|
|
24 March.
Estado, 949. |
43. Count de Olivares to Bernardino de Mendoza.
At every turn there are Cardinals here so blind as to imagine
that it is possible to convert the king of Scotland, and as Cardinal
Mondovi (fn. 1) had taken this into his head he wished to send thither a
Carthusian friar who was formerly bishop of Dunblane, of whom
you probably know something. He seems to be a man of good life,
but I consider him but little fitted for the task. I pointed out to
the Cardinal how much more difficult it is than he thinks, and the
many evils that may possibly result, and he seemed to agree with me.
I have, however, since seen indications that he perseveres in the idea
and it may be that the Bishop will still be sent. If he should go
through that city (Paris) he will be sure to stay at the house of the
bishop of Glasgow, and it would be advisable for you to be on the
look out, to advise me of what you may manage to discover, so that
I may thoroughly see through the Cardinal's proceedings. Try also
to get the bishop of Glasgow to smile on our King's side, and to
persuade him that by this means alone can all be brought right, and
the Catholic religion established in those realms.—Rome, 24th March
1587. |
25 March.
Paris Archives,
K. 1566. 77. |
44. Nicholas Wendon to the King.
Sets forth that he was archdeacon of Suffolk and a doctor of the
High Court of Chancery in England, and became an exile from this
country on account of his being a Catholic. He became provost of
St. Gery at Cambrai, but five years afterwards he was expelled by
the rebels and his benefice confiscated because of his loyalty to the
King (Philip). Through the efforts of Mendoza and Tassis the
duke of Parma granted him a living allowance, but it has never been
paid. Prays the King to allow the pension to be paid to him here
in Paris (where he has lived for the last six years) in the same way
that the pensions of other English gentlemen are paid. He is in
great and urgent need.—Paris, 25th March 1587.
(Signed)
Nicholas Wendon,
Provost of St. Gery, Cambray. |
26 March.
Paris Archives,
K. 1566. 78c. |
45. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
[Extracts.]
The guards of this place (Paris) seeing the English ambassador,
diguised, crossing the bridge of Notre Dame at midnight on the 20th,
stopped him, and he was obliged to disclose his identity and whence
he was coming. He said he had been visiting at the house of a
gentleman, but this was discovered to be untrue, and the King was
informed of it the same night. He expressed regret that the
ambassador should have been detained on the bridge, instead of
being allowed to pass ; but they say that the King knew very well
where he was coming from.
The King has sent Rougier, his valet de chambre, who came from
England, to the prince of Bearn, for the purpose of giving him an
account of the cruelty with which the queen of Scotland was
beheaded, and the indignities committed against his ambassador in
England. It may well be concluded that there will be something
else in the letters besides this.—26th March 1587. |
26 March.
Paris Archives,
K. 1566. 78. |
46. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
[Extracts.]
The archbishop of Nazareth died on the 16th of fever ; a very
heavy loss for religion and your Majesty's service. I have written
to the Count de Olivares (ambassador in Rome) the importance of
the new Nuncio being equally able to influence this King (i.e., of
France) or it will be difficult to keep him firm in the defence
of Catholicism and the extirpation of the heretics.
M. de Belièvre made no new alliance with England, nor did he
draw any closer the relations already existing, but I hear from a
good source, confirmed by the new confidant, that his lukewarmness,
particularly about the queen of Scotland, and the wishes he
expressed from the King that the queen of England would use her
good offices to bring about peace (i.e., with the Huguenots), emboldened
her to lay hands on the queen of Scotland. People here,
generally, are so indignant about it that they say that if the
King neglects to avenge so tyrannous an act, they will be glad to
go and serve your Majesty in the event of your undertaking the
enterprise. Not only the preachers here, but the people at large
display a great hatred of the queen of England, and a multitude of
verses have been published against her. (fn. 2) The King and Queen
were in a little pew, disguised, at the obsequies of the queen of
Scotland, but did not show themselves publicly, as they say it is not
customary for the king of France to be present at obsequies. The
bishop of Bourges, a great lawyer, preached the sermon, and he
proved from the tenour of the sentence pronounced by Parliament
that the Queen had been executed directly in consequence of her
Catholic faith. He also affirmed that she had received the Holy
Sacrament the same night, by virtue of the dispensation she had
from his Holiness to have it always with her. He did not say she
had a priest by her side, to avoid the danger such a man might run,
as he and the rest of the servants were still in the power of the
queen of England. I understood she did have a priest with her in
the guise of a valet de chambre. He also praised the house of Guise
as the defenders of the Catholic faith, and said they were the religious
Scipios of France. I have published your Majesty's rights to the
crown of England through your adherents here, whom I have
assured it will be to their advantage, as it will restrain the queen
of England and prevent her from rushing to extremes. It will,
doubtless, do so, for in the harangue which Belièvre presented to
her in writing he uses it as his strongest argument.—Paris,
26th March 1587. |
26 Mar.
Paris Archives,
K. 1566. 81. |
47. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
Robert Bruce has come to me to say that he was going to see Muzio
(the duke of Guise) to ask him, at all events, to write something
to Scotland as occasion now offered ; and I have told him to write
to the Scottish lords in the sense contained in your Majesty's
dispatch of 28th January, in order to keep them in hand and
prevent them taking premature action, or losing courage. I told
him also to inform Muzio, so that he might write to the same effect.
