which two they would be, so that I might know
with whom to communicate in case I had anything to say. She said
they would be the Controller, Cecil and admiral Clinton, and
directly afterwards she appointed the first two, so I knew she only
mentioned Clinton because she thought I was friendly with him and
I satisfied myself of this subsequently. She afterwards said that
when I wanted anything I was to speak to her personally, and I
made an appearance of being very highly gratified with this. I
know this is a very feeble foundation to begin with, but I was glad
nevertheless. I am trying to get a chamber in the palace when she
goes to Whitehall, although I am very much afraid they will not
give me one, but I have little chance of getting to talk to these
people from the outside and they are so suspicious of me that not a
man amongst them dares to speak of me ; as the late Chancellor
has told me plainly. He is a worthy person and she knows it, but
he is not in the gang and will not return to office. He tells me that
if they offered it to him he would not accept it. I think Paget is
dying as fast as he can. He was very bad before and the Queen
seems not to have favoured him as he expected ; indeed I do not
think she will return him his office, and this no doubt has increased
his malady. They are all very glad to be free of your Majesty as if
you had done harm instead of very much good, and, although in
all my letters to your Majesty I have said how small a party you
have here I am never satisfied that I have said enough to describe
things as they really are. As I am so isolated from them I am
much embarrassed and confused to devise means of finding out what
is going on, for truly they run away from me as if I were the devil.
The best thing will be to get my foot into the palace, so as to speak
oftener to the Queen as she is a woman who is very fond of argument.
Everybody thinks that she will not marry a foreigner and they
cannot make out whom she favours, so that nearly every day some
new cry is raised about a husband. They have dropped the earls of
Arundel and Westmorland, and say now she will marry William
Howard's son or Pickering who went to bring over the Germans that
Wallerthum raised. The most discreet people fear she will marry
for caprice, and as the good or evil of the business all turns on this,
I do nothing but think how and when I can get a word in about it.
As your Majesty tells me I am to give my opinion I proceed to do so,
after describing the real state of affairs here, as I always do, because
in that case the simple things I say myself are of less importance.
At present I see no disposition to enter into the discussion of any
proposal on your Majesty's behalf, either on her part or on that of
the Council, and when it has to be approached, it should be mentioned
first to her alone, as she told me when I had anything to say I could
say it to her personally. Even if this were not so, it is not a matter
that can be spoken of to the Council until more light is obtained as
to her own inclinations. What can be done with the Councillors
individually, but not as a body, is to dissuade them from her
marriage with an Englishman, and I am moving in this way as
cleverly as I can, although very cautiously and slowly seeing how
little I can mix with these people. They will look with more favour
on the Archduke Ferdinand than on your Majesty, when they have
made up their mind to accept a foreigner, because they think he will
always reside in the country and will have no quarrel with France,
and although some of them understand that the power and grandeur
of your Majesty is of great importance to their security, the short
time your Majesty could reside here and your enmity to France
turn them against you. As to the duke of Savoy I have written to
your Majesty to say that they will not agree to him, for in fact they
have a great hatred of war and they are afraid he may try to recover
his states at the expense of this country. I do not know which way
the Queen is inclined, for on the one hand she complained to me of
her sister's having married a foreigner, and on the other I see she is
very vain and as much set against her sister as she was previous to
her death. I fancy I can get at her through this feeling. We must
begin by getting her into talk about your Majesty, and run down
the idea of her marrying an Englishman, and thus to hold herself
less than her sister, who would never marry a subject. We must
tell her that one of the reasons the Queen. now in heaven, disliked
her was her fear that if she died your Majesty would marry her
(Elizabeth) ; and then place before her how badly it would look for
her to marry one of these men whilst there are such great princes
whom she might marry. After that we can take those whom
she might marry here and pick them to pieces one by one, which will
not require much rhetoric, for there is not a man amongst them
worth anything, counting the married ones and all. We can then
remind her of the claims of the Queen Dauphine (Mary Queen of
Scots) and the need for her (Elizabeth's) being allied with your
Majesty or with someone belonging to you and so on, to the other
reasons we can allege against her marriage here. When she is
dissuaded, if she inclines to your Majesty it will be necessary for
you to send me orders whether I am to carry it any further or throw
cold water on it and set up the Archduke Ferdinand, because I do
not see what other person we can propose to whom she would agree.
