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| 8 Nov. |
193. Bishop Quadra to the King.
On the 25th instant I wrote your Majesty what had passed here,
and I have to advise that since then the Queen, seeing the success
of the king of France and the loss of Rouen, has withdrawn all
her troops to Havre de Grace and left Dieppe unprotected in the
assurance that the King's forces would come against those two
places, and knowing that Dieppe could neither be fortified nor held,
they determined to abandon it. Some people thought they would
do the same with Havre de Grace, but although on Sunday the
1st instant the Council was wrangling over it for many hours, there
was no help for it but, at last, to agree to hold it, and to send 2,000
more men to the earl of Warwick, who is already asking for help.
Secretary Cecil to whom is commonly laid the blame of this enterprise
pretended to be ill and would not attend the Council, but let
the others decide the matter without him. Notwithstanding this,
however, they did all he wished, and more. They ordered that all
the French ships in Havre de Grace should be brought to this
country, some say to take over troops, others to have in their hands
a sufficient recompense, if things go badly with them in Havre de
Grace, to repay them for the artillery and arms they have there,
which are good and abundant. The ships they have sent for are
said to be large and small, nearly 200 sail, and some of them have
already begun to arrive, amongst others a fine galleon of the king
of France. The earl of Warwick also asked for some cavalry, but
there is no way of getting that from here, and even if they wished
to bring it from elsewhere and the road were open they could not
pay for it. I cannot see, therefore, how the Queen can avoid coming
to terms, especially as I know she desires it, as I have written
previously. The sending of Throgmorton to Orleans was only to
forward this object with the consent of the prince of Condé and
Chatillon.
About two months since there arrived here a Biscayner named
Luis Hernialde, a native of St. Sebastian, who came to my house as
soon as he arrived, and told me that he had come from Peru in the
last fleet which reached Spain in August last, and that he was on
his way to Flanders to invest a certain sum of money in merchandise.
He left in my house for safety some gold to the value of a little over
1,000 ducats, which gold he withdrew a few days ago and sold in
order to send the amount to Flanders. Some days passed and I
thought the man was gone, when he wrote me a very long letter
from his inn, of which I enclose copy. I looked upon the contents
as nonsense, and imagined that his real intention was to serve this
Queen, and take part in the voyage to Guinea for which they are
again fitting out four ships, and to divert him from this I answered
softly and promised to do what I could for him. He sent in reply
to this another letter, of which I enclose a copy, and went
immediately to Hampton Court to offer himself to the Queen, to
remain in her service, turn heretic, and embark in these ships. It
seems the answer they gave him there was not to his liking, and it
had such an effect upon him that, either in pretence or in earnest,
he is wandering about the streets crazy, and has wounded and
maltreated I do not know how many Englishmen. He was arrested
for this, and the officials of London took from him all his money.
I have tried to reclaim him, but nobody can do anything for him,
as his one idea is that I am trying to have him arrested and sent
to Spain to be tried for many fearful crimes of which he accuses
himself. I have not refrained from giving your Majesty an account
of this in order that you may be pleased to command what is to be
done with the man, because if he is not mad he cannot fail to be a
very pernicious person, and, however it may be, this small sum of
money that he had would appear to belong to your Majesty, if your
Majesty may please to order it to be recovered.
The Queen has summoned the nobles of the kingdom it is thought
to consider the succession to the Crown, in favour of the earl of
Huntingdon. Your Majesty knows who he is and whether it is
desirable to let these designs be carried further, and may deign to
send orders what steps are to be taken in such case on your Majesty's
behalf.
Many believe the king of Sweden is still thinking of this marriage.
