30 Nov.
B.M.
MSS. Add.
28,420. |
672. Thomas Fitzherbert (to Lerma?).
As I am an Englishman and a servant of his Majesty, it appears
to me that I can in no way be more useful than in throwing such
light as I am able on English affairs. I therefore venture to lay
before your Lordship such points as seem worthy of note relative to
this embassy from the king of Scotland, since the crown of England
is the real object he aims at, let his methods be straightforward or
otherwise.
The purpose, therefore, of this embassy must necessarily be either
to beguile his Majesty with offers of friendship, so as to cause him
to slacken in his preparations against the queen of England (which
preparations he thinks are as injurious to him as to her, so far
as his claim to her crown is concerned), or else openly to ask
for the King (of Spain's) aid against her, in support of his own
pretensions.
If his aim is simply to beguile or deceive his Majesty, he must
either have obtained the queen of England's co-operation or
otherwise. But it cannot be believed that such is his object. In
the first place, the Queen has gravely offended him in many ways, and
especially in refusing to recognise him as heir to the crown ; and as
she knows full well that it would be very easy for him to avenge
himself upon her, with his Majesty's support, and even to deprive
her of the crown, she certainly would not countenance anything
that might lead to an understanding between the two kings, for
fear such an understanding might be turned to her prejudice.
On the other hand, it is equally certain that he would not attempt
to beguile his Majesty, except with her countenance, unless he
wished to claim his Majesty's support against her, since any
benefit he might derive from his deceit would be more than
counterbalanced by the injury he would suffer. It is certain
that it would draw upon him the hatred of the Queen, and all the
English heretics, who would hold him as a public enemy, and
parliament might exclude him from the succession, and the whole
nation raised against him. If, therefore, he lost all the heretics
without having gained the Catholics, he would be without any party
at all, and powerless to forward his claim.
It may therefore be concluded that his intention is sincerely to beg
for his Majesty's aid, and the point to be considered is whether it
is desirable that his Majesty should accord it to him, and make
him king of England. My opinion is that it is not desirable,
if it can be avoided, but that his Majesty should make king of
England a Catholic whose zeal for our holy faith is more to be
depended upon. It is certain that his Majesty has it in his
power to make a king of England, and exclude the Scotsman,
if he will deign to take the course we have so often begged him
to adopt with regard to the Infanta, always on condition that
he does it during the lifetime of the queen of England, and before
the king of Scotland has won over the English Catholics, as he
is now endeavouring to do, and will in future do more than
ever, thanks to delays on this side, together with his intrigues
and show of favour to the Catholics, whom he leads to suppose
that he is in his heart a Catholic too.
But if his Majesty will not, or cannot, execute the undertaking
during the life of the Queen, I warn your Lordship that after her death
will be too late, as the king of Scotland will attain his object before
his Majesty has time to gather his forces and prevent it. It must be
borne in mind that most of the English nobles who do not pretend
to the crown themselves, and the claimants who have no means of
enforcing their claims, will recognise the king of Scotland more readily
than any of his competitors who are their equals. An example of
similar jealousy was seen in France when the duke de Mayenne
preferred the prince of Bearn for king to his own nephew the
duke of Guise.
With regard to the Catholics, as it is certain that none of the
other claimants to the crown, who are all malignant heretics,
will grant them such favourable conditions as the king of Scotland,
who is moderate, and now professes to be a Catholic, they will
certainly join his party as soon as he enters. Seeing the strength of
his claims, the forces he has ready, his facility for entering the
country, the support of Denmark, and even of the English
themselves, he will not only be stronger than any other claimant,
but will carry through his design before his Majesty's forces can
arrive there. This is the more certain, because wars in England
are usually finished in one or two engagements, which are fought as
quickly as possible. There was an instance of a king of England
who was reigning in peace, being dispossessed of his crown and
expelled in ten days, and regaining it again within three weeks.
This is told by Philip de Comines of Edward IV., and cannot be
doubted by anyone who thoroughly understands English affairs.