The execution of the queen of Scotland makes it more necessary
than ever that they should be encouraged to bring the country to
submission to the faith. Robert Bruce assures me that the three
lords (fn. 3) were so determined about this, that before he left they
discussed it with him many times, and said that if the queen of
Scotland died, and her son refused to be converted, they would be
the first to upset him, as their intention was, if possible, to bring
both King and country to the faith, which they thought was only
possible with the aid of your Majesty. As they felt sure of
obtaining this, sooner or later, they would do their best to hold out
until the time came. On Bruce mentioning to me that there was a
great lack of grain in Scotland I took the opportunity of saying,
that even if affairs in Flanders allowed your Majesty to send the
desired contingent of men at once (which, however, could not be got
together in a day) this dearth of grain in Scotland would render
further delay necessary. In addition to this I said it was desirable
to see what position the king of Scotland would assume towards
England consequent on his mother's death. Bruce was convinced
by these arguments and will convey them to Muzio.
Bruce's last letters report that the lords of the English faction
have publicly advocated a breach with England if the Queen laid
hands on the King's mother ; but they were secretly dealing with
the ministers of the towns of Edinburgh, Dundee, and St. John's, (fn. 4)
which are the most important places in the country, to get them to
refuse to assist the King if he breaks with the queen of England,
and they had done so. This had much grieved the King, and the
Catholic lords, when they heard of it, had assured him that they
would support him, and the earl of Morton alone had offered him
10,000 men to take him as far as London ; but they told him he
must give them liberty of conscience and the free exercise of the
Catholic religion. This the King had secretly promised them in
case of his breaking with England, or of the Catholics being strong
strong enough to overcome the English faction in Scotland. They
were delighted with the latter point. I thought best not to open
out to them about dissembling with the queen of England, as there
is no necessity for this unless they are forced by circumstances. I
have therefore written to the duke of Parma that this point is at
present impracticable, as the death of the queen of Scotland will of
course make the queen of England doubly suspicious of these
Catholics. They desire that when your Majesty resolves to help
them, they should be informed thereof by the duke of Guise or
myself, as it was better they thought for Bruce to stay here for the
purpose of going and telling them when the time had arrived for
them to make ready, (fn. 5)
The new confidant wishes to have an interview with me, and as
soon as a certain person leaves his house I will give him the
2,000 crowns which your Majesty has been pleased to grant him. (fn. 6)
I have also thanked the third party. (fn. 7)
Raleigh would not let his nephew go about the release of Pedro
Sarmiento, in order to avoid arousing the suspicions of the Queen
to a greater extent than his enemies have already done for allowing
him to leave England at all. I told him as well as I could what
should be whispered to his uncle, but I am afraid he will not be
able to come back hither very soon, in consequence of these
detentions. (fn. 8)
I gave a passport for the captain of Brille (fn. 9) to go with another
captain to see the duke of Parma, so that no more time should be
lost than has already been through the closing of the English ports.
They had to stay in England much longer than was expected.
They say the enterprise (i.e., the betrayal of Brille) becomes easier
every day in consequence of the growing discontent of the people
with the English.
The King (of France) has written orders to his ambassador in
Rome to ask the Pope in his name to use his influence (i.e., that of
his Holiness) to induce your Majesty to join with him (the Pope)
and the other Christian princes for the English enterprise. I have
informed the count de Olivares of this, but seeing his (the king of
France's) lukewarmness in extirpating heresy in this country, it may
be concluded that the object is to lull Catholics here and gain time,
whilst preventing your Majesty from attempting anything in
England in the meanwhile. He has also sent M. de Frejus, the
brother of Cardinal Rambouillet to Rome, and this is to be one of
the principal points of his mission.
I hear from a good source that Secretary Villeroy is making
great efforts to ascertain when Waad, the queen of England's envoy,
is to depart, the object being to frighten him, as the King is much
displeased with his conduct.—Paris, 26th March 1587. |
28 March.
Paris Archives,
K. 1266. 82. |
48. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
The valet de chambre sent by their King to the queen of England
has returned, and says that the ambassador was free. The Queen
would not receive him (the valet) until after the execution of the
queen of Scotland. The queen of England signified to him her
great desire to be friendly with France, and the valet is publishing
this here. As ships now do not venture to go from one country to
the other without a special passport assuring them against arrest we
get letters very rarely.