When your Majesty married the late Queen the French felt it very
keenly, as they will if you marry this one, and particularly as she is
more likely to have children on account of her age and temperament,
in both of which respects she is much better than the Queen now in
heaven, although in every other she compares most unfavourably
with her. No one understands better than your Majesty the affairs
'of this country, and indeed all others, and I do not see therefore how
anybody can advise your Majesty in this better than you can advise
yourself. In case we have to put forward the Archduke the manner
in which your Majesty treats with the Emperor and his sons is to
be considered, so as to convince them of your friendsip and make
good terms with them both in the matter of the Italian suzerainty
and any others there may be unknown to me as I have been so
short a time in these affairs. They may also broach the subject of a
marriage between his (the Emperor's) daughter and your Majesty,
and it is well to consider in time what answer should be given in
such case.
I do not for the present see any way of beginning what I have
mentioned except, in the course of conversation with the Queen, as
she is in the habit of talking to me, to introduce the subject and
proceed with it as I see opportune and as your Majesty may order.
I have seen her twice since she has been Queen, once in Lord North's
house and once in that which belonged to the duke of Somerset where
she is now. When I saw her at North's she began taking off her
glove as soon as she saw me, so that I might kiss her hand, as I did.
I did not speak of business, confining myself to complements, but
told her, as my only reason for being here was to serve her and
advise your Majesty how to gratify her in everything, I proposed
also to convey to her the knowledge of things in which your Majesty
could be gratified, and so to help forward the good fellowship which
I thought both parties wished to preserve. In pursuance of this I
said your Majesty had ordered me to beg her to be very careful
about religious affairs as they were what first and principally
concerned you. She answered that it would indeed be bad for her
to forget God who had been so good to her, which appeared to me
rather an equivocal reply. When I left on that day I sent her by
the Admiral's wife the two rings that your Majesty gave me which
belonged to the late Queen because as I saw she was so fond of her
jewels I thought best to give her up even the poorest of them. I saw
her again three days after the bishop of Aquila arrived and gave
her an account of the position of the peace negotiations. When I
told her about the suspension of hostilities she thought it was some
trap against her, and that your Majesty was leaving her out. I
could not manage to remove this suspicion. When she had gone
in I called Cecil, the Controller and the earls of Pembroke and
Bedford and communicated the affair to them and asked the
Secretary, who is the man who does everything, to go in at once
and explain it to her, which he did. I told her about the jewels
which were in the box at Whitehall and said I would give her the
key when I came. She accepted. I have heard also that the Queen,
now in heaven, ordered in her will that the jewels given to her by
your Majesty and the Emperor should be returned to you and these
people had concealed this and kept the jewels. Seeing this I thought
best to say that your Majesty would be very pleased for her to
have them if she wanted them. She asked me whether I was
instructed to say so, and I told her the only instructions I had were
that your Majesty would be glad for her to take anything she
wanted of what belonged to you as a good brother should. She is
very fond of having things given to her, and her one theme is how
poor she is. The ring brought by the bishop of Aquila I sent her
by the Controller as I did not think fitting to give it to her before
so many people. Both times I have spoken with her have been in
the presence chamber crammed with people, and what with this and
all these gifts I think I never saw her so carried away as she was
to-day. She was full of fine words for me, however, and told me
that when people said she was French I was not to believe it.. I
said I had never heard such a thing, nor did I believe anyone in the
world was so foolish as to think so. She afterwards said she hoped
your Majesty would not be offended if she employed some of the
servants you had here, and I answered, that on the contrary, you
would be very pleased thereat, and that if she wanted any of the
servants or subjects of your Majesty in your other kingdoms you
would willingly send them to her. So that she will allow us to pay
those who were paid before which is very different from what she
said the first time I spoke to her which was that she would not allow
it Up to the present time those who have been told that the pensions
they enjoyed secretly will still be paid to them, and who have
accepted are the Admiral and Privy Seal (Paget). I have thought
that it will be well to tell your Majesty's servants here that you are
willing to pay them their wages whilst they serve you with the
servants of other nations, but that you can give nothing to those
who stay at home. I have done this, and your Majesty may be
sure that very few of them will go abroad to serve ; I can see that
is not their idea. The Queen (now in heaven) ordered your
Majesty's archers to be paid thirteen months from the 1st July 1557
to the last day of July of this year, which pay amounts to 2,600l.,
and when I was here she said it would be well that Francisco de
Lexalde should receive this money and pay the archers. I thought
it had better be done without the intervention of any of your
Majesty's servants, but said if the Queen wished it so, well and good,
as I could see she was more inclined to her own way. When I had
left she caused Don Alonso de Cordova to receive the notes and give
them to Lexalde to keep. Lexalde now tells me that the vicechamberlain
Beningfield has asked him for them to settle his
accounts, and that he has given them to him. Your Majesty will
advise what I am to say if they ask me for this money although it
is not reasonable that they should haggle over small accounts with
your Majesty, seeing what you have done and will do for them.
