Spain
August 1525, 1-5

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1873

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262-274

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'Spain: August 1525, 1-5', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1: 1525-1526 (1873), pp. 262-274. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87469 Date accessed: 22 September 2014.


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August 1525, 1-5

1 Aug.153. The Duke of Sessa, Imperial Ambassador in Rome, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 35,
ff. 125–8.
On the 25th last he (the Duke) informed His Majesty of the bad state of health of Cardinal de Vique (Vich), who died on the same day. (fn. 1) No sooner did the Duke hear of his death than he called upon the Pope to request him not to fill up the vacant bishopric of Barcelona. He hesitated, promised nothing, and although the Archbishop of Capua also interfered in the matter, it was of no use; for, on Friday last, without giving any previous notice, the Pope proposed Cardinal Cortona, and had him appointed in Consistory. Taking offence at this, he (the Duke) strongly remonstrated with the Pope, who answered that he saw no offence whatever in exercising the right conferred on him by Pope Adrian's bull, and that he (the Duke) ought to recollect that at his own prayer and request he had upon a late occasion relinquished that same right in the case of one of his subjects whom he wished to appoint to the see of Plasenzia. He thought His Imperial Majesty might have gratefully acknowledged that service by settling some pension on that bishopric in favour of the person recommended by him; the same had happened in the case of the bishopric of Mondoñedo, and he did not see why, on the present vacancy, he was to give up the supremacy and privileges of the Apostolic See. The Duke's answer was that having, as he had, on late occasions behaved like a kind father to His Imperial Majesty, and carefully preserved all his privileges, it was painful to him to observe that he was so changed. The Cardinal had died two days march from court, and a similar appointment at such a time looked very much like a slight done to the Imperial authority. His reply was that his appointment had fallen on a person who would prove a faithful servant of the Emperor, and would do whatever he was ordered. His Imperial Majesty must know by this time who the candidate is, and what are his parts.
He (the Duke) begs His Imperial Majesty to give the bishopric to his brother, Don Juan de Cordova; and if his not being a native of Aragon should prove an obstacle to the promotion, to bestow it on the Archbishop of Monreale or on his brother, Don Luis de Cardona, provided either of these two, when appointed, shall give up the whole of the pensions to his brother (Don Juan de Cordova). This the Archbishop of Monreale would consider a great boon, and both he (the Duke) and the Archbishop will easily arrange matters with the Cardinal.
Of political news he (the Duke) has nothing to add respecting the secret negotiations that are going on, the sudden departure of Casale, the English ambassador, the journey to France of Sigismondo, the secretary of Alberto del Carpio (Carpi), having already sent full particulars. (Cipher:) His (the Duke's) impression is that the Pope is only waiting to hear what has been done in Spain, or what agreement these people will come to, in order to lean to one side or the other, as his interests will dictate. He shows much discontent at the departure of the Viceroy, and fears the consequences of it. It is generally believed that the Pope has collected a certain sum of money; but he (the Duke) thinks that he will not be so liberal in the spending as he has been diligent in procuring it. The Pope makes greater efforts than ever to persuade those who surround him that His Imperial Majesty has no longer the sympathies of England, but declares at the same time that as long as the Emperar does not cast him from his side he will remain, as heretofore, a good and affectionate father.
(Common writing:) When the league was concluded, he (the Duke) insisted upon the banishment of Alberto del Carpio (Carpi) from this city, on the plea that he was a rebel. He went away to Biterbo (Viterbo), on the excuse of taking the mineral waters there, and has resided in that town until about a week ago, when he came back to Rome.
(Cipher:) He (the Duke) has not taken any notice of, or remonstrated against, his return, because the Pope has not yet ratified the league, having merely tendered a modified draft of the treaty and taken instead the one the Duke had by him.
Carpi labours as much as he can, and is not without friends, who pretend that neither he nor they are responsible for their acts, since they asked for mercy at the time and were not pardoned.
(Cipher:) From Venice His Imperial Majesty must have full information through his ambassador. The Duke on the other hand never fails to advise of the turn affairs take in this city [Rome], and he corresponds also on the subject with the Marquis of Pescara, who does his utmost to keep the Imperial army together—no easy matter, indeed, when money is so scarce.
