October 1525, 16-20


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'Spain: October 1525, 16-20', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1: 1525-1526 (1873), pp. 366-378. URL: Date accessed: 20 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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October 1525, 16-20

16 Oct.227. Jonglet to Madame.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-
u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 223. No. 399.
Encloses letters received from the masters of the vessels (zabres), that, after examining their contents, proper provision may be made. The expense of keeping such vessels is heavy, and the service they now perform inconsiderable.
Nothing new to report since his last. Everyone seems to wait impatiently for the Emperor's decision.
Has heard from the Papal ambassador (Gambara) that the whole of Italy (touttes les Italies) is now well disposed towards the Emperor; the Duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d'Este) was to go to Spain; the Venetians were on the eve of accepting the terms proposed to them. Madame d'Alençon. had arrived in Spain; she had asked the Emperor's permission to visit the King, her brother, before she entered into negotiations, and it had been granted. The ambassador also told him (Jonglet) that he had heard from the Legate (Wolsey) on the same day, and that he hoped before Christmas a general peace would be concluded.
The Milanese ambassador (Scarpinello?) has had letters from the Duke, his master, informing him that the investiture has come. He was in good health, and hoped everything would turn out to the Emperor's advantage and his own.
The ambassadors of France are still in London. It is said that Jean Jockin will shortly go to Calais, there to receive the money which is coming to this country from France.
It is reported that the King's almoner (Dr. Edward Lee) is about to go to Spain as ambassador, and that he starts next Thursday.—London, 16 Oct. 1525. (fn. 1)
Addressed: "To Madame."
French. Original. p. 1½.
17 Oct.228. Lope de Soria, Imperial Ambassador in Genoa, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 36,
f. 44.
In consequence of the secret negotiations and intrigues going on between the Italian Princes against His Imperial Majesty's interests, the Marquis of Pescara and others of the Emperor's servants and vassals have been reflecting upon the best means of counteracting them. The Marquis, in particular, was of opinion that the best course to be pursued was to secure beforehand the person of Hieronimo Morono, as principal minister and originator of the said intrigues (ministro é inventor de las dichas praticas), and to occupy at the same time part of the Duke's territory. After consulting over this scheme with the generals of the Imperial army, and taking their advice thereupon, the Marquis has already secured the person of Morono, as he himself has no doubt fully informed His Imperial Majesty. Both the Doge of Genoa and he [Lope Hurtado] think that he has acted most wisely on this occasion, as that Secretary's arrest will no doubt lead to the discovery of the secret plans of these Italian confederates.
The Marquis, moreover, writes to say that he (Soria) is to encourage the Doge to persevere faithfully in the Imperial cause, as he has done hitherto, promising him, in case of need, the assistance of the forces under his command. There is no need, however, of such exhortation, for though the Doge has often been invited to join the Italian league, he has constantly refused, and he (Hurtado) knows him to be well disposed to sacrifice his life for the Imperial cause. Has written to the Marquis, assuring him of the Doge's fidelity, and that he promises to hold this city against all enemies. There can be no doubt that his offers are sincere, as he himself is now writing to His Imperial Majesty about it.
Five galleys of Andrea Doria, commanded by Count Philipino Doria, one of his relatives, anchored yesterday in this port. Although he came with no hostile intentions, yet, as his family belong to the part [of the Fregosi], all were afraid of some stir being made in the city. He (Soria) sent a notary of his on board to inquire from the said Count what were his intentions, summoning him to keep the truce just concluded between His Imperial Majesty and the King of France. His answer was that he had not come to do any harm, and that his armament was to be employed exclusively against the Infidels, and moreover that he was intent upon observing the truce. And so he did; for on the very same night he sailed for the coast of Provence, though he landed at a place on the coast called Sanct Pietro di Arena, not far from Genoa, where he was visited by the ladies of the neighbourhood, and by some of his own relatives and friends.
The three galleys of the Order [of St. John] of Rhodes passed also before this city, four days ago, bound for Civita Vecchia, with permission, as they said, of the Duke of Bourbon, when he was at Aigues Mortes.
Encloses despatch from the Duke of Sessa, with intelligence from Rome.—Genoa, 17 October 1525.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
P.S,.—The Abbot of Najera left, two days ago, for Milan, taking with him the remainder of the 80,000 ducats lately remitted from Spain, and of which he (Soria) had already forwarded one half to the Imperial camp.