Let me know your orders also up to what date your Majesty wishes
the archers and servants paid. I think that if your Majesty has
them paid up to the end of last year it will more than suffice as
your Majesty has not been here all this year nor have they been
employed, although it is true the Queen, who is now in heaven,
ordered the archers to serve from last April.
I think a different course must be adopted with the pensioners.
It will be best to pay them to the end of this year and afterwards to
pay those who may be needful, such as Cecil, who I think should
receive 1,000 crowns, the Controller, Lord Robert and the earl of
Bedford, who should each receive a similar amount as they are
necessary now. I will tell them this as soon as a good opportunity
offers. Your Majesty will consider which of those who had pensions
are to be paid besides the above mentioned. I think the earl of
Pembroke ought to be paid, as although he is not very well thought
of, he is one of the best servants your Majesty has here and is a
man of authority, and both the present and former admirals are
his friends. Since the new Queen succeeded he has always been
about the palace and does not leave her side.
Councillor Dasonleville has been awaiting here the decision of
these people about the matter that brought him here, but what
with the late Queen's illness and then the talk of peace, things have
remained as they were. He now wishes to leave as he does not think
this a safe place to stay in during such times as these ; but I have
thought it unadvisable that he should go and so cause offence to
these people as the object to be aimed at is to persuade them that
your Majesty has the same solicitude for the safety of the country
as when the late Queen was alive. He is trying to prevent the
breaking out of war between Scotland and your Majesty's Flemish
States, and has spoken to the Queen who refers him to the Council.
I have told him he had better lay before them the reasons why it is
desirable for this country that the war between Flanders and
Scotland should not be declared, and ask them to consider them,
and endeavour from here to get the truce prolonged, and in the
meanwhile to ask them for leave to go home, where his presence is
required, and on his return he will bring new credentials, which
they have already asked him for. If they do not wish him to go he
must send for the credentials and await them. Really he would not
be at all sorry to change his commission for another one. He comes
to me sometimes with the best news and discourses in the world,
and sometimes to tell me that all is lost, and that we shall have a
great upset before Christmas, and he would like to be at home by
then. At other times he comes and assures me that the Queen will
only do what your Majesty wishes, and so on. The last time he
saw the Queen was the day after I had spoken to her, and he came
back delighted. He speaks to the Council to-day, and will come
to tell me the answer they make him which, as I understands will
to give him leave until they see the course the peace negotiations
may take. If he does not depart at once he will write to your
Majesty.
The day I saw the Queen at Lord North's the Swedish ambassadors
spoke with her, the same man as was here before, and
another. They still urge the marriage, (fn. 1) but these people take no
notice of them.
Boxall told me that the Queen says the king of France was at
war with her sister, but not with her. I quite believe it, for she is a
very strange sort of woman. All the heretics who had escaped are
beginning to flock back again from Germany, and they tell me
there are some pestilential fellows amongst them.
The Queen has decided to send the Chamberlain, William Howard,
to your Majesty, although up to the present I have not been able to
find out for what purpose, as they are so careful to conceal things
from me. He sent to-day to say he would come and see me, and
nobody has made so many demonstrations of friendship and offers of
service as he, both before and after the Queen's death. I told him
before how often your Majesty has written to the Queen, now in
heaven, and ordered me also to try and obtain favour for him, and
although what they gave him was not what he wanted and I had
asked for, I advised him to accept it and await your Majesty's
coming, which he did, and was very grateful to me.