Severino writes from Sienna that a bastard son of Alessandro Viqui (Bichi) followed him on the sea, and tried to assassinate him, a very ugly act indeed considering that he (Severino) is actually the ambassador of that Signory. The people here give as an excuse that Severino had Viqui's father slain in the most atrocious manner, and therefore that the sons of the deceased are bound to revenge him. The citizens of Sienna, on the other hand, suspect that the attempt on the life of Severino was the work of the outlaws (foraxidos), but he (the Duke) has carefully investigated the matter, and finds that it was really an act of private revenge. (Cipher:) Such is the state of things in that city, and they will get worse every day unless His Majesty makes adequate provision. They (the citizens) are likely to take advantage of this last attempt to confiscate and sell the property of the outlaws (foraxidos). It would be wiser to place over the Siennese a good governor, who might keep the two factions in order.
He (the Duke) thought until now that the Pope would appoint his own nephew, Hyppolito [de' Medici], to be a cardinal. He is the son of Juliano, and they have been for some time procuring his legitimation But now it is said that Hyppolito is to marry the niece, and be the head of the house; and that to the son of Lorenzo, Alessandro by name, a cardinal's hat is to be given. There is no knowing what all these changes mean. Joanin de Medicis is at Ferrara, and sends daily messages to the Pope, asking him for money, which under the present circumstances is anything but agreeable to His Holiness.
Church provision.
Eight days ago M. de Bourbon sent a mandate, directed to him (the Duke) and to the Viceroy in solidum, to proceed criminally against Count della Mirandula, adding that a person of his suite would soon come to converse on the subject. The Count has received intelligence that proceedings are to be instituted against him. He is taking his measures and preparing for the event; but it will be of no avail if his criminality is proved.
Advices from France state that Cardinal Salviatis had succeeded in crossing that frontier, notwithstanding the provisions of Madame the Regent to the contrary; and that the Grand Master of Rhodes remained at Marseilles. It is also reported that Madame was very much disgusted, and on the point of coming to Avignon.
By letter dated the 26th of July, he (the Duke) has heard that his father, the Count, (fn. 2) was dangerously ill. He hopes that God will preserve his life for the sake of his sons and grandsons; but should it be otherwise, he begs His Imperial Majesty to grant him (the Duke) the lieutenancy of Alcalá [La Real] and the charge of alguacil mayor of Cordova, which have for many years been in his family.—Rome, 1 August 1525.
Post datum.—He (the Duke) has received two letters from the ambassador at Venice (Sanchez), informing him (cipher) that the Venetians were pressing the negotiations. Immediately upon the receipt of this intelligence he called on His Holiness, and on entering the Palace found the Venetian ambassador (Marco Foscari) closeted with the Pope. The audience lasted nearly two hours, and the Duke saw him come out of the audience room with a bundle of papers in his hand, which he had no doubt been reading to the Pope. He seemed rather disconcerted at the meeting, and appeared in greater haste than usual. His (the Duke's) suspicions being raised by this, he remarked to the Pope how strange the Venetian's manner was, and that he thought his extreme urgency very inopportune. His answer was that everyone in Italy was highly disgusted, especially the Venetians, who, if they knew how to avoid the ill-will of the Viceroy (Charles de Lannoy), and the bad reports he was likely to spread about them, would readily help each other. They knew for certain that the said Viceroy was meditating their ruin, and was of opinion that the whole of Italy ought to change masters. Though His Holiness had the same reasons as the Venetians and others to entertain similar sentiments towards the Viceroy, and was constantly requested to join them, he excused himself on the ground of the league just made with His Imperial Majesty, and thus gained time until he knew what was decided. These assurances do not satisfy him (the Duke), because he sees them always treating of the matter, and if once a general convention is agreed to in Italy, it is likely to be approved of, even by the dead.