An Italian merchant, well known to me as a trustworthy man,
who left London on the 11th, tells me that the merchantships they
are equipping reach the number of 15 ; the largest being of about
200 tons burden, and most of the rest 120 to 150 tons. They will
carry about 800 seamen and no soldiers, and are victualled for four
months. The merchant saw eight out of the 15 ships drop down
the river to Gravesend, ready to sail, and they were to be joined by
the others which were being got ready with furious haste. With
fine weather they will all be ready to sail by the middle of next
month.
The merchants pressed the Queen to let them have three or four
of her ships to go with them, but no decision had been arrived at on
that point, although Lord Admiral Howard had gone personally to
Rochester to hasten the sailing of eight of the Queen's ships, of
which the greater number were to guard the channel against the
captures being made there by the armed vessels from Dunkirk. No
Commander had yet heen appointed to this fleet, but Drake was in
such bad odour with seamen generally, owing to his treatment of
them after his last voyage, that it was not thought that he would
go with this expedition, which the merchants say is bound for the
coast of Brazil.
Don Antonio was very dissatisfied, and Dr. Lopez, who is a great
friend of my informant's, told him on the day he left, the 11th, that
Don Antonio was in despair of the Queen's giving him help to
undertake any enterprise himself, and was almost starving. I hear
the same from other quarters, and Sampson's advices confirm the
truth of it. I cannot hear of any armed ships being ready in
Holland to join this English expedition.
The queen of England had Secretary Davison arrested for having
issued the warrant for the execution of the queen of Scotland, and
Parliament was pressing her to release him, having presented a
petition signed by all the members, saying they would not vote any
of the supplies requested until he was liberated. In view of this
the Queen ordered that Davison, although still under arrest, should
have more freedom than before. Cecil, the lord-treasurer, said
publicly that he was opposed to the execution, and on this and all
other points feeling was running very high in the Council, Cecil and
Leicester being open opponents. The Queen had ordered the hasty
levy of men for Ireland, in the fear that your Majesty may send
thither Colonel Stanley, who surrendered Deventer, and is very
popular in Ireland.
After the execution of the queen of Scotland the queen of England
sent a gentleman named Knollys to inform the king of Scotland of
what had happened. When the King heard that he was at Berwick,
requesting a passport, he sent him word to return, as he would not
see him.—Paris, 26th March 1587. |
26 March.
Paris Archives,
K. 1566. 83. |
49. Bernardino De Mendoza to Secretary Idiaquez.
Complains bitterly that the landlord of the house he occupies is
turning him out, and after having arranged to take three other
houses in succession, the landlords, when they learnt that he was to
be the tenant, refused in each case to let their houses to a Spanish
ambassador for fear the King might think they belonged to the
League. Has complained to the King (of France), and begged to be
allowed to obtain a lodging somewhere on payment, but nothing is
done. He has received peremptory notice to leave his house in a
week, and will soon be roofless unless something be done. It is a
matter which touches the dignity of the King (of Spain).
Encloses another petition from Dr. Nicholas Wendon in case a
former one was lost. He is a great jurisconsult, and of the greatest
service in matter relating to limits and abbacies. Any other lawyer
the writer employed would have to be paid much more than the
pension prayed for by Dr. Wendon, who has sacrificed everything—
home, a honourable and high position in his own country—all for
the Catholic religion, and is quite penniless. Prays Idiaquez
earnestly to move the King to grant Wendon's petition. Encloses
verses on Queen Elizabeth.—Paris, 26th March 1587. |
26 March.
Paris Archives,
K. 1566. 80. |
50. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
(In a long account of a secret interview between the writer and
the duke de Mayenne on behalf of his brother, the duke de Guise,
to discuss the steps to be adopted and arguments used to prevent
the King and Queen-mother from coming to terms with the
Huguenots, the following passages appear) :—
"He had an extremely good answer for the King on the last
point, of England. He would endeavour to lull them to sleep
about it, by saying that the conversion of the country was
naturally desired for common humanity's sake, and he and his
brother were especially moved thereto by a desire to avenge the
cruelty exercised upon their near kinswoman, the queen of
Scotland." The affair is thus presented as a private one concerning
the blood relatives of the queen of Scotland, whilst the
Catholic cause and the extirpation of heresy here (in France), to
which they (the Guises) were pledged, was presented as a sacred duty
to God, which of course would come before the satisfaction of a
private vengeance. They could not hope to prosper in the latter if
they postponed the former for it, and consequently they must forget
their private wrong until the greater one was redressed, in which,
moreover, their personal interests also were great, because the security
of the persons, families, and property depended upon there being no
heretics in this country. They had a proof of this in what the
Englishwoman had done to their cousin, and they must expect the
same fate if a heretic succeeded to the crown of France.