If he listens to all they say here there will be no lack of people to
advise him to come. London, 8th November 1562. |
194. The Same to the Same.
The Catholics here have several times requested me to inform
them whether it is lawful or not for them to be present at the
heretic sermons and services in the churches, upon which point there
is difference of opinion amongst English theologians. I have always
avoided giving a decided answer to this question in order not to
condemn those who are in the habit of attending church or to
encourage those who are constant in doing what they ought not
to do. Recently several of them gave me a document which they
begged I would send to the prelates who are gathered in the Concilio
and obtain their opinion on the point. I thought best to send the
document to the Ambassador Vargas, who could bring it to the
notice of His Holiness and let me know what answer I could give
to these good men, some of whom also desired earnestly for the
relief of the consciences of many some means of giving absolution
to those who have incurred ecclesiastical censure in consequence of
these heresies, as, at present, nobody has power to absolve, and
people, many of whom would be glad of absolution, are chary of
venturing for fear of being discovered. The Ambassador Vargas
has answered me that having, by order of the Pope, considered the
matter with some of the Inquisitors they have come to the conclusion
that it is not lawful for anyone to take part in these aforementioned
acts, and as regards the absolution requested, that
authority be sent to me for this with power to delegate to others
whom I may think fit. His Holiness has done this by a brief, of
which I enclose copy, as also of the opinion of the Inquisitors in
order that your Majesty may be pleased to command what I am to
do in the matter, as it occurs to me that if the Queen were to hear
that I was exerting the Pope's authority on her subjects she might
complain to your Majesty, as indeed I am sure she would. She
would very probably hear of it because if they were to arrest one
of these men he would immediately tell all. On the other hand
the office is so good, so holy, so convenient and so necessary, that I
cannot but think that your Majesty will consider that it ought to
be performed ; but, of course, with all the caution which the circumstances
of the case demand. I am of opinion that no commission
should be given in writing, and that those to whom I delegate my
powers should not see the Commission that I have, but only be told
by me verbally that his Holiness has given the necessary authority
to absolve from these cases without telling them how or by what
means. These persons also should be few and safe and possessing
my entire confidence, so that although the benefit may be enjoyed
only by a limited number they will be persons of quality who will
greatly rejoice thereat and according to the times the power would
be extended.
I have thought well to give an account of this to your Majesty
in full, as without authority from you I do not consider I ought to
presume to act in a matter of this character, although it is true that
I should be very glad indeed to do so even at a greater trouble and
personal danger to myself, but for considerations of your Majesty's
service.—London, 8th November 1562. |
| 15 Nov. |
195. The Same to the Same.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 8th, and since then (on the 10th)
the French Ambassador had audience of the Council and protested
against the breaking of the peace. The protest was handed to
them in writing and I send copy herewith. They answered him
softly to the effect that they had written to the king of France in
a way that they hoped would satisfy him and would have a good
effect. The Ambassador says that this reply does not please him as
he still sees they are preparing to send troops to Havre de Grace,
which is quite true for the pioneers left Cornwall last week, and
2,000 men will go from here next week, besides which they are
fitting out 12 ships with frantic haste. I also understand that they
are to send 200 horse, which will be like those from here generally
are, but notwithstanding all these preparations and the Ambassador's
apparent dissatisfaction I am of opinion that an agreement is
being warmly negotiated by the Ambassador Smith in concurrence
with the Orleans by means of Throgmorton, and that the proceedings
of this Queen are arranged for the purpose of making it appear
necessary for a peace to be accepted on terms unfavourable and
injurious to the cause of religion. I may be deceived in thinking
so much evil, but I cannot manage to get over my suspicion as I see
many signs that lead me to think as I do, not the least of them being
that there is less tendency than ever to seek a good understanding
with your Majesty, and if they were not in accord with those who
rule France they would very soon come to me with their customary
blandishments, whereas I notice that they treat your Majesty's
affairs much worse and less respectfully than French affairs, and
the injuries and insults offered to the business of the private
subjects of your Majesty are insufferable. In addition to this I
observe that they are harsher than ever in religious affairs, and
more determined to do nothing good. I conversed with Cecil on
these matters some days since and found him worse than usual so
that, having regard to all this, I am of opinion that some pernicious
agreement is brewing by which religion in France will not be
benefited and will be ruined altogether here. If the Catholics here
see any weakness on the part of France they will entirely lose hope
of being succoured and will give in to force, whereas even if such
agreement be not effected this country will be able to make sure of
the Guises and the queen of Scotland and render these Catholics
hopeless of assistance by means of them. This might easily be
brought about by a coalition between the king of France and this
Queen against the queen of Scotland in case the latter should
marry a prince displeasing to both of them. As I have already
pointed out the queens of France and England are in very close
agreement, and my suspicions are stronger than ever.