He (the Duke) will not fail to advise His Imperial Majesty of any new thing that occurs, although, the matter being Italian, it is very difficult to penetrate its mysteries, as everyone here considers the cause his own. It is quite certain that they are still trying to win over the Duke of Milan. Jacopo de Bannisis is no longer here, having gone to Lucca to take the mineral waters; Chevalier Landriano is likewise going away. In his (the Duke's) opinion all are waiting to see what Casale will bring from England, and Sigismundo from France, and in the meantime will wait for His Imperial Majesty's resolution, and shape their own accordingly. They are much surprised to hear, by a secretary of the Duke of Milan, that everything was to be suspended [in Spain] until the Viceroy's return. The Nuncio's letters to His Holiness (fn. 3) were intercepted in France, but from private ones it would appear that they are not at all contented. Though the Archbishop of Capua is afraid of all these intrigues, he does not know the pith of them. (fn. 4)
Addressed: "To His most Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Rome. The Duke of Sessa, 1st of August."
Spanish. Original. Contemporary deciphering. pp. 6.
2 Aug.154. The Abbot of Najera to the Emperor.
M. D. Pasc. de G.
Pa. r. a. l. Hist.
d. Esp.
By his letters of the 8th, 16th, and 21st last, the duplicates of which he (the Abbot) now sends, His Imperial Majesty must have been informed of the state of affairs here [in Italy]. What he at present has to advise is that the 40,000 ducats which the Council of Naples, through Captain Sancho Lopez, promised to provide for this army, have been negotiated, and are already spent. The Duke of Bourbon, the Marquis of Pescara, and Antonio de Leyva have nothing of their own left that can be pawned or sold. The army is in great distress; and as it might be that His Imperial Majesty had already supplied its wants by a courier said to have left on the 13th inst. in a frigate from Barcelona, he (the Abbot) considers it necessary to observe that the frigate was captured at sea by Andrea Doria, and the despatches have not come to hand.
An agreement has been made with Count Gineba (Geneva) that upon the payment by the Duke of Savoy of 7,500 cr. (escudos) on the 5th inst., and of a similar sum on the 12th, the infantry of this Imperial army shall evacuate the Duke's territory and be quartered in places where the soldiers are to live at their own expense. That upon the payment of 12,000 cr. more, monthly, that is to say, 3,000 every week, the men-at-arms will collect in four or five districts of the duchy, there to live at their own expense. He (the Abbot) is very much afraid that this engagement will not be fulfilled; and yet such are the wants of the Imperial army that no other arrangement could probably be made for its maintenance.
The Italian potentates go on negotiating. It is said that they are so far advanced in their plans that they only wait for intelligence of what Sigismundin, the secretary of Alberto del Carpi, and Gregorio Casal, the English ambassador, may have achieved respectively in France and in England, to declare themselves. The Venetians are laying in stores of provisions, and increasing their infantry and light cavalry. He (the Abbot) hopes that all these preparations will prove of no avail the moment His Imperial Majesty comes to terms with the French King on such conditions and with such securities as may be considered just and firm; for without the help of France Italy can do nothing but work its own ruin.
The Infante (Archduke Ferdinand) has been this very day informed, through one of his secretaries residing here, and whose name is Juan de Castro, of the above intrigues and negotiations, that he may forthwith send 3,000 Germans to Trento, 1,000 of whom must come at once under the leadership of a captain named Corradino, well trained for this sort of service, who has this day left in company with Juan de Castro to that effect. They (the Germans) are to bring the money required for their maintenance. As to the other 2,000, if money can be procured here (at Milan) for them, it shall be sent; otherwise they are not to come unless the Infante can give them their marching pay till their arrival here. 6,000 or 7,000 more Germans are to be kept ready in case of need; and the Infante is besides to procure intelligence of what the Switzers are about.
The Duke of Bourbon and the Marquis de Pescara left this very day for Novara, thence to go to Verceli, to be nearer the army, and see to the execution of the agreement entered into with the Count of Gineba (Geneva). Antonio de Leyva and himself (the Abbot) will start after to-morrow.