I also warned him (Mayenne) that, if this King tried to persuade
him that it would be good to assist the king of Scotland in his
English claims, on the promise of his conversion and marriage with a
daughter of the house of Lorraine, how disadvantageous it would
be to listen to such an idea unless the king of Scotland was entirely
converted, because it would give this King an opportunity of saying
that the reason they had taken up arms, ostensibly to prevent a
heretic from succeeding to the French Crown, was simply a personal
one, since they, moved by a similar ambition, were ready enough to
help another heretic to the crown of England. I was thus able to
keep him from deviating from the devotion they profess to your
Majesty, and from opposing your Majesty's right to the English
crown. My new confidant assures me that the queen of England
has already disbursed the 100,000 crowns through the person whose
name I mentioned in the general letter, from whom the intelligence
comes. He also confirms the equipping of the merchantmen I speak
of in the English letter.—Paris, 26th March 1587. |
March 26.
Paris Archives,
K. 1566. 84. |
51. Bernardino De Mendoza to Secretary Idiaquez.
I see by your letter of 28th January what you say about the
Portuguese (i.e., Antonio de Vega). When things are not seriously
to be taken up I do not care to trouble about them, but I will
repeat to you what Montesinos told me, namely, that Antonio de
Vega wished to gain over Dr. Lopez to purge the friend (as he is in
the habit of doing every fortnight) with Indian-acacia (canafistola),
but he had not ventured to speak plainly to him about it, but only
by hints. I chatted with him (Montesinos) about the matter, in
order to sound him as to whether any of them there (in England)
would have the courage to do it, either by this means or any other ;
but I could get nothing solid to go upon. He mentioned that when
His Majesty wished to have all of Don Antonio's servants poisoned,
it could be done by sending some stuff to his brother, who would
put it into the beer when they were bringing it up for dinner. As
they all partook of the beer they would all be got rid of. I asked
him whether the friend (i.e., Don Antonio) would have any of it.
He replied no, as his drink was kept separate and it would be
difficult to administer anything to him in it. You may be sure that
from the moment I heard that they began to bargain about payment,
and knew that no scruples of conscience stood in the way, I lost no
time in setting about getting the business done. Two Englishmen
are busy in the matter now, and they say that as Don Antonio
frequently visits a countess who lives near the village where he is
they will find some opportunity of giving him a mouthful. I am
also expecting another Englishman, who is a man of resolution and
has been summoned for me by Charles Arundell. I will ask him
whether he is willing to join two other men in upsetting Don
Antonio on one of his visits to Court, either in a coach or by boat,
and then escape to London or its neighbourhood, where I will find
safe hiding-places for them.
A cousin of the captain from Brille, who is a favourite of Cecil's,
wrote me a letter of credence for the captain, who said that if he
were sure of getting recompense, either for himself or his heirs, he
would undertake to do it. The countersign which was to indicate
that the captain had conveyed the message, and that a reward would
be given when the deed was done, was to be simply my signature.
I replied that I had heard his cousin and would give him the reply
verbally. You may judge by this that I am not so scrupulous in
the matter as to need further spurring ; but in order to avoid
shouting before any good is done, I have not written to you about
it, as the people who treat of the matter always want money to
begin with, and it is easy for them afterwards to make excuses.—
Paris, 26th March 1587. |
27 March.
Estado, 949. |
52. Count de Olivares to the King.
On the 24th instant arrived here the news of the death of the
queen of Scotland, and on the same day I saw Carrafa with the
object of trying to get better terms with regard to the cash and
advance-subsidy, and to forward Allen's promotion. I tried to
persuade him to go to the Pope, and say from me that I condoled
with him on the event, about which in your Majesty's name I had
nothing to say, but in my own capacity, as a zealous follower of his
Holiness, I wished to remind him of four points (not only two, as
they would have liked), without trying to force them upon him
further than their own reasonableness would dictate. First, that,
although it was not usual for Popes to celebrate funeral services for
Queens, the present case imposed upon the Vicar of Christ the
obligation of making a special demonstration of sorrow. Second,
that in the next consistory after the obsequies he should make Allen
a Cardinal, and declare a jubilee so that all people might pray to
God to remedy the afflictions of the English Catholics, and restore
the faith in their country. Fourth (sic), that he should decide to
make up the deficiency your Majesty would suffer from the nonarrival
of the Indian flotillas, by a loan on sufficient security, and
order me to dispatch a courier to your Majesty to advise you of
this, and to help you to shorten the delay in the execution of the
enterprise.
Carrafa was much pleased at all this, and agreed to go to the
Pope. The next day, however, being Holy Wednesday, he postponed
it, as he thought it would not be a good time to find the Pope in a
favourable temper. He therefore decided to go on Holy Saturday
when the Halleluja was sung.
On the same day I saw signs that, notwithstanding what he had
said to me, Mondovi was still persisting in the sending of that
bishop of Dunblane to convert the king of Scotland ; and in addition
to the dangers of allowing this idea to take root, I saw that the
queen of Scotland's death might open the door for the Venetians
and others, who are anxious about this, to urge the matter upon the
Pope. I thought, therefore, best to take some sort of precaution,
and having recommended the question in prayer to our Lord, and
thought over it deeply, I resolved, although against my own will,
but as the least of a choice of evils, to see Carrafa about it ; which
I did on the 25th, with the following result.