Has already informed His Imperial Majesty that the French give out that the Genoese are not comprised in the last truce, and have in consequence captured some of their vessels, owing to which the citizens and merchants of this place are in great fear, not knowing how they are to carry on their business in future. Earnestly begs for a declaration that the people of Genoa are virtually included in the truce.
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Genoa. Lope de Soria, xxvii. (sic) of October."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2¾.
18 Oct.229. Don Fadrique de Portugal, Bishop of Siguença and Viceroy of Catalonia, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 36,
f. 46.
Received, the night before last, His Imperial Majesty's letter commanding him to lay an embargo on the two caracks that brought over Mons. de Bourbon's horses. The caracks are two, one larger than the other. Has been told by Mons. de Bourbon that the price stipulated for freight was 1,400 ducats, monthly, for the two. The day before the order came they had been paid, and were on the eve of returning home.
There is now in port a large vessel of upwards of 500 tons' burthen, belonging to a merchant of this city, named Pujadas, besides two more of reasonable size and equally fit for the conveyance of troops. Should His Imperial Majesty decide on the embargo of these vessels, he (the Bishop) begs for fresh instructions, because when the orders came for the embargo of the "Portunda," he pointed out the expediency of laying it also on that of Pujordes and the other two vessels. He has never received an answer to his letter; and as winter is coming on, it is not likely that the said vessels will remain long on this coast.
Mons. de Bourbon arrived last Saturday (13th Oct.), and was very well received and attended, according to His Imperial Majesty's orders; in truth he well deserves every attention. Tomorrow, Thursday, he will sail for Valencia, if no orders come to the contrary.—Barcelona, Wednesday, the 18th of October, 1525.
Signed: "Don Ffadrique, Bishop of Çiguença."
Addressed: "To the most Invincible Cesar, Catholic and most Powerful Lord, the Emperor and King our Master."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Barcelona. The Viceroy, 18th of October."
Spanish. Original. p. 1.
19 Oct.230. Nicolao de Grimaldo to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 36,
f. 48.
Has frequently heard from his brother, Juan Batista Grimaldo, residing at the Imperial court, how benevolently his application has been received, and the favours lately conferred upon him, which makes him [Nicolao] confident that very shortly he shall be advanced to greater honour, that being the thing he most desires. The whole of the Grimaldo family join in the expression of their gratitude for so signal a favour, assuring His Imperial Majesty that he (Nicolao), his two brothers, and their small substance, shall always be at his command.—Genoa, 19th of October 1525.
Signed: "Nicolao de Grimaldo."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Emperor our Lord."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Genoa. From Nicolao Grimaldo, 19th of November (sic)."
Spanish. Holograph, p. 1⅓.
20 Oct.231. Poupet de la Chaulx, Ambassador in Portugal, to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1554.Received on the 15th inst. the Emperor's letter, dated the 12th. He and Don Juan de Zuñiga [his colleague] have lost no time in arranging the articles, settlements, &c. of the marriage. Last Wednesday, on the festival of St. Luke, the King of Portugal (João III.) sent for the ambassadors, and, in the presence of the Cardinal, of the Infantes Don Luis and Don Fernando, his brothers, of the Bishop of Lamego, of the Counts of Portalegre, Villanova, and Vimiosa, the Notary of the Realm (Escribano de la Puridad), Pedro Correa, Luis de Silveyra, Don Antonio Datahy (d'Atayde?), and other noble personages, to the number of 15, had the marriage articles read to him, and swore to them. After which he (the King), followed by his suite, took the ambassadors to another chamber, where Queen Eleonor, the Emperor's sister, and the Infanta (Isabella) were, each attended by their maids of honour and by two old officers of the Royal household, Ruy Telles, the Infanta's Chief Lord Steward, and Juan de Saldaña, the Superintendent (veedor). The Bishop (of Lamego) then made a suitable speech, explaining the nature of the assembly, and addressed to the Señora Infanta the usual words on such occasions, por promesa de futuro, which the Infanta swore to, as likewise he (Lachaulx) and his colleague Juan de Zuñiga, in the Emperor's name. The Queen, the Infanta, and all the Princes then kissed the King's hand; and the rest of the company did the same to the King and Princesses; after which the Imperial ambassadors presented to the Infanta 10,000 gold dobloons (doblas) as a gift (arras) from the Emperor to her, in addition to the stipulated dowry. The ceremony over, the King asked the ambassadors how soon they expected to receive the brief of dispensation from Rome; and upon their answering that they had it by them, desired them to send it to him, which they did immediately. He (Lachaulx) has since learnt that the King committed the same to the inspection of some of his Privy Council, who have for some time maintained that the said brief of dispensation was not sufficient for the present marriage, and have stated their reasons in the enclosed memorandum.