On the last day of July a courier arrived here which Rocandolf (fn. 5) sent by sea. He brought letters from the Viceroy (Charles de Lannoy) and from other noblemen residing at the Imperial court, in date of the 12th of last month. A gentleman of the Duke of Bourbon had brought them as far as Perpiñan by land, but, fearing lest they might be opened and read in France, gave them to the courier to bring by a sea route. The said gentleman is the bearer of His Majesty's official despatches, and is expected here to-morrow or after, for he cannot possibly be longer on his way, unless he is detained by Madame [Louise] the Regent. The Duke de Bourbon is highly pleased to hear that his presence at court is required, as he has been wishing for many a day [to go to Spain], The Duke of Milan is still unwell; since he had the ague, he has occasionally fever and pain in his bowels. He is in great hopes of receiving soon the investiture, owing to the intelligence brought to him by his secretary, Camillo Giulino, who, they say, is now returning to Spain to forward his master's interests.
Arana, a servant of Antonio de Leyva, and one of the men-at-arms of his company, who is an hidalgo, and much greater in spirit than he is in body, whose discretion and fidelity are well known to all of us, is going to Court to communicate certain matters relating to His Majesty's service.
The Prince of Navarre is continually asking the Marquis of Pescara to fix his ransom, and set him free. He has made several offers; and it is my opinion that he will come up to the sum of 90,000 cr.; 50,000 within one month, and the remainder at six months, date. The Marquis—seeing the ever increasing wants of this army, and that it is far more profitable to feed Your Majesty's soldiers than keep the Prince a prisoner, after consulting with the Duke, with Leyva, and him (the Abbot)—has listened to his propositions, promising to release him on the payment before the 20th inst. of the 50,000 escudos, unless His Imperial Majesty sends in the meanwhile orders to the contrary. This agreement has been made with a double object; first, that the Prince may at once set about collecting the sums demanded, and that the Imperial army may be relieved by it; and, secondly, to fix and settle beforehand the price of his ransom, not to lose the same in case His Imperial Majesty decides, in the treaty with the King of France, to set him at liberty. The Prince is always at Pavia under good escort. Antonio de Leyva increases the fortifications, though he is not provided with sufficient means. Lodi and Alexandria are also to be fortified, as both are important points in the event of a war.
The Marquis de Pescara and the Duke of Bourbon have just promised to Count de Gineva (Geneva) that if it turns out true that the Marquis de Saluzio, as reported, has violated the truce he made with the Marquis del Guasto, they will give him his estates, provided he undertakes to hold and defend them after the army has evacuated the marquisate. The Count has answered between his teeth that he will, but he (the Abbot) does not believe in him. At any rate, if the Marquis de Saluzio has violated the truce, his estates shall be taken from him, and given to the said Count, according to His Imperial Majesty's instructions. Some malicious persons have lately accused him (the Count) of being in treaty with France, but although he may have shown some discontent on account of the troops quartered upon his brother's estate, and of matters at Saluzio not having been settled entirely to his wish, he (the Abbot) considers him a perfect gentleman, incapable of such a treacherous act. He is soon going to Spain by land, in obedience to His Majesty's orders.
Letters from Rome, in date of the 29th ult., advise the death of Cardinal Vich (Guillermo) on the 27th, at an abbey of his called Casamare, outside that city. It is added that the Archbishop of Capua is to get the vacancy, and that Cardinal Cortona has been already appointed by the Pope to the archbishopric of Barcelona. No other Spanish cardinal sits in College, and yet they are very necessary, not only to forward the Imperial service at this court, but also to favour and protect numbers of Spanish subjects who daily flock here on business or to seek fortune, among whom, when necessary, 500 and even 1,000 soldiers may be had for the Imperial service, besides money, guarantees (fianças), information and all sorts of assistance for the preservation of the Imperial dominions in Italy. For this reason His Imperial Majesty ought to ask the Pope to appoint a number of cardinals of the Spanish nation to reside at Rome, there to spend the revenues of their respective churches, which they are more sure to do on Spaniards than Cortona will those of the archbishopric of Barcelona.—Milan, 2 August 1525.