I began by stating the greatness of the business, and the importance
of secresy. I said I ventured to speak to him about it without any
fear of your Majesty's displeasure, as I well knew the great confidence
you reposed in him, and that two especial qualities of his had gained
my own complete confidence ; namely, that he was not one of the
political (fn. 10) Cardinals (which is the name he himself applies to some
of them), and, secondly, that he had been born as much your
Majesty's subject as I had, (fn. 11) and, consequently, as much bound to
serve you in all things, compatible with the interests of God and
the Apostolic See. I said that I had discovered that one of those
Cardinals he called "political," was trying to persuade the Pope that
it would be desirable to endeavour to convert the king of Scotland.
I said that, if it was a good work to convert an ordinary man, it was
even better to save the soul of a King, whose example so many
others followed, but that, on the other hand, there was nothing so
bad as the false conversion of a King ; giving him the reasons for
this, at length. When your Majesty, I said, had given up hope, it
was quite useless to think of trying to convert this lad, and I pointed
out the great danger of both crowns being united under him. I
entered into arguments also to prove that, if even the conversion
were sincere it would not cure the evil in the case of nations which
had gone so far astray ; and I warned him, in case the Pope should
mention it, but not otherwise, that your Majesty was not in favour
of it, as you were fully alive to the universal injury that had been
caused to the church and your own interests by the false conversion of
the present queen of England, who had succeeded and been crowned
as a Catholic, and that your Majesty had consequently never
countenanced, or consented to undertake this enterprise, until you
had been assured in effect by the Pope that he would deprive the
king of Scotland, and invest the Crown of England in the person to
be nominated by your Majesty. I said this was quite reasonable,
because as your Majesty was spending so much you wished affairs
to be so settled that, so far as human effort could prevent it, religion
should not again be ruined there ; this being your principal motive,
and also that you should not be troubled again with such evil
neighbours. I then went on to say that I was not sure now
whether your Majesty would be satisfied with this, and reminded
him of what he had said to me some time ago with respect to the
queen of Scotland's will, and the remarks he had made respecting
your Majesty's right. I affirmed that it was absolutely clear and
undoubted, and urged it verbally as strongly as possible, refusing,
however, to show him the copy of the queen of Scotland's letter to
Don Bernardino (de Mendoza), in order that he might not see that
I had been forewarned about the matter. I proceeded by saying
that, notwithstanding all this, your Majesty's piety and religious
zeal were so great, that much might be expected of them if you
were allowed to exercise them. There were many reasons which
might be employed to influence you, such as the advisability, in the
interests of religion, that the King (of England) should be resident
there, and I said this was the line the Pope had better take if he
had anything in view ; and not the other, which would be more
worthy of a profane and impious man than a Pope.
During the conversation that accompanied all this, Carrafa was
quite agreed as to the exclusion of the king of Scotland, and that
the Pope could not refuse it, by the terms of the document of 24th
February (1586) which we consulted, it being in his possession. He
remained in the hope (which was sufficient) that your Majesty
would be persuadable to allow a separate King there (in England),
but he was not so sanguine that your Majesty need hesitate to stand
out before you concede what he has hitherto signified would satisfy
them on this point, and something further that I have thought
would be advisable. In speaking of your Majesty's zeal for religion,
upon which I placed particular stress, he added some arguments
showing the extreme difficulty your Majesty would have in keeping
the country to the faith by any other means than that which they
desire (i.e., the maintenance of James or some other Catholic resident
King), to which I replied that, although I did not admit as much,
yet they were appropriate for inducing the Pope to adopt this course
of persuading your Majesty, and to abandon the other (i.e., of the
conversion of James).
Carrafa asked me to show him what documents I had proving
your Majesty's claims, as he wished to be enlightened on the subject,
which had only recently been brought forward. I said that not
more than a year ago the light had come from the country itself by
way of Portugal, which took his fancy much, and he was very
agreeable to everything. We agreed that he should not say anything
to the Pope about these new negotiations, for fear of his want
of secrecy ; and if his Holiness himself began it, he should be
advised not to stir up the question until your Majesty had first
broached it. He was to be kept firmly to this, and time would show
what would be the best course to take subsequently.
I am satisfied so far, seeing the state of feeling here and the
character of the Pope, that I have avoided discussing the question
of the succession with him, in accordance with your Majesty's orders,
and also that I have warned Carrafa to the effect I have related.
When I am obliged to take action in your Majesty's name without
your orders, or to refrain from following instructions, I am always
so careful that, as your Majesty knows my zeal in your service,
and that my motive is good, you will approve of my action,
however it may turn out. My only fear is that out of your
excessive kindness your Majesty may sometimes fail to reprehend
me ; not in respect of the success that may be attained, because that
is in the hands of God, but in respect of my wrong or mistaken
courses. As my aim is only to serve your Majesty successfully, all
due admonition tending thereby would be esteemed by me as the
greatest favour.