Notwithstanding that the whole affair has been managed, according to the Emperor's instructions, as secretly as possible, the ambassadors could not prevent its being made public, for the King's treasurer, Fernand Alvares, had to go to Medina del Campo to procure the money; and the whole thing became known to the bankers and merchants of that city. Both the King and his treasurer have asked him (Lachaulx) whether the Emperor would rather have the 100,000 dobloons, due next March, paid in Spain or in Italy, or only a portion now, as agreed, for he (the King) says that he wishes to do the Emperor's pleasure in this as well as in other matters.
The ambassadors have discussed the clauses of the brief at length with certain lawyers and theologians deputed for that purpose; and although they all confess that the dispensation in foro conscientiœ is good and valid, and that it could never have been the Pope's intention to deceive His Imperial Majesty or anyone else, yet they persist in the idea that a fuller and more explicit one must be procured; for, they say were the marriage to take place under this dispensation, there might still in foro contentioso be some scruple as to the posterity issuing from it.
The Chancellor (Gattinara) had written to him (Lachaulx), pointing out the objections which he thought would be raised against this brief; and although some of them have been started, none with so much force as those contained in the enclosed memorandum. Perceiving that he could not convince the Portuguese doctors and theologians, he (Lachaulx) suggested that since they considered the dispensation brief as sufficient for this purpose in foro conscientiœ, the marriage by proxy (por palabras de presente) might be accomplished, and in the meantime let them apply to and obtain from Rome a second brief more full and explicit. The King, to whom the matter has been referred, is not unwilling that the ceremony should take place before the arrival of the brief, on condition, however, that the Infanta is not to cross the frontier (raya) until all doubts and scruples about the validity of the dispensation shall be entirely removed. The King, moreover, has promised to send orders to Antonio de Azevedo, his ambassador at the Imperial court, to see that His Imperial Majesty swears to the marriage articles in his presence.
Thanks the Emperor for his news, though he wishes they had been better ones, and that the French King had listened to reason and returned what is not his own. Doubts not but that the English, by their last agreement with France, have been the cause of the King's coldness (refroidissement).
Twelve days ago a Lisbon merchant wrote to him (Lachaulx), stating that the common rumour there was that the peace between France and England had been duly proclaimed [in London], and that the Dauphin (of France) was to be married to the King of England's daughter (the Princess Mary). Since the affair is publicly talked of, and the King has not sent intelligence to the ambassador, it must be that either he dislikes mentioning it, or that he does not consider it as serious. The truth is that peace with France is peace with all the Christian world; and, on the contrary, as long as the Emperor is at variance with the French there will always be one iron in the fire of discord, unless France were completely subdued (en subjection), which would by no means be an easy task to accomplish.—Torres Novas, 20 Oct. 1525.
P.S,.—Encloses the marriage articles, which were only brought to him late yesterday evening, and two memoranda of the degrees of consanguinity between the Emperor and the Infanta (Isabella), one drawn up by the Portuguese doctors, the other by his colleague Juan de Zuñiga. Also a paper on the doubts and scruples raised by these doctors and theologians concerning the brief of dispensation.
Should the Pope's Legate residing at the Imperial court (Salviati) have power to dispense in secundo gradu, he might do so in all inferior degrees; but in that case it would be requisite that the whole dispensation should emanate from the Legate himself, without any reference to the Pope's former brief.
The confirmations by oath of the King and Infanta are not included in the articles. Having inquired the cause of this omission he was told that such was the practice [among them], and that the same had been done on the occasion of the Emperor's sister's marriage [to the King of Portu gal]; but that if a separate deed was required they would have it drawn up forthwith.
They wish that in the ratification which the Emperor is about to make it should be expressly stated that the Emperor not only does ratify and approve everything that has been done by his ambassadors and procurators, but likewise consents to and ratifies over again the said marriage articles. The Grand Chancellor will understand better than he (Lachaulx) does what the Portuguese mean by this.
Signed: "Lachaulx."
Addressed: "A sa Majeste l'Empereur, Roi d'Espagne, etc."
French. Original. pp. 6.
20 Oct.232. The Bishop of Lodi to the Friar in the Confidence of Alonso Sanchez.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 36,
ff. 49–53.