Seeing now the place the Queen has given him, I told him that
as I had advised him to await your Majesty's coming, and in the
changed aspect of affairs you had not come, your Majesty would be
pleased to continue for the future the pension you had paid him, but
that there was no necessity for anyone to know of it, and that Luiz
de Paz, whom he knew, would always pay it to him. He accepted it
with his usual profusion of thanks. When I heard he was going to
Flanders I sent Luiz de Paz to say how glad I was, and that as on
such occasions people always wanted ready money, Luiz de Paz
would pay him what was due. He said that he was provided with
money for the present, and that hitherto he had done no more than
other Councillors and did not require the money. He sent to me
to-day to say, by one of his servants, that he could not accept what
I had offered him previously until he knew the Queen's pleasure,
but that now she had given her consent, he would be glad if I would
send him the money. This is to let your Majesty see what sort of
people these are. I think your Majesty ought to talk to William
Howard about religious affairs. Up to the present, this man and
the Marquis Treasurer are the only ones who have been paid, and
a statement of what is owing to the other pensioners is enclosed.
I am told the coronation will take place on the 15th of January, and
Parliament will open on the 25th.
The duke of Alba writes me that French people have told him
that the Queen died on the 15th ; that the physician who attended
her had written this to the King (of France) and told him what her
malady was. The following is what has occurred. When I was
here before, the Queen had three physicians, all Englishmen. Two
of them died this summer, and the remaining one was a very
worthy old man, named Dr. Wuit, who is married to Paget's
mother-in-law, and when the Queen's malady became worse she
caused a Dr. Caesar, who is here, to be called in ; the same who
attended Courtney's mother, who died in Venice, and he thus
became known to the Queen. He is a young fellow, a hair-brained
busybody, and when I saw him in the chamber on my arrival this
time I noticed him at once, and asked who had introduced him
there. They told me the Queen herself had summoned him, and as
her bodily condition gave no hope, I did not proceed further in the
matter. The physician I brought from Amiens afterwards told me
that he was not at all satisfied with this man, but he told me also
that he (Dr. Causar) and the Lord Chamberlain blamed your Majesty
very much for not coming here. Although the Amiens man could
not say for certain, yet, when Her Majesty was opened, he thought
that indications existed in the body to give ground for belief that
something noxious had been administered. I have thought whether
with this and what the duke now writes we had better lay our
hands on this man, but I am afraid that if anything is said to the
Queen about it she would be more likely to reward than to punish
him. Let me know your Majesty's wishes on the subject. I believe
he is a vassal of the Pope or the duke of Urbino.—London,
14th December 1558. |
| 23 Dec. |
5. The King to the Count de Feria.
Besides the general commission to visit me Lord Cobham tells me
the Queen has instructed him to inform us that she has continued to
the bishop of Ely and Wotton the powers they had to intervene in
the peace negotiations. We think this must have been done before
the Queen saw the letters written by the bishop and Wotton on the
matter, which has proceeded so far that, although the French for
some time were very obstinate about Piedmont and Corsica which
we want restored to the Genoese and in respect of the portion of
Tuscany they still occupy, yet at last they ceded to our argument,
and, if they do not turn back, as they sometimes do if they find it
suits them, the French commissioners and ours are in accord. I
was very pressing that the arrangement with England should be
concluded, and that they (the English) should be included like the
rest of our friends in the settlement, if they wished, but at the
same time we insisted most positively that nothing should be done
without the English, as is just, seeing that we are allies by virtue
of treaties, and we cannot and will not conclude any settlement with
the French unless at the same time England is dealt with or at least
that the English should confirm and consent to what is done. We
have taken up the question with great warmth both in the late and
present Queen's time, as no doubt the earl of Arundel and the other
commissioners will have testified in their letters, but the great effort
of the French all through has been to separate us from the English
with whom they do not wish to deal. To annoy us the more they
allege as a reason for refusing any concession to England that the
latter by commencing war against them have lost all right to claim
anything, either in respect to the restitution of Calais or the two
millions they say are owing to them on account of the overdue and
current pensions, but seeing how determined we were in face of it
all, not to treat without the English the French commissioners
refused to proceed further until their difference with the English
were settled, and on the pretext that the changes in England would
cause considerable delay before the Queen settled matters and sent
her commissioners new powers and instructions they resolved to
leave Cercamp. They sought a prorogation of the truce for at least
two months although they wanted much more . . . This has
caused the separation of the commissioners and the extension of the
truce to the end January with the express condition that they shall
meet again on the 25th of that month at Cercamp, or elsewhere,
agreed to by all. It is agreed, however, that if the answer and
decision come from England before the date fixed, a meeting will at
once be held to conclude the negotiations. This is the real meaning
of what has taken place, although the French will not allow any
mention of the English in the treaty ; the reason of this certainly
being that they will attempt some sort of negotiations in England.