Whenever I may be addressed on this question of the succession I
propose to say, that I have no instructions from your Majesty yet
to write about the matter.
Allen and Melino have conferred with me as to how they are to
behave, as, in the doubt with regard to what they should reply and
write about the death (of the queen of Scots), they had refrained
from replying to the letters they had received. It was decided that
they were to say to anyone here who might speak to them about the
matter, that it was no concern of theirs, that their great object was
the conversion of the country, and they did not trouble themselves
about anything beyond that. If God bestows that mercy upon them
they will praise Him for it. They are not to go any further than
this. The English Catholics, who in their despair at the death of
the queen of Scots, may write to them on the subject, should, it is
thought, be told to rest all their hopes upon your Majesty, from
whom alone can the conversion of the country be expected.
What Don Bernardino de Mendoza wrote to your Majesty, about
the Venetian ambassador in France being the man who was
representing to the Pope the advisability of a reconciliation with
Vendome, (fn. 12) fully confirms the suspicion I conveyed to your Majesty
that these Venetians were the most anxious of any of the Pope's
councillors to urge him to prefer these false conveniences of state to
all other considerations, and this, with the other reasons I gave, made
me doubtful of the Pope in the matter of the succession.
Allen and Melino still insist on the need for arranging things in
Scotland so that the Queen (of England) shall be kept uneasy, or at
all events that the Scots shall be prevented from joining her when
the enterprise is effected. They represent that Claud Hamilton, the
Earl of Huntly, and Morton are still disposed to bind themselves, for
a small sum of money, as they offered to do last year, through the
rector of the English College here, to deliver the King into your
Majesty's hands in Spain. I have not spoken of the idea that it
would be advisable to give the crown to Claud Hamilton, who is the
legitimate heir to it, failing the King and two heretic brothers of
Hamilton's. Although I have not spoken clearly to them about it,
I understand that the two others I mention, who are very great
personages, and all other Catholics in the country, would very
willingly accept him as King. This would be an advantage as it
would do away with all fear on that side, and, indeed, help would
most likely be forthcoming in their own interests. The same blow
that deprived the king of Scotland of his crown would assure the
deprivation also of the Crown of England, as its possessor might be
disturbed at any moment on the side of Scotland, and the realm
given to a more fitting person. This design would be most easily
carried out at the present time, things being in such an unsettled
condition, and the encouragement which would be felt by Claud
Hamilton and his friends, when they saw that your Majesty was not
seeking Scotland for yourself, would lead to the impression that you
would not have claimed England unless you had a just right to it.
The only thing against this is that probably the duke of Guise
would be offended at it, as he will no doubt have heard something of
it when it was mooted last year.
Carrafa has told me that a nephew of Cardinal de la Torre, a
Venetian, who has just come back from taking the hat to
Lignamont, says that no doubt exists in France that your Majesty
will undertake the English enterprise this year, and they are equally
sure that France cannot stand in the way of its success, seeing the
recent disturbances in Paris and Lyons.—Rome, 27th March 1587. |
30 March.
Estado, 949.
Latin. |
53. William Allen to the King.
The death of the queen of Scots makes them redouble their
entreaties that he will take pity upon them and help them,
punishing the impious shedders of the innocent blood of a crowned
Queen and violators of the rights of nations.
Urges him to assert his just claims as next heir in blood, heretics
being disqualified to succeed, and denounces the Queen (of England)
in violent language as an impious traitress and usurper. Begs the
King to come to the aid of the afflicted Christians and free the
Church of Christ.—Rome, 30th March 1587. |
30 March.
Estado, 949. |
54. Count de Olivares to the King.
With reference to the message which Cardinal Carrafa had
agreed to convey to the Pope from me, his Holiness will not consent
to celebrate the exequies for the queen of Scotland, being in doubt
as to whether she died a good Catholic, as she recommended her son
to the queen of England. He also refuses to grant a jubilee until
the enterprise is ready. He will only promise to effect the elevation
of Allen in due time. I cannot understand what course the Pope
will adopt respecting the succession, and it will be for your Majesty
to decide whether the enterprise is to proceed with such a point
unsettled.—Rome, 30th March 1587. |
| Estado, 949. |
55. Document headed "Instructions given to Dr. Allen as to
the Answers he is to give to his Holiness' Questions."
He is to banish his Holiness' suspicions, which he has conceived
from evil reports, that the queen of Scotland did not die a
very good Catholic ; he having been told that she recommended her
son very warmly to maintain his friendship and dependence upon
the queen of England. The statement is entirely false, and there
are many reasons for presuming that she died, not a Catholic alone,
but a holy martyr.
2. He is to take a good opportunity to convey to the Pope the
common report, on good foundation, to the effect that the efforts
made by the king of France to save the life of the queen of
Scotland, were merely feigned, or else very lukewarm, and the
queen of England had an understanding with the king of France.