Reverende Pater mi carissime.—Has heard of Morono's arrest. The ambassador must have him examined at once. He must be asked what other charge he intrusted to his servant, Joan Stefani di Robbio (fn. 2) , when he went over to Madame the Regent and Lautrech. Whether it is not true that whilst trying to bring on an agreement between his master, the Duke, and the said parties he (Stefani) promised, in their name, to exterminate all the Imperialists residing in the duchy of Milan. What other Italian Princes have consented to join him in the league against the Emperor; and whether it is not true that both the Duke and he (Morono), believing the bearer of their despatches, (fn. 3) a servant of Signor Alberto di Carpi, to have been murdered on the road to France, made all possible endeavours to ascertain where and by whom the said messenger had been captured, fearing the letters and despatches had fallen into the hands of the Emperor's men.
Thus the ambassador will have an opportunity of testing the truth of his (the Bishop's) reports, and how right he was when he warned him against Morono's intention to have a sort of Sicilian Vespers enacted at Milan. He must further be asked whether it is not true that he wrote a letter to the Duke's brother, residing in France, wherein he informed him of the incurable disease with which his master was smitten, and encouraged him to come over to Milan in force, when he would assist him to get possession of the estate. Maximiliano showed the letter to Madame and to Lautrech, who decided to accept Morono's offer at once. All are in hopes that should the Duke Francisco die, all the Milanese outlaws (foraxiti) will cluster round Maximiliano. He (the Bishop) trusts, though he is not quite sure, that he shall be able to procure an intercepted letter of the Duke's brother to the said Morono, in answer to the offers and promises made on that occasion. The letter is in the hands of a man who is now far away, but every effort shall be made to get possession of it, and if so a copy shall be forwarded to the ambassador.
Let Morono be closely interrogated about all these matters; also about the engagements he is known to have taken under the supposition that the Duke's disease was an incurable one; about the reported death of the most Christian King of France, in which he fully believed; about the destruction he meditated of all the Imperialists in the duchy of Milan, and principally about the letters he wrote to Maximiliano [Sforza] when the news arrived of the French King's recovery.
The ambassador is further to ask Morono whether he communicated to any of the Italian Princes his plans for execution after the Duke's demise, and what he (Morono) purposed to do against the Imperialists. In this manner the ambassador will soon find out what a liar the said Morono is, and how capable of plotting a thousand similar treasons. Certainly both the ambassador and all the Emperor's ministers and agents in those parts have had a narrow escape!
Is to tell the ambassador to keep this matter secret, and not divulge his name, for were their mutual correspondence to become known, he would no longer be able to serve the Emperor. Wonders much that the last letter from Genoa conveyed neither an approval of his conduct, nor any offer of reward for his services. Indeed, unless the ambassador certify him that his exertions meet with the Emperor's full approbation, he will consider himself entirely as a mere cast-away, good for nothing. He need not say that this late demonstration and his acceptance of the French King's offers are calculated the better to conceal from the people his affection for the Imperial cause.
His (the Friar's) last letter has duly come to hand; must not be under apprehension if he (the Bishop) has not yet answered it. He was away from home when it arrived; besides which, he is so surrounded by spies that he had no opportunity to write sooner.—Coira? 20th of October 1525.
Indorsed: "Copy of letter from the Bishop of Lodi to Prothonotary Caracciolo, 20th of October."
Italian. Copy in cipher made by Alonso Sanchez. Contemporary deciphering. pp. 4.
20 Oct.233. Jonglet, Sieur Des Maretz, Imperial Ambassador in England, to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof- u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 223. No.
Wrote last by Boullengier the messenger what had occurred up to the date of his letter, and what the people generally thought and said about the peace lately made between England and France.
Has since, on Wednesday the 18th inst., received letters from Madame, wherein she informs him (Jonglet) that the English ambassadeur residing at her court (Sir Robert Wingfield) had announced to her the conclusion of the said peace, but only in general terms; and that "when she asked him about the conditions he replied that he knew nothing about them, which answer had appeared to Madame rather strange, as it had been previously announced that both the Emperor and herself should be opportunely advised of the conditions, &c. Madame has since procured a copy which had been printed in France and sent it to him (Jonglet) calling his attention to its last article, which is so worded as to imply that in the event of the French King attempting to recover a portion or the whole of the territories now ceded to the Emperor in virtue of the said treaty of peace, he might do it without any opposition from the King of England.
In compliance with Madame's orders he (Jonglet) waited yesterday morning on the Legate, and showed him the printed copy of the treaty, which he read attentively as well as the article in question, declaring that it did not exactly agree with the original. He then sent for a copy or draft of the same, which he showed him, and read the article aloud concerning the help and assistance which each of the contracting parties is to give the other in case of need. The article, as far as he (Jonglet) can recollect, bears that the contracting parties will not be called upon to assist their allies and confederates in recovering that which might have been taken from them since the beginning of the last war, but only.