The bishop and Wotton have been scrupulously informed of all that
has passed and had a copy of the treaty which had been drawn up,
but which the French for the reasons stated above, would not agree
to, and, accordingly, so as not to break off the negotiations altogether,
the English themselves were of opinion that the prorogation should
be accepted and the aforegoing arrangement made. The English
commissioners promised to give clear testimony to the Queen and
Council of what had passed to prevent what is known to be the
French design, to divide us to the great prejudice of both, as will be
easily understood in England ; but we are convinced that they will
never succeed in it after the assurances contained in the Queen's
letter bought by Cobham, of which copy is enclosed. On our side
there will never be any falling off nor will we cease to forward the
good friendship and brotherhood which now exist. The further
meeting of the commissioners, as I have said, turns almost exclusively
on English points, and especially in respect of Calais, which the
French are still obstinate about keeping, and we therefore urge you
to speak to the Queen and remind her from us, if she has not already
done so, to closely examine all that which we suppose her commissioners
will have written on these points so as to decide in time
what is to be done to conclude the negotiations in hand. Although
it would, of course, be very hard that we should remain at war with
France on the question of Calais alone, which the English lost
through their own fault and carelessness, and refusing to believe
the advice given to them of the French movements or to accept our
timely offers of succour, yet as the English entered into this war for
our cause the treaties which bound them to do so also bind us not
to treat without them, and we are determined to fulfil this obligation
and conclude no peace except with their consent. On their part we
expect they will do their share and, in order that they may not
throw the blame upon us before the public for the loss of Calais,
it being desirable with us to stand well with them, you must be very
careful that no suggestion shall be noted as coming from us that
Calais should remain in the hands of the French or that the fortress
should be destroyed, nor indeed any other measure or thing that
may seem ill to the Queen, the Council, or the people themselves.
But as peace is so necessary to christendom it is most important
that the English should adopt some measures which originate with
themselves and a good way to bring them round, I think, will be for
you, always with tact and prudence which distinguish you, to keep
harping upon our sorrow that they should have lost Calais in the
way they did and making very clear to them that we are only at
war about that and nothing else, and so you can urge that if the
French will not listen to reason about it the Queen must decide
what share she will take with us in jointly forcing the French
to render justice, letting her understand how willing and ready
we are to help if they will do their share. By taking this course
it is very likely, their need being such that they will be unable to
appeal to arms, that they may come of their own accord to propose
terms that the French can agree to, which is the object to be aimed
at, and which suits us much better than arranging on our side, and
you must dexterously try to lead the negotiation in this direction ;
at the same time assuring them of the goodwill we always bear
them, and our desire to fulfil to the very letter all our obligations to
them. You must urge them to decide speedily as time is short, and
upon them depends whether the commissioners return home or meet
again, their business being the only one that stands in the way of
a settlement, and, even if the commissioners meet on the day agreed
upon, it will be useless if the English decision is not ready. You
will advise me diligently what is done as you will see the importance
of it.
We have had the treaties between us and England examined, and
it is clearly seen from them that the alliance made in the year 1546
and by the declaration of Utrecht in 1546 are perpetual and binding
upon heirs and successors and even guardians of princes of either
state who may be minors, as you may see by the treaties themselves
which are in Latin, with councillor Dasonleville, if he be still there,
or with the bishop of Aquila. The Queen must be well aware of
this, because, in addition to the contents of her letter, she even signs
herself Soror et perpetua confederata, as you will see, so that on
this point no doubt or difficulty need be raised. I answer her in the
same way.