After writing the above, he (the Abbot) has been told by Julian de Riba, the Doge of Genoa's secretary, that the guards at the watch-tower of San Remo had signalled 12 galleys and other vessels in the direction of Monaco, which, through stress of weather, were obliged to put up at Villafranca. They may be our own galleys; if not, they are those of France. Here people seem to think that it would have been expedient not to allow the six galleys of France to come this way, and to stop the six belonging to the Pope and to the Order of Saint John, if this state of things is to continue in Italy.
Signed: "El Abad de Najera."
Addressed: "To the most Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From the Abbot of Najera."
Spanish. Holograph, pp. 8¼.
2 Aug.155. Cardinal de Montemayor to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d.
Hist. Salazar,
A. 35, f. 131.
Acknowledges receipt of the Imperial letters, dated Toledo the 28th of May last, in answer to his sent by the Bishop of Avila. Thanks the Emperor for so singular a favour, and hopes that his services are now fully appreciated, though they may have been concealed through the malice or ignorance of reporters and ministers. The said Bishop of Avila and other witnesses will bear full testimony that there is not at Rome a more faithful and devoted servant of His Imperial Majesty than he is. Would consider it a great favour if the Emperor employed him and sent him his orders, as they cannot but be directed towards the better service of God and of the Holy Apostolic See, of which the Emperor is a warm advocate.—Rome, 2 August 1525.
Signed: "Humilis servus A. Episcopus Portuensis Cardinalis de Montemayor."
Addressed: "Sacræ Cæsareæ Majestati, domino meo observantissimo."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Rome. Cardinal de Monte[mayor]. 2 Aug. Answered."
Spanish. Holograph, p. 1.
2 Aug.156. Prothonotary Caracciolo, Imperial Ambassador in Venice, to the Grand Chancellor (Mercurino Gattinara).
M. Re. Ac. d.
Hist Salazar,
A. 35, p. 133.
Protests his fidelity to the Emperor, and dwells upon his own services, and the pains he is taking to unravel and detect Italian intrigues. Complains that no notice whatever is taken of his advice; his letters, though dictated by the purest zeal, remain unanswered.
In his opinion it is urgent that His Imperial Majesty decide for one of the three following courses:—
1st. Either to make peace with France, and afterwards fall upon such Italian Princes as have not done their duty to the Empire.
2d. Or calm the fears and suspicions of Italy, and make such covenants as will enable him to prosecute the war with France, and to wrest from its King any conditions he may like to impose, in which case it will be necessary to maintain a true union and perfect understanding with England.
3d. Or else to conclude a general and durable peace between the Christian powers by setting at liberty the most Christian King of France.
Should His Imperial Majesty decide for the former of the above courses—namely, to come to some sort of agreement with France, so as to be able to make war upon Italy—in that case it would be necessary to set the French King at liberty, on such conditions, marriage alliances, and hostages as will bind him hereafter to the execution of the treaties. For in such event the Italian Princes are sure to unite, and, though not very powerful, will make a stout defence and give some trouble. Venice is both rich and strong, and it will take a long time to subdue it; besides they (the Venetians) will become ever after the Emperor's bitter enemies, do all they can to thwart his designs, and perhaps, also, succeed in securing the alliance of England. The first thing the Venetians are likely to do is to persuade the King of France to break his word. They will endeavour to win him over to their cause, keep him under their subjection and advice (tenerlo in loro sententia), or at least ensure his neutrality in the contest. Whoever has had occasion to study the French King's natural disposition and character, will easily perceive that he cannot tolerate his equal, much less his superior, among the Christian Princes; and to flatter his pride and vanity the efforts of the Venetians are sure to be directed. We have lately seen how—to gain the object of his ambition—the French King put his treasures, his men, the whole nobility of France and his own person at stake. If we consider that the interests of a State demand that a King should not see, without jealousy, his neighbour, not even his own brother, grow and increase in power; that the leagues, alliances and treaties of peace made within late years, though sworn to and confirmed by most solemn oaths, have lasted but little time, it will be clearly demonstrated that—now that the Emperor has the game in his own hands, and can impose the law wherever he pleases,—it would be highly imprudent to trust in the French King's promises and oaths, however binding, to keep the treaties, since that would be equivalent to letting one bird fly out of the cage in order to catch another that is in the air; (fn. 6) it would entail upon the Emperor the enmity of England, and alienate for ever the sympathies of Italy.