3. That the queen of Scotland quite recognised the obstinacy of
her son in his heresy, and entertained but small hope of his
conversion ; and it is more doubtful now than ever, notwithstanding
all that may be said to the contrary.
4. If his Holiness, speaking of the enterprise, should say that
help may be expected from the king of France, or that the latter
would, at all events, not obstruct it, Allen will tell him that his
Holiness should on no account put any trust in Frenchmen, seeing
the evident agreement that exists between them and the queen of
England, of which so many indications are seen, especially the
recent death of the queen of Scotland ; and also by reason of the
French emulation with his Holiness, and the suspicion which will
be engendered in the English Catholics, besides the natural and
ancient enmity between the two countries.
5. If his Holiness touches on the question of the succession, Allen
will say that Catholics have very frequently raised this point, in
case of the death of the queen of Scotland, they having become
quite convinced of the hopelessness of the conversion of her son, but
they have avoided all disputes about it, trusting in God's providence
and the paternal care of his Holiness. The goodwill your Majesty
has always shown them by risking so much for the conversion of
their country also aids them in the belief that care will be taken,
after the enterprise is effected, to adopt the best course for preventing
the country from again falling into the hands of the heretics,
this being the principal object of the Catholics.
6. If it be necessary to enter into particulars, the general opinion
of Catholics for some time past has been that the succession of right
belongs to his Majesty through the Portuguese line, as well as
through that of Castile, although they have not heard that his
Majesty has expressed any such idea himself. The Catholics,
however, have always held that opinion in view, in case of the death
of the queen of Scotland, but have considered it the wisest course to
say nothing about it ; because although, on the one hand it might
have the effect of encouraging his Majesty to undertake the enterprise
with greater warmth, on the other hand it would arouse the
opposition of his rivals, who might unite for the purpose of aiding
the heretics and frustrating it. The heretics have their eyes fixed
on the king of Scotland, the earl of Huntingdon, and the king of
Denmark, who are so powerful that, if they are forewarned, they
may seize the Crown, in which case they would be much more difficult
to oust than the Queen.
7. It is for every reason most desirable that this point should not
be debated until, with God's help, the enterprise shall have been
effected ; and there is no doubt in their minds (i.e., the English
Catholics) that his Holiness and his Majesty will then easily come
to an understanding.
8. If his Holiness mentions Scotland, Allen must tell him that it will
be expedient for the good of Christianity, as the King is a heretic,
that some decision should be arrived at between his Holiness and
his Majesty for the reformation of that realm, either at the same
time as the English enterprise is effected or afterwards.
9. If he asks about the abbacy of St. Lawrence of Capua, Allen
will say that he has sent powers to take possession of it ; and that
he fully recognises how much the Pope has influenced his Majesty
to grant him this favour (fn. 13) —Rome, March 1587. |
March 31.
Paris Archives,
K. 1448. III. |
56. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
You did well to speak to the king (of France) about Pedro
Sarmiento's imprisonment. I hope the steps you took for the two
Englishmen to go and speak to the prince of Bearn about it have
been successful. I approve of your having helped them with the
100 crowns you gave them. L'Onglé (the French ambassador in
Madrid) has said here that they would let him (Sarmiento) go for
2,000 crowns, but until we get news from you we do not believe
this.
It will be well to try and preserve the man who sent the two
Englishmen if possible, and confirm him in the intention he expresses
to impede the English armaments. (fn. 14) But, as for his sending for
sale at Lisbon the two ships he mentions, that is out of the question ;
in the first place, to avoid his being looked upon with suspicion in
his own country, in consequence of his being well treated whilst all
his countrymen are persecuted ; and secondly, to guard ourselves
against the coming of the ships under this pretext being a feint or
trick upon us—which is far from being improbable—but you need
only mention the first reason to him, and so stop their being sent.
It was easy to see that the mutual seizures of French and
English ships would go no further than show. Perhaps even the
charges they brought against Chateauneuf were largely invented for
the purpose of enabling them to do what they have done to the queen
of Scotland.
It is most important for you to discover the truth and particulars
with regard to the English fleet, which you say is to sail with
12,000 men, the time it is expected to sail, and its destination. If
you cannot discover this, find out the sort of men that are going,
their numbers and nationality, whether there are any foreigners or
are all Englishmen, whether the men from Holland will be sent in
the fleet, the length of time for which the latter is victualled, and
all other particulars, especially the time of sailing. Send by express
anything of importance.—San Lorenzo, 31st March 1587. |
March 31.
Paris Archives,
K. 1448. 113. |
57. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
I have been deeply hurt by the death of the queen of Scotland,
of which I learn by yours of 28th February. It is very fine for the
queen of England now to want to give out that it was done without
her wish, the contrary being so clearly the case. It will be well to
convey to the Scots ambassador my sorrow at the event, and that I
would send to condole with his King, and again offer him my friendship
and the goodwill I always bore to his mother, only that I wish
to avoid arousing suspicions which might harm him with his enemies.