The Chancellor has this week given orders for Parliament to be
summoned on the 6th January, and before the orders were sent a
large number of the nobles were here already. This was cleverly
contrived in order to obviate the possibility of their holding meetings
together or making private agreements before coming hither. They
keep them well watched here, but the Queen may perhaps be mistaken
after all, and the calling of them together beforeband like this
may enable some of them to come to an understanding the more
easily. The points to be discussed in this Parliament are three :
first, the marriage of the Queen with Lord Robert ; next, the provision
of money ; and lastly, the observance of their religion under pain of
death. In the last Parliament they enacted that the first infraction
of the statute then passed should be punishable by fine, the second
by imprisonment, and the third by death ; and this is the reason that
these bishops and other imprisoned catholics have not yet been
condemned to be executed. Now, however, they will arrange so
that this may be done if God be not pleased to frustrate the agreement
which I say is now contemplated. In support of my opinion
I will point out that the four principal matters now being discussed
between the French and English are as follows : First, the marriage
of the queen of Scotland, which both the queens of France and
England fear may be effected with a powerful prince, strong enough
to occupy this country ; secondly, the power and dignity of the
Catholic nobles who rule the king of France, which power the queens
of France and England respectively, each for her own reason, hate
and fear infinitely ; thirdly, the religious question ; and fourthly,
the restitution of Calais. On the first two points there is no doubt
at all that the two Queens are in accord. With regard to the third
I do not know whether the Queen-Mother lacks the will to allow
everyone liberty of conscience, as they call it, but I think the
firmuess of the people here, and even of the Orleans party, is not
altogether without some sort of assurance that their attitude is
looked upon with approval by some of the King's ministers. On
the question of the restitution of Calais I am quite sure that they
are not in harmony, and that neither of them is in earnest, because
this Queen thinks that if the Government fall into the hands of the
Orleans party they will hand over Calais to her, as they have
promised, whereas in France neither heretics nor catholics ever
think or intend for a moment to restore it. If they can find some
ground of agreement on this fourth point your Majesty may be sure
they will do so on the question of religion. They (the French) will
allege that it is impossible to avoid making concessions and modifications,
seeing the multitude of heretics there are in France, and the
trouble the English give them, and the fear they are in from the
Germans and other reasons of the same sort, whilst by relaxing
somewhat on the religious question the two Queens make themselves
sure on the two first points I have mentioned, which are the most
pressing and important. If this scheme is not upset by managing
that the people here should have their share of troubles and
suspicions, as their neighbours have, your Majesty may rest assured
that religion will never be amended, and is in greater danger than
ever, not only in France but in these northern regions, where it still
exists. I could prove all this discourse by trustworthy facts and
arguments, but I have already said so much about it that I fear to
appear indiscreet. I am, however, fain to confess that I am zealous,
as I should be, on the question of religion, and withal I see God's
service and that of your Majesty so closely linked that I cannot
refrain from thus repeating the same thing in every letter even at
the risk I have named, and the more now as I see that Parliament
is to settle this matter for good or for evil. It is said this week
here, and confirmed, that the earl of Huntly (Outley) in Scotland
had determined to seize the queen of Scots and turn out Lurd
James and the other heretics that govern. The plan, however, was
discovered and he (Huntly) was arrested, and as they led him with
his hands bound he fell from his horse and died of the fall. One of
his sons and other Scotch catholics are still in prison. This has been
announced in the Queen's chapel, but is not known through any
other channel. They say, also, that John O'Neil is armed and in
the field against the earl of Sussex, to whom he sent word that he
would rather be his free enemy than his subject friend. I am
informed that a petition, which was presented to your Majesty on
my behalf, praying that I might be paid about 4,000 ducats, the
revenues for a year of the Archbishopric of Capua, which the duke
of Alba granted to me when I was at Trent, has been refused on the
ground that the revenues were restored to Cardinal Salmoneta who
owns the Archbishopric. If I knew how to pay the debts I have
incurred here, entirely for your Majesty's service and with no benefit
to myself, I would not be importunate but would do now as I have done
before, namely, sell and strip myself of my own property, but, as
God is my witness, I have now nothing more to sacrifice or any
means of succour, but that which comes from the gracious favour
of your Majesty. What troubles me most is that I owe 6,000
ducats here to good Englishmen. I beseech your Majesty to order
this to be considered, and that, even though my services may be of
little value, yet the will and intention are good. The payment I
crave is justly owing to me, as it was granted by one who had full
power to grant it. The revenues were legally and properly confiscated,
and, if afterwards it was thought desirable to restore them,
I ought not to be the loser, especially as by the treaty of peace your
Majesty was not bound to restore personal property, and if you had
been much more would have to be restored than this. If it was
necessary to reward the Cardinal for his disservice, it surely is not
just to despoil me who have faithfully done my duty.