To those who may object to this plan on the ground that no reliance can be placed on people like the Italians, who behaved so ungratefully during the last war, his (Caracciolo's) answer is that they are to a certain extent right in their conjectures, but still there is a great difference between Italy and France, for Italy is not a compact nation, but an aggregate of members forming one body. She does not dispute, as France does, the Emperor's greatness, and what she would not do willingly and of her own accord she is sure to do out of fear, lest the whole forces of the Empire should be turned against her. To prevent this, they [the Italians] might easily be induced to enter into a defensive league with His Imperial Majesty, and even to furnish a good sum of money, though they might not be persuaded to take up arms against the French.
A league with Italy to make war on France would only afford the Emperor one advantage, which is that of having protection on the side of Italy, for there is no fear—weak as they are and divided into small states—of their ever taking up arms against His Imperial Majesty. They know that the Emperor has the stick in his hand, and can beat them whenever he pleases. (fn. 7)
Neither of the above plans, viz., to make peace with France in order to chastise Italy, or form a league with the Italian powers the better to attack France, offers, in Caracciolo's opinion, security enough; on the contrary, each of them is likely to be attended with much difficulty, expense and trouble, and is of uncertain issue. Yet, of the two, the friendship of Italy, is, in his opinion, the most advantageous, because the Emperor, having the French King under his power—should Italy prove faithless—he can at any time, by setting his prisoner at liberty and entering into an agreement with him, wreak his vengeance on the Italian powers, and make a war of extermination upon them (castigarla ad internitionem).
There remains now to be considered how the Emperor's interests might be benefited by universal peace. In his (Caracciolo's) humble opinion, that would be the surest, most praiseworthy and fittest course to be followed, considering the Emperor's generous propensities and religious feelings (bontà e religione). A truce might be made, during which the preliminaries of peace could be discussed and arranged in conformity with the Emperor's wishes. Negotiations might be opened to obtain from the French King the whole or part of the provinces and territories now claimed from him, to which he (the King) would consent the more readily as he will see Italy disposed to form a league with the Emperor. M. de Bourbon's claims might be settled, or at least a large sum of money obtained as indemnity; and, in short, such securities might be got from France and the Italian powers in the way of oaths, marriage alliances, hostages and other similar ties as would ensure the duration of peace. His Holiness the Pope would then grant a Cruzada or tithe on all Christian kingdoms, to be spent in war against the Infidel; (fn. 8) and everyone shall extol the virtues and Christian zeal of the Emperor, who, having the power in his hand, relinquished all causes of enmity with France as well as Italy, and restored peace to the Christian community. Such being the case, there can be no doubt that the European powers will contribute most efficiently to drive away the Turk and ensure the triumph of Christianity.
Should the French King oppose such a praiseworthy idea—which he (Caracciolo) cannot believe (fn. 9) —the rest of the Christian Princes ought to be solicited and called upon, in virtue of engagements previously entered into, to oppose the said King of France, and take the Emperors part; knowing, as they do, the generosity with which he has striven to promote the ways of peace, notwithstanding the many reasons he had to treat his enemies with severity. Even in the case—not very probable, indeed,—of every Christian King failing and deserting the Emperor in his laudable purpose of bringing about universal and lasting peace, it is to be hoped that God Almighty, who knows the hearts and intentions of men, will so far help and protect His Imperial Majesty—as He has done hitherto—that he will be able to surmount all difficulties, and devote himself entirely to the support of the Christian religion, and the confusion and extermination of its enemies.
To accomplish this end, it is requisite above all things to make such provision respecting the Imperial forces [in Italy], that they may be maintained and quartered without giving the people offence, for certainly the excesses hitherto committed by the soldiery, besides alienating the affections of the country people, are a great burden upon the Emperor's conscience, who cannot allow his friends and subjects to be thus wantonly injured. He (Caracciolo) thinks, upon the whole, that the season is so far advanced that there is no possibility of making war this year, and therefore the best plan would be to negotiate a truce of at least eight months, during which the preliminaries of peace might be settled, or the best means found out of prosecuting the war with renewed vigour. By dismissing part of the Italian and German infantry—since, in case of truce, it could not be wanted—the enormous expense of the Imperial army might be considerably reduced.