In order not to bring this trouble to him, I have availed myself of
his (the ambassador's) mediation, and request him to write to the
King telling him how pained I have been at the event and saying
that, although I hope that God will not fail to punish such an
outrage, yet as they who committed it are capable of trying to bring
other evils upon the King, as to the extent of their ability they have
hitherto done, I wish him to know that in case of need he will
receive from me all the aid he may require. You can then, as if of
your own action, lead the ambassador to press upon them (the Scots)
how much stronger and more effectual a support I should be than
the king of France, using such arguments as will occur to you.
You will arouse his suspicions of England and point out how small
is the hope that they (the Scots) can extricate themselves by means
of the French. Above all do not neglect the most important point
of all in the interests of our Lord ; namely, that if the king will
become a Catholic he will not only have God's help, but he shall also
receive from me all the aid and support he may desire.
You will open the matter thus, and afterwards proceed in the
same course, reporting everything to me.
When you think sufficient time has elapsed for the news to have
become known here, without the means by which it reached you
being suspected, you will, in my name, condole with the king of
France ; and say I have been so deeply grieved because the queen
of Scotland was so fervent a Catholic and a close connection of his,
as well as because of the great and unexampled injustice of thus
proceeding towards a sovereign princess not subject to anyone but
God. You will stop at this and go no further from which he (the
king of France) may draw any inference. Let me know what he
says, and everything you can learn. It occurs to me that it will be
well to inform the Scots ambassador of what is done ; gain him over,
and become very confidential with him.
You will also take fitting steps to condole with Muzio (the duke
of Guise).
As this event may change the aspect of Scotch affairs, and the
three Catholic earls may be unable to maintain their dissimulation,
I have decided to accede to their request for the money, and will
give them the 150,000 crowns three or four months after they have
taken up arms and liberated their King ; this being what they
requested of me, on the understanding that they would be able to
effect their intentions and obtain the necessary funds from their
estates if I would undertake to reimburse them subsequently to the
extent named. You may inform Robert Bruce of this in my name,
in case they should be able to carry out their plan without the
6,000 foreign foot soldiers, which cannot at present be provided for
them. As the money will have to be taken from the sums provided
for Flanders, it will be well to consult the duke of Parma as to the
best time for the earls to rise, unless they should be forced to
anticipate it, on which point and all others Bruce must be well
posted. Muzio, also, through whom the affair was proposed to us
last year, should be informed. If you understand that Bruce should
go and speak to his King, and will have an opportunity of conveying
to him a message from you, you may, as if of your own motion,
say the same to him as to the ambassador, that he may repeat it to
the King. To the three earls he will say that if they desire to win
and maintain the positions to which they aspire, they being Catholics,
they should use every effort to convert the King, that being the
course which you think will ensure them my support to such an
extent that no one shall be able to overturn them. You will not
lose sight of the offer they made to give me a port in Scotland, in
case we should want to attack England on that side. You will,
with all secresy, inform yourself of its capabilities and accommodation,
and report all to me. The man who gave you the news of
the queen of Scotland's death managed it well, (fn. 15) and as he has
now begun to open out with you, and you have my instructions to
that effect, you will make much of him, and say what is fitting as
regards his new offer. When this man who is expected from
England comes, give me the fullest advices about armaments.—San
Lorenzo, 31 March 1587. |
31 March.
Estado, 949. |
58. The King to Count de Olivares.
I am anxiously awaiting a reply to my despatch of 11th February
respecting the principal matter, and until I receive it I have nothing
to reply to that you have recently written on the subject. I can
only say that I am extremely grieved at the death of the queen
of Scotland, which is much to be regretted, as she was so good a
Catholic, and would have been so appropriate an instrument for
converting those countries to our Holy Catholic faith. Since,
however, God has ordained otherwise in His inscrutable judgment,
He will provide in other ways for the success of His cause. So far
as can be seen or understood, this new event makes more necessary
than ever that which the above-mentioned despatch instructed you
to ask of his Holiness. You may now tell him from me how much
I have been pained, and that I am desirous of pushing the enterprise
on as quickly as my circumstances (fn. 16) will allow. You will, in
speaking of this, assume that the greater or less speed in the
execution will depend upon having plenty of money, and so lead on,
to his own contribution, assuring him of my goodwill. The object
of this step is to anticipate any admonition from the Pope urging
me to hurry the enterprise when he hears of the death of the queen
of Scotland, and to show him that I have no need for persuasion in
the matter, as I am already eager for it. You must convey this,
however, without appearing to force it or to belittle what the Pope
has already promised, and we have accepted to be availed of when
the opportunity is favourable. The former arrangement must
rather be confirmed than complained of, but the Pope must be made
to understand that if he wishes to hurry matters, the best way would
be for him to advance me the loan I have mentioned.
Now that you know my intentions you can take the course you
find most convenient, so long as you do not depart from the object,
and you will act through Allen and Robert whenever you think it
will be better to do so.—San Lorenzo, 31st March 1587. |