If therefore his Majesty cannot, or will not, attack England
during the life of the Queen, I see no way of stopping the king of
Scotland from becoming the monarch of both realms ; and I submit
to your Lordship whether it would not be advisable for his Majesty
to take the present opportunity of seeing whether the king of
Scotland will consent to be a Catholic. If he consents thereto, he
might be aided to declare war against the queen of England, on his
furnishing sufficient security to fulfil his engagements towards
his Majesty, and to remain perpetually an ally and friend of the
Spanish crown, to which, moreover, he will be bound by the ties
of gratitude, and by the fact that he is the Catholic king of England
and Scotland.
In this case, the cause for the alienation of England from the old
alliance with Spain (I mean heresy) will have disappeared, whilst
at the same time the reason of the close friendship between
Scotland and France (that is to say, the constant quarrels between
England and Scotland) will also be non-existent, and it will
behove the king of England and Scotland, whoever he be, to
renew the old connection with Spain and the house of Burgundy ;
in the first place on account of the English claims to Normandy
and Aquitaine (and even to the crown of France itself), and,
secondly, because the power of the king of France will threaten
both England and Spain, and naturally draw them together.
I also submit to your Lordship that, if aid were given to the
king of Scots against the queen of England, it would be effectual
in frustrating the designs of the king of France against Spain,
and keep him fully occupied without breaking the peace that his
Majesty has made with him. If the Frenchman sees the Queen of
England attacked by the Scots, with support from here, he will
employ all his forces in helping her, and defeat the Scots, as it is
much more prejudicial to France than to Spain that England and
Scotland should be united, for various reasons, and especially as it
would deprive the kings of France of the means they always
possessed of bridling England by means of Scotland.
If, on the other hand, his Majesty does not wish to aid the king of
Scotland to become king of England, but intends to undertake
the enterprise in favour of the Infanta, with the necessary speed
(which we, the English Catholics, earnestly desire and petition him
to do), I still think that great advantage may be derived from these
negotiations (i.e., with the Scots), which can be continued or broken
off as occasion may require, and will serve to conceal his Majesty's
other objects. The communications with the Scots, moreover, will
arouse the suspicion of the queen of England against the king of
Scotland, and she will not trust him to help her when his Majesty
attacks England, and may perhaps in the meanwhile try to disturb
Scotland (which she can easily do by means of her many connections
there), the effect of which might be to upset both countries to such
an extent as to prevent the Queen from injuring Spain, as she
usually does. His Majesty will thus fish in troubled water to his
own benefit and her disadvantage.
Even if these advantages do not follow the negotiations, the least
that may be expected of them is that his Majesty will cause the
king of Scotland to declare himself a Catholic, if in his heart he
be one, and bring his realm into obedience to the Church (which
would be no small service to God and honour to his Majesty), or
else strip from him the mask with which he seeks to deceive the
Pope and other Catholics, and alienate from him the English
Catholics. Finally, if his Majesty desires peace with the queen of
England, it may be concluded that, in the present state of Irish
affairs, she will be so apprehensive of the result of these negotiations,
and the evil that may reach her through the back door (as she calls
Scotland) as to agree the more readily to some fair settlement.
Bearing all these points in view, I am of opinion that, in
any case, it will be advisable to receive well, and publicly honour,
this ambassador, and send an envoy to Scotland, choosing a
prudent and experienced man, who, with a little ready money and
moderate promises of pensions, may gain over many Scottish
Catholics, who are now very influential in the country. When
these are gained, they will be useful in carrying through any of his
Majesty's objects, even to rising against their King if he does not
comply with the promises he may have made in favour of the Catholic
religion and his Majesty. With this end, I think it would be
advisable for his Majesty to obtain the pardon of the earl of
Bothwell, who is now an exile in Flanders, and the restitution of
his estates. He is one of the principal persons in Scotland, and a
near relative of the King. (fn. 1) He has a large party, who follow him
in everything, as is the custom of the country, and he and his
adherents alone may be instrumental in effecting what I have said.
He would be very appropriate to do this, as he is naturally a
turbulent man, and greatly incensed against the King, as well as
being under great obligations to his Majesty. This reason for
gratitude will be increased if his pardon and restitution are obtained
and a pension paid to him.
I omit many points, in order not to tire your Lordship, but I
know that I have said more than enough, &c.—30th November
1599.
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