As I have allowed the exchange and liberation of the Constable, (fn. 2)
questions may be asked about it there, and I wish you to know,
therefore, that I was moved thereto by three reasons, first by his
years, next by his illness, which it was feared would prove fatal,
and thirdly, if he returns to France the Guises will not have so
much power as now that they entirely control both war and finance,
whereas if the Constable be there the war matters will be in his care,
and he will probably remove the ministers and officers appointed by
the others, and thus cause divisions and dissensions amongst them,
which will be good for our affairs.—Gruniendal, 28th December 1558. |
| 29 Dec. |
6. Count de Feria to the King.
By the post despatched on the 14th instant, I wrote to your
Majesty more at length than I could have wished. Since then they
have suspended the departure of the Lord Chamberlain and although
the Queen and Council have concealed from me the reason of his
voyage, when his departure was suspended the Queen sent to me to
say that as he was so important an officer of the household the
festivities and the coronation made it necessary to defer his journey,
and she hoped I would take it in good part, and would not believe
the people's gossip. I answered civilly although I am displeased to
see the great care they take to hide from me everything they do, both
great and small, which they carry to an extent that your Majesty
cannot imagine or believe, and indeed, I am afraid that one fine day
we shall find this woman married, and I shall be the last man in
the place to know anything about it. And yet, whilst I do not
know of a single thing that is going on I hear the Queen said a
few days since that I was too well informed about English affairs
to be allowed to stay here, and that like a true Spaniard I was very
proud, and she would be glad if your Majesty would recall me and
send someone else. I am sure they will try this, for both she and
they desire it. I write this to your Majesty because I wish you to
be well informed of all that passes here, so that in due time you
may take such steps as may be advisable. I try to overlook many
things and not to seem to take offence at anything or to appear
inquisitive, but their enmity and evil consciences make them so
cautious and suspicious that they think I know everything, and in
return for all my wishes to please them I believe they would like to
see me thrown into the river, that is to say, she and her adherents,
for the Catholics and decent people are pleased that your Majesty
should gain ground here, and there are many of this sort in the
kingdom. The most corrupt places are London, Kent, and some of
the seaports. Some of the heretics from Germany have come hither,
and on the first day of Christmas-tide they began to preach in a
church of St. Augustine, close to the Treasurer's house, which had
been given to the Italians here. They first sent to the Italian
Consul to ask for the keys. He is a Florentine, and refused to give
them up so they went and broke the door in, and preached four
sermons during the day. The Italians complained to the Marquis
Treasurer, but he only shrugged his shoulders and begged them not
to refer the matter to him. The Consul then went to the Lord
Mayor to complain, who referred the case to the Council where
the Consul also attended. After hearing him they promised to
summon the people and enquire into the affair.
Nicholas Throgmorton, a knave of whom I have already written
to your Majesty, was present at the business, and the Councillors
who attended the meeting that day were the marquis of Northampton,
the Admiral, Monsieur Bedford, the Controller, the chancellor of
Lancaster, Sackville who was Chancellor of the Augmentation in
king Edward's time, Mason who was ambassador, Rogers the
Vice-Chamberlain, and secretary Cecil. As it was not a case
especially to dissemble about, and many were waiting to see how I
took it, in the absence of orders from your Majesty, I adopted a
course which I thought on the one hand would not quite offend
them, nor on the other let them off without giving them to
understand they were doing wrong, and exactly the thing that
would displease your Majesty ; so the bishop of Aquila, who is my
stay and right hand, and whose help is invaluable to me, went and
spoke to them what is contained in the enclosed report, together
with their reply.
On the Sunday of Christmas-tide the Queen before going to Mass
sent for the bishop of Carlisle, (fn. 3) who was to officiate, and told him
that he need not elevate the Host for adoration. The Bishop
answered that Her Majesty was mistress of his body and life, but
not of his conscience, and accordingly she heard the Mass until after
the gospel, when she rose and left, so as not to be present at the
canon and adoration of the Host which the Bishop elevated as
usual. They tell me that yesterday she heard Mass said by another
bishop who was requested not to elevate the Host and acted
accordingly, and she heard it to the end. I should like in these
affairs to animate and encourage the Catholics so that she may find
difficulties in the way of doing the wicked things she is beginning,
but I am doing it with the utmost caution in order that she may
not be offended or quarrel with me more than need be. This affair
is going at a pace that, in spite of the good offices your Majesty may
perform with the Pope, it will be impossible to stop, and I hear that he
(the Pope) will declare this Queen a bastard and will proceed against
her, giving the right to the Crown to the queen of Scots. It is said
here that the king of France settled this with the Pope some time
since, but in any case the other woman already has many adherents
in the kingdom and every day will have more.