I have incurred these debts in matters so necessary and vital to
the service of God and your Majesty that it would have been a
violation of my duty not to have incurred them, and to this must
be added that I have to maintain the title of bishop and of
ambassador of your Majesty, and my extraordinary expenses during
the last four years have been very large. It is therefore excusable
if I have had to spend more than your Majesty has sent me for
maintenance, as I have done so in the full belief that I should be
paid what I thought was owing to me. I am forced to trouble
your Majesty with this account to the extent even of importunity,
in order that you may know the state I am in, and command me to
be helped, because, although I only aspire to serve, I do not wish
to die in debt if I can help it. The man Luis Hernialde, about
whom I wrote last week, went mad in such good earnest at last
that he took the dagger of a man who was with him here in my
house and gave himself a stab in the belly of which he died. As
the officers of the city would not have him in the prison, but
contented themselves with taking his property away, I had him
brought to my house to be taken care of, and here he ended as I
have said. His delusion was that he was to be sent to Spain to be
tried.—London, 15th November 1562. |
| 22 Nov. |
196. The Same to the Same.
I wrote to your Majesty last week. Since then the French
ambassador has been summoned by the Council. They gave
him a reply to the protest he had presented and of which I sent
your Majesty a translation. If there is time I will enclose copy
of this reply for your Majesty's information. The substance is that
they are obstinate in the course they have commenced, but nevertheless
I know that the ambassador has an autograph letter from
the Queen-Mother to this Queen, and that the agreement is being
discussed, the only real difficulty being, as I have said, the question
of Calais. The other points are easy, and, if the prince of Condé's
affairs turn out badly, I expect they will agree about Calais. This
Queen would be content to leave Havre de Grace on being assured
of the Guises and the queen of Scotland, and the religious question
being settled by the observance of the Edict of January. In the
meanwhile she (Elizabeth) is showing a determination to stand firm,
and is sending 2,000 more men to Havre de Grace.
The Ambassador Smith writes great praises of Cardinal de Ferrara,
and says he has broached the subject of a friendly settlement to him,
at which the Queen appears to be not very well pleased as she does
not wish any interference in her affairs on the part of the Pope's
ministers. There is a rumour here also that the Queen is going to
send an ambassador of high rank to your Majesty. This is an
artful move to arouse the suspicion of the French and keep the
Catholics here in suspense.
The Count de Montgomeri (fn. 1) has arrived here from Havre de Grace,
summoned by the Queen in consequence of her suspicion of him
through his wife and children having been arrested at Rouen.
They tell him they will send in him charge of fresh troops to
France, but I doubt if they let him go back so soon. If they
do they will not keep him in Havre de Grace or trust him with
anything important. Parliament opens after Twelfth Day without
fail. Some of these gentlemen are holding meetings on the excuse
of dining together, as is the custom here, and I understand they are
discussing the succession to the throne. All the most moderate of
them incline to the son of Lady Margaret, those of the contrary
opinion to the Earl of Huntingdon, but they say that the Queen
is fixed in the idea of their not naming anyone, and that she should
have power to bequeath the succession. I do not know how they
will decide, but I fancy they will never agree without some being
dissatisfied. She is, as usual, coy about the marriage, but notwithstanding
this the hopes of Lord Robert are higher than ever, and
the duke of Norfolk is, to all appearance, helping him sincerely.