The Legate says that Tournay is in this case, and that the Emperor took it after that time, and therefore, according to the terms of the peace, were the French to attack it hereafter, the King of England could in nowise be compelled to draw his sword for His Imperial Majesty. In a like manner England could not be obliged to help France in an attempt to keep Hesdin, which they (the French) took during the last war. The Legate, however, observed that the clause was not so binding as entirely to prevent one of the contracting parties helping the other, if they were so inclined, for the words are "ne seront astrains" which does not deprive them of their right of helping one another according to their inclination. It is their interest (il est en eux) in the present case not to lean to one side or the other.
The King, added the Legate, had proposed that an article should be introduced to this effect, namely, that the contracting parties should be at liberty to help and assist each other in maintaining their possessions without limitation of any sort. But this the French would never grant owing to the English having some sort of claim on Tournay. For at the time that city was restored to them and a marriage between the Daulphin and Princess Mary proposed, it was expressly stipulated that in the event of the said marriage not taking place through the default of France, Tournay would be returned to the English as a sort of compensation, in proof of which (the Legate said) "the hostages given by France on that occasion are still in London." Now the French pretend that they cannot give us Tournay because you of the Low Countries retain it in your power. Were they to attempt its recovery, it would be strange indeed to see the English, for whom the said recovery was attempted, oppose the enterprise. To obviate this difficulty the article has been drawn out as it stands.
The Legate went on to say that it was stipulated by the Treaty of Windsor that all conquests and territorial acquisitions made by the Emperor or the King of England should remain to the profit and share of whoever was entitled to them. And as the said town of Tournay, owing to private stipulations with France, and to the rupture of the marriage of the Dauphin with Princess Mary, was to be given back to England, this conquest of the Imperial arms ought, by right, to be returned.
The ambassador's answer was that he was not aware that since the restoration of Tournay to the French, any claim had been laid to it by England. If such there had been, he had never heard of it, though the restitution took place many years ago. He (Jonglet) considered that both the Emperor and Madame of the Low Countries would find it strange that such means should be resorted to to dispute their unquestionable right to that and other conquests. He ended, however, by declaring that he had neither instructions to discuss that matter nor sufficient knowledge of the treaties alluded to by the Cardinal to be able to do so, but would willingly communicate the whole to the Emperor and ask for orders.
This is, as far as the ambassador can recollect, the substance of his conference with the Cardinal. When the treaties are examined it will be seen who is right in the matter.
However this may be, the Cardinal declared that the King, his master, intended to maintain the friendship, good alliance and confederation with His Imperial Majesty, persuaded as he was that it would turn out to the profit, welfare and comfort (commodité) of the Emperor's kingdoms, vassals, and subjects, as well as to his own. "The King (he added) is now sending to his ambassadors in Spain a copy of the articles and conditions of the peace just made with France. A similar copy shall be sent to Madame of the Low Countries that she may, if she chooses, give in her adhesion within the period therein fixed, which is four months."
Begs again for his recall, not that he is less inclined than hitherto to sacrifice his life and fortune for the Imperial service, but because he considers himself quite unfit for this task and unable to conduct so complicated and perplexing a negotiation as the one intrusted to his care.—London, 20th of October 1525.
Signed: "Jonglet."
Addressed: "To the Emperor, &c."
French. Original. pp. 5.
20 Oct.234. Poupet de Lachaulx, Imperial Ambassador in Portugal, to the Dowager Duchess of Savoy, Governess of the Low Countries.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof- u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 223, No. .