They are so full of prophecies in this country that nothing happens
but they immediately come out with some prophecy that foretold it
so many years ago, and it is a fact that serious people and good
catholics even take notice of these things and attach more importance
to them than they usually merit. These prophecies are now saying
that she will reign a very short time, and that your Majesty will
again reign over the country, but the true prophecy is that this
nation is very fond of novelty, and she is beginning to govern in a
way which gives reasonable hopes of a change every hour. The
people are already beginning to gossip about her being flighty and
since she has been dipping her hand into the subsidies they have
become more displeased. There were so many men too who thought
they would be put into the highest places, and so few places in which
to put them, that many of these men are dissatisfied, as well as
others whom she is turning out of the offices they held, without
regarding patents or anything else.
The bishop of Winchester preached a very catholic sermon in
memory of the late Queen, and the Council sent for him and ordered
him not to leave his house. The sermon, in memory of our Lord
the Emperor, was preached on Christmas eve by an almoner of the
new Queen who was formerly her chaplain. He is a heretic, but he
said nothing to mark him as such except that he did not mention
the Pope, and said the Lord's Prayer in English, which is the custom
of heretics. (fn. 4) The Queen has ordered certain portions of the Mass
to be said in English, such as the Paternoster, and I think the
Creed.
A litany has been printed which used to be sung in the time of
King Edward, in which no saints at all are mentioned, and she (the
Queen) hears Mass in this way, although they tell me that the
chaplains who perform it are some of them married, and the others
doubtful.
The earl of Arundel has been going about in high glee for some
time and is very smart. He has given jewels worth 2,000 crowns to
the women who surround the Queen and his son-in-law Lord
Lumley has been very confidential with her. I was rather disturbed
at this for a time as an Italian merchant from whom he has
borrowed large sums of money, told others here that he heard that
he was to marry the Queen, but I did not lose hope as the Earl
is a flighty man, of small ability. The affair has ended in his
being again made Lord Steward, whilst they have returned to the
marquis of Winchester the office of Treasurer which the Earl wanted.
I think this old man is a good servant of your Majesty and the
others respect him. He looks younger and better than I have
ever seen him. The other Treasurer of the Household, who was
lord of the Cinque Ports (fn. 5) has died, and his offices have not yet been
filled up. They have not either appointed a Chancellor, but they
have given the seals to guard to Mr. Bacon who is married to a
sister of the wife of secretary Cecil, a tiresome bluestocking, (fn. 6) who
belonged to the Bedchamber of the late Queen who is in heaven.
He is a man who is not worth much. Englefield's office has been
given to the present controller. (fn. 7)
There is a great deal of talk lately about the Queen marrying
Duke Adolphus, brother of the king of Denmark, One of the
principal recommendations they find in him is that he is a heretic,
but I am persuading them that he is a very good catholic and not
so comely a gentleman as they make him out to be, as I do not
think he would suit us.
I have only seen the Queen on the two occasions of which I have
written to your Majesty. I have had a great controversy about
their giving me rooms in the palace. I had tried to arrange it in a
friendly way with the earl of Pembroke and the Chamberlain without
bringing it before the Council, but these people are so cursedly
contrary that they must all need meet, as I am told, to discuss the
question, and the Queen sent me an answer by the Chamberlain to
the effect that she was astonished at my asking such a thing which
had never been granted to the minister of any prince, followed by
words of compliment, and explaining that it was done for me during
the late Queen's life because she was the wife of your Majesty,
whilst she (Elizabeth) was still unmarried. This answer was given
by the Chamberlain to the man who went to ask him for it, but I
did not want to be beaten, and seeing it could not be done through
the Chamberlain I bethought me to try the Secretary. The Bishop
went to talk to him and told him how sorry I was that the Chamberlain
had treated the matter more as a courtier than as a man of
business, and that since the Queen thought my request unreasonable
I was desirous that the matter should be explained to her by him
(Cecil), so that she should not think I had acted without due
consideration. My view was that for the sake of convenience in
negotiating with Her Majesty and the members of her Council, who
were so numerous, it would be just to give me rooms in the palace
like one of themselves as I was here for the purpose of serving her
in all things, and because of its not having been done to any other
minister it did not at all follow that rooms should not be given to
me, as I was the servant of Her Majesty's brother, and such close
friendship existed between them, and moreover that it would be
well for our common enemies to see how your Majesty's affairs were
conducted here. The Secretary replied that it was true he had
heard the matter discussed, and it really did appear extraordinary
to him as the Queen would not introduce any innovations in the
royal household. On further discussion he went on to say that as
the Queen was unmarried I might be one of her suitors. The
Bishop was much surprised at this and refuted it, and Cecil at last
said he would speak to the Queen and give an answer next day.