The Duke [of Milan], though still unwell, is no longer in danger, so that his physicians give hopes of his recovery. He still suffers occasionally from fever and colic.—Milan, 2 Aug. 1525.
Signed: "El Prothonotario Caracciolo."
Addressed: "Al Illmo Sor Observmo el Cancellero di sa Cesarea Mag."
Indorsed: "To the Chancellor. 1525. From Prothonotary Caracciolo, 2 Aug."
Italian. Holograph. pp. 9.
4 Aug.157. The Duke of Sessa, Imperial Ambassador in Rome, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 35,
f. 138.
Has delayed until to-day sending the present despatch for want of a trusty person, but its contents are such that he has at last decided to send it on by express to Genoa.
This morning the news reached Rome that the Emperor had made a truce with the King of France. As it came from different quarters it is considered as certain, though the period of its duration is not stated. (Cipher:) He (the Duke) called immediately on His Holiness the Pope in order to ascertain what effect the news had produced on him. In appearance he seems to take it well; but there is every reason to presume that in reality he is sorry for the event, and fears the consequences of the treaty.
(Common writing:) The Church livings vacant by the death of Cardinal Vique (Vich) have been distributed among various ecclesiastics of this court, without any of them being reserved, as they ought to be, for natives of those kingdoms. The bishopric of Barcelona has been conferred on Cardinal Cortonna, (cipher) a Florentine by birth, and a good Frenchman, or reputed as such. Cardinal Rangone, also a Frenchman in heart, has obtained the archdeaconry of Belchite. Rodolfo (Ridolfi), who has always shown himself a good servant to the Imperial cause, along with Cardinal Salviati, has been endowed with an ecclesiastic dignity at Valencia. (Common writing:) The Archbishop of Capua has had for his share the abbey of Casamar, near the frontier of Naples, and Filippo Strozzi the priory of Santo Tomé at Segovia, all of which endowments yield a fine revenue. Other parties have had the remainder.
The General of the Franciscans arrived lately, and was very well received by the Pope.—Rome, 4 Aug. 1525.
Signed: "El Duque de Sessa."
Addressed: "To the most Sacred and Invincible Emperor, King of Spain, and of the two Sicilies, etc., our Sovereign and Lord."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. Rome. From the Duke of Sessa, 4 of August."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet p. 1¼.

Footnotes

1 Guillermo Raymundo de Vich, Bishop of Barcelona and Cardinal of Saint Marcello, a brother of Hieronymo Vich, Ferdinand's ambassador in Rome, (1510–16). The vacant see was conferred upon Silvio Passerino, Cardinal of Cortona.
2 The Duke of Sessa [Luis Fernandez de Cordoba] was the son of Diego Fernandez de Cordoba, third Count of Cabra. By his marriage to Doña Elvira de Cordoba y Figueroa, only daughter and heiress of the Great Captain Gonzalo de Cordoba, he became Duke of Sessa, &c.
3 "Las letras del Nuncio que venian para Su Magd? fueron interceptas en Francia," says the original letter, but it is evident that the Duke's secretary by a slip of the pen wrote Magd instead of Santd or Holiness, which was really meant.
4 "El Arçobispo de Capua teme estas tramas; no creo que sabe la medula de ellàs."
5 Rokendelf or Roggendorf, colonel of the Germans at Perpignan.
6 "Et sua Mag. lassara libero uno ocello quale ha in gabia per pigliarne un altro che li e mostrato sopra la nove."
7 "Precipue che essi vedendo da quanti canti possono esser offesi da la Cesarea Mag. la quale ha il bastone in mano di posserli battere."
8 "Da N. S. se havranno le decime supra tutti le potentati de Christiani."
9 "E quando el Re de Franza volesse malignare, il che non credo," &c.