Came to Portugal about the end of March to visit the King and Queen, the Emperor's sister, (fn. 4) and also to ask for Princess Mary, the daughter of the late King, proposing to have her educated [in Spain], and offering any securities that might be demanded that, whilst at the Spanish court, her hand should not be disposed of without the King's consent, and that in case the Queen Dowager [Eleonor], her mother wished to quit the kingdom of Aragon, Princess Mary should return with her to Portugal. He (Lachaulx) did not much like his commission and wished to have been excused from it. Begged that another and better man should be appointed, but the Emperor insisted, saying that no fitter person could be sent on such a mission; he (Lachaulx) having already upon one occasion visited Queen Eleonor when in Spain, and being well acquainted with her. Should another appointment be made the Queen might take offence, especially as she had expressly asked for him, saying that if any living man was capable of bringing her daughter to her side [in Spain], it was certainly Lachaulx. Accepted the commission with reluctance and started for Lisbon where he thought six weeks' stay would be more than sufficient to accomplish the object of his charge. But when, after the usual visits and introductions, he (Lachaulx) began to explain his commission, he found greater difficulties than he had imagined possible at first, fie was told that when the King of Portugal (Don João) went [to Spain] to be married to his Queen (Doña Catalina), the matter was proposed to his ambassadors, who refused in his name. Upon Lachaulx informing them that the Emperor was ready to give any securities that might be asked, the deputies appointed by the King inquired what those securities were. Lachaulx then wrote home, and the Emperor made such an answer as to make him think that the whole business would be satisfactorily settled in a few days. The deputies then started new difficulties, and Lachaulx again applied to court for instructions, which the Emperor sent him forthwith, granting all their demands merely to please Queen Eleonor, whom, as Madame knows, the Emperor loves fondly. But however ample his instructions, and however great the Emperor's desire to comply with the King's wishes, Lachaulx advanced but little in his negotiation, so much so that he began to get angry and threatened to go away, saying, that as the Emperor's request was both just and reasonable, and his promise to send back the Princess sufficiently binding, he (Lachaulx) considered their objections most futile, and would therefore quit Lisbon and go back to Castille under a most unfavourable impression. He pressed them so hard on this point, that not knowing what to answer, the deputies looked at each other in amazement. At last one of them broke silence and said: "If you wish to take away the Princess from us you must make up your mind to stay in Portugal at least one year, for the King, our master, would much prefer giving the Emperor his own sister Isabella (fn. 5) as a wife than the Princess [Doña Maria]," and he began to praise the beauty and personal attainments of the former, adding that her dower was such as the Emperor would be glad to have, i.e., upwards of one million of ducats. His commission (Lachaulx told them) had no reference to the Infanta Isabella. They ought to know that the Emperor was bound by treaty to marry the daughter of the King of England, and he assured them that for nothing in this world would he break his promise to the King of England, who was of all the Princes in Christendom the one for whom he entertained the greatest friendship. Their answer was, that as there was a report that King Henry was about to grant the hand of his daughter [Mary] to the King of Scotland, he could not possibly complain if the Emperor married elsewhere. Told them that he was well aware of an embassy from Scotland having gone to England, and of the said marriage having been proposed and discussed, but that nothing had been stipulated or concluded. They, however, pressed him so much to acquaint the Emperor with their wishes, that in one of his despatches, dated the last day of May, Lachaulx mentioned the fact to the Emperor, who, eight days after, wrote approving of his answer, and saying that although his intention had always been and still was to fulfil his promise to the King of England, yet since the ambassador's departure for Portugal he had somewhat changed his mind. He had received information from England concerning certain secret negotiations there carried on to his disadvantage, and although he had full confidence in the King of England's good sense and friendship, yet his enemies might possibly gain him over and make him see things differently from what they were. Until the ambassador heard from him he was to follow his instructions strictly, without moving in the matter of the Princess, his niece, or abandoning it. In this line of conduct Lachaulx persevered until the 5th of October, when a letter came, dated the 2d, informing him that on the previous day the English ambassadors had announced to the Emperor that the King, their master, had made an agreement (fait appointment) with the French King, and therefore commanding him to bring the matter immediately before the King of Portugal and ask him for the hand of his sister Isabella, full powers being sent to the ambassador in conjunction with Bon Juan de Zuñiga, Knight Commander of Santiago, to ask for the hand of the Infanta, and sign the marriage contract, which was done on the 18th inst.—Torres Novas, in Portugal, 20th Octobre 1525.
Signed: "La Chaux."
Addressed: "A Madame la Duchesse de Savoie, Gouvernante des Pays Bas."
French. Original. pp. 3.


1 A copy also in Bergenroth's Collection, f. 399.
2 In the original Joan Estafani de robio, which I presume to be an error for "Giovanni Stefano da Robbio."
3 Sigismundo or Gismundo.
4 The King was João III., who succeeded his father Dom Manuel in 1521. The Queen Doña Catalina, daughter of Philip and Joanna, and consequently the Emperor's sister. She was horn on the 14th of January 1507.
5 Don Manuel, the father of João, was married 1o to Doña Isabel, Infanta of Castille, daughter of the Catholic Kings. 2o. To her sister, Doña Maria. 3o. To Doña Leonor, the Emperor's sister, who afterwards became Queen of France. Doña Isabel, who became Empress, was born of his second marriage.