Two days afterwards the Bishop went to speak with them about the
affair of St. Augustine's church, and he was told that the Queen was
much pleased with my message to her, but that for my convenience
in negotiating she would give me audience as often as I wished,
either alone or with some of her council as I desired, and so the
matter remains.
On Innocents day she sent Peter Carew (Pedro Caro) to visit me,
who told me that the Queen thought I was ill as I had not been to
see her, and that she thanked me for what the Bishop on my behalf
had said to the Council about the St. Augustine's affair, which had
displeased her very much, and to prevent a recurrence of which she
had issued a new proclamation prohibiting preaching. He offered to
bring me a copy if I wanted to see it. I answered him very cordially,
saying I was much obliged to Her Majesty for sending him to visit
me, and that I had not been to see her as I had heard that she was
very busy and I was not sure my visit would be acceptable. I was
always desirous of doing precisely what would please her. I said I
thought best to send and speak to the Council about the St. Augustine's
affair, as it seemed to me a very scandalous business. I had nothing
to say about the new proclamation, as Her Majesty would order it to
be printed, and I had no desire to see it, but it certainly did seem
strange to me that only a month ago she should order a proclamation
to be priuted providing that no change should be made in religious
affairs and now to issue another in a contrary sense. I did not
know what would be thought of it. I was reserved in manner and
expressed great surprise.
He said that in France the King had given a church to those of
the new persuasion. I told him it was untrue. He then said it was
at Metz which I denied, but even if he had allowed one at Metz I
should not have been surprised as the town belonged to the Empire
and the king of France only kept a garrison there for the better
defence of his kingdom. I did not care to push this matter any
further until I get your Majesty's instructions. I conversed with
the man for some time and he said he wished to God that your
Majesty had married the new Queen and had children. He had
also a great deal to say about the obligation under which the English
are to your Majesty. I did not answer a word about the marriage,
but on the other subject I enlarged and pointed out the good offices
of your Majesty to the Queen and country. We afterwards talked
about the peace, and I feel sure that the last suspension of hostilities
arranged at Cercamp was very favourable for your Majesty's interests
because these people have at last made up their minds that your
Majesty will not leave them in the lurch and is their true friend.
They will come to terms even though Calais is not given up to
them.
I think even that your Majesty's commissioners should side
strongly with the English and urge them to press this point so that
perhaps it may be agreed to leave Calais in ruins or at least
dismantled.
I am looking into the treaties with the Bishop, some of them being
in Latin.
Peter Carew also told me that when peace was made it would be
well to confirm the treaties. I told him we would see about it.
There would be time for that. I told him the news about the money
coming from the Indies without diminishing the amount at all, so
that he might tell the Queen, as I thought she would glad to hear
that your Majesty was so prosperous and well off. They tell me this
news has made a great noise in France, as indeed it has here.
The fact is that these people are going on in a way that will end
in their coming to grief, and your Majesty must get the affair in
your grasp. We must begin at once to see that the king of France
does not get in or spoil the crop that your Majesty has sown here.
A few days after the Queen's accession she made a speech to the
women who were in her service commanding them never to speak
to her on business affairs, and up to the present this has been
carried out.
The courier that came from Spain bears a certificate of how
they have treated him here, and the reason of his long delay, but
they have ordered the Queen's officers to despatch the passports
more quickly in future so that couriers and others shall not be
detained.
I humbly beg your Majesty to have my letters answered more
promptly as the delay may cause much harm to your Majesty's
service. The Queen and the rest of them are noticing that your
Majesty has not written to her. I am at a loss to know why the
delay has occurred.—London, 29th December 1558. |