There seems a close intimacy between them since their reconciliation.
I have approached several of the nobles in best ways I could devise
to recommend to them in the name of your Majesty the interests
of religion, and begging them not to consent to so great a crime
as the death of the bishops who are imprisoned in the Tower.
Some have sent me favourable replies, but some of them have
sent word that the remedy lay with your Majesty, who can and
ought to use it, and that they for their part will do their duty
when your Majesty orders, whatever it may be. I think they are
all of this opinion although they dare not say so.
The man who killed himself the other day had 1,500 ducats to
receive in Seville, of which I herewith enclose the warrant. The
1,200 ducats he had here have been confiscated in consequence of
his having committed suicide, and although I tried to excuse the
crime on the ground of his madness, I have not yet succeeded. The
fact is he never allowed himself to be taken care of, although he
came to himself at intervals and killed himself voluntarily, so that,
really, there is no doubt his property can be confiscated for this,
besides the other crimes he committed. So far as the money here
is concerned there is no help for it, as Cecil lays claim to it and
the Queen's Almoner. Some 250 dollars of it which are owing
to your Majesty I might perhaps get from Cecil, although it will
be best not ask him for them, as he is difficult to approach on
matters concerning private people, and it is well to please him
in something, even though it be so small a matter as this.—
22nd November 1562. |
| 29 Nov. |
197. The Same to the Same.
Four or five days since Moffatt went to visit Lord Robert who
told him to return when he was alone, which he did. When they
were closeted together Lord Robert asked him how long it was
since he had seen me, and one thing leading to another, he told him
how sorry he was for the scandal which that servant of mine had
caused. He said that at first they had given some credit to what
he said, but that the Queen and Council were quite persuaded
now that the fellow was a sordid knave who had told them many
falsehoods, and he (Robert) therefore hoped that I would forget the
affront and be as friendly with him as I used to be. He told Moffat
to convey this to me with many courteous words of compliment,
but forbade him expressly to mention the matter to anyone else.
When I heard this I sent to reciprocate his courtesy and compliments
I am quite sure that this proceeds from the Queen, but I
am equally sure that there is nothing sincere about it. Moffat tells
me that when he returned with my answer, and assured him that
I offered him my best services, Lord Robert said that he did not
know whether I would keep my promises, as he thought I was a
great partizan of the Pope's interests, and, if it were not for that,
there was no person from whom the Queen would receive greater
pleasure. From this may well be inferred how little improvement
is likely to take place in affairs.—London, 29th November 1562. |
| 30 Nov. |
198. The Same to the Same.
The other day a meeting of gentlemen was held at the earl of
Arundel's, where amongst others there attended the duke of
Norfolk and his uncle the Lord Chamberlain. The question of the
succession was discussed, and I understand they favoured Lady
Catharine, who is supported by the Duke, perhaps with the idea
that one of his little daughters may in time be married to Lady
Catharine's son. The meeting lasted until two in the morning, and
when the news of it came to the Queen's ears they say she wept
with rage, and sent for the Earl and upbraided him greatly about it.
I understand he told her that if she wanted to govern the country
by passion he could assure her that the nobles would not allow her
to do so. He referred to Huntingdon's affair, which he does not
approve of as it is supported by Lord Robert.
She said she did not approve of it either.
Since then the carl of Lennox has been liberated by the favour of
the earl of Pembroke and Lord Robert, who are much against Lady
Catharine.
I think that the liberation of Lennox has two objects, first, to
hinder Lady Catharine by providing a competitor, and secondly, to
give a little satisfaction to the catholics who are desperate at Lady
Margaret's misery, and place all their hopes in the queen of Scots
and the husband she may choose. By giving them some small hope
that the succession may fall to Lady Margaret and her son they
may cool somewhat towards the queen of Sects. All this is convenient
for the Queen, who wants to have the power to declare her
own successor when she likes. I am not quite sure of my information.
—London, 30th November 1562. |