June 1529, 1-5


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'Spain: June 1529, 1-5', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1: Henry VIII, 1529-1530 (1879), pp. 55-68. URL: Date accessed: 21 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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June 1529, 1-5

3 Juin.25. King Henry VIII. to the Archduchess Margaret.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P.
Fasc. c.224,No.30.
Complains of certain depredations committed in the channel by pinnaces or galleons (pynnaces ou galeons) said to belong to the Emperor.—Windsor, 3rd June 1529.
Signed: "Henry."
Addressed: "A '' archiducesse d' Autrice (sic), ducesse et contesse de bourgogne, et ducesse Douagiere de Savoye."
French. Original. 1 ..
— June26. Petition of Gonçalo Fernandez to the Emperor.
Arch. d. Royme. de
Belg. Neg. d'Ang.
Vol I., f. 22.
Has returned from his mission to Ireland, in which he has employed upwards of four months, having spent all the money he took with him, and a considerable sum of his own besides. Begs for the settlement of his accounts.—June 1529.
Spanish. Original. 1 p.
3 June.27. Don Iñigo Lopez de Mendoza to the Emperor.
B. M. Cotton,
Vespas, c. xiii,
[f. 320.
Has nothing to report since his letter from Calais dated the 1st of June, except that this King perceiving the shattered state of his health and how difficult it was for him to recover where he was, at last consented to his departure for Flanders, on condition, however, that immediately after the news of his release reached Spain, the Bishop of Worcester (Ghinucci) and Doctor Edward Lee, should be allowed to proceed to France. In case of non-compliance or delay in the execution of this arrangement, he (Don Iñigo) has pledged his most solemn word in writing to return to his prison at Calais until such time as the said English ambassadors be allowed to quit Spain. Madame Margaret, the governess of Flanders, having promised the same, he (Don Iñigo) begs leave to inform His Imperial Majesty of the conditions under which he has actually recovered his liberty, that the English ambassadors being permitted to cross the frontier, he may inform the King and be released from his bond.—Gravelinghes (Gravelines), 3rd June [1529].
Signed: "Don lñigo de Mendoza."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord, &c."
Spanish. Original. 1 p.
5 June.28. Le Sauch's report of his embassy to England, sent to Madame Margaret.
(fn. 1)
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. StaatsArch.
Wien.Rep. P.Fasc.
c. 225, No. 27.
Embarked on the 16th of May and arrived in London on the 20th. The day after (21st), wrote to the Cardinal, who was at Richmond, informing him of his arrival, and begging for an audience from the King, that he might present his credentials and deliver Madame's message. Received no answer until the 23rd, when he was told to be the next day before the dinner hour at Windesort (Windsor). Went thither on the 24th at the appointed time, when he was introduced to the King by an old man of the name of Weston (fn. 2) After many inquiries after Madame's health, her present place of residence, &c., to all of which he (Le Sauch) answered as satisfactorily as he could, the King naturally asked what news he brought from Flanders, when he (Le Sauch), after placing in his hands his letters of credence, proceeded to deliver the message with which he had been entrusted.
His address at an end, the King inquired whether he (Le Sauch) had anything more to say, and upon his answering in the negative, observed, "The news brought by Madame's ambassador are very gratifying to me. I rejoice extremely at them, for certainly I am a man of peace" (prince de paix).
His next question was whether he (Le Sauch) had not something to say respecting the overtures of peace made by the Duchess of Angosmois, (fn. 3) or the terms (articles) of the appointment and meeting of the two ladies, to which he (Le Sauch) answered as instructed, that he had no knowledge whatever of them.
The King then asked whether he (Le Sauch) could tell the day and place of the appointed meeting. Answered that at the time of his departure from Brussels nothing had yet been fixed. Upon which the King observed, "The news you bring me I had already received through Mons. de Bayonne, (fn. 3) the ambassador of King Francis. He has even been more explicit than you have. Yet you are welcome to my Court; I am very glad to hear that the Emperor is so well disposed towards peace." His (Le Sauch's) reply was, "the Emperor has always been averse to war; he has never shut his ears to honourable proposals for putting an end to it." "Had it been as you say (retorted the King) he (the Emperor) would never have acted towards the King of France in the manner he has done; although, on the other hand, it must be owned that he might have dealt more harshly with him had he chosen." Replied: "That if the Emperor had not treated King Francis as he deserved, it was merely out of consideration and regard for him. At any rate he must own that neither he nor his subjects (the English) had been very harshly treated by the Emperor after the challenge."
(fn. 4)
His next question was what he (Le Sauch) thought as to the Emperor's journey to Italy. Told him that it was decided upon, and sure to take place, upon which the King observed that he had recent letters from Spain, from a reliable source, announcing that it could not possibly be accomplished. His reply was, "If God grant me to live 40 more days, I am in hope of seeing the Emperor in Italy." Upon which the King looked hard at him, and smiled with something like incredulity.
He then asked, "Since you have no more to say, what are your intentions?" "To return to Madame as soon as possible, for such are my instructions. I will, therefore, with Your Highness' permission, ask this very moment for leave to depart." "Willingly," replied the King, "you have it, and are at liberty to go whenever you please. Have you seen the Cardinal?" "I have not." "Then you will offer to Madame my most cordial and affectionate commendations, and will tell her that We thank her most earnestly for the good news she has been pleased to send us. I am, as I said before, a friend to peace, and nothing shall be left undone on my part to forward her views, when We have seen the articles, which, considering that King Francis is our friend and ally, will, I presume, be sent for our inspection, before peace is finally concluded. We will certainly do everything in our power to forward the ends of peace, so necessary now that Christianity is threatened by the Turk and by this accursed Lutheran sect. Yet I do not think peace so easy as you imagine; for, in the first place, the Emperor seems determined to go to Italy, which the most Christian King is sure to prevent by all possible means, and in the second place the sons of France are still in confinement. This nothwithstanding, my impression is that these are only devices of both kings to deceive each other as to their real intentions, and to obtain better terms, and that in the end a lasting peace will be brought about. You had better see the Cardinal, that he may at once prepare an answer for Madame."
The very same day, after dinner, the Duke of Norfolk sent a message to say that the Cardinal would see him (Le Sauch) in the evening. Went thither with the Duke, who introduced him to the Cardinal, when it was agreed that, on the ensuing day, the 25th, at the same hour, he would be received officially.
Having then presented his credentials and explained the nature of his mission, the Cardinal manifested great joy at the prospect of the peace being about to be discussed. He himself (he said) had always ardently wished for it, and incessantly exhorted the King, his master, to work for its conclusion on terms honourable for the belligerents. He (the Cardinal) had not the least doubt some good might result from the meeting of the two duchesses (i.e. Your Highness and Madame Louise de Savoie, your sister) (fn. 5) especially as he knew how greatly the latter had always desired peace. "You ought to remember (he continued) that last year I confessed to you that Madame was in my opinion an excellent Princess, and that something good might in that sense he expected from her." After which flattering words, and having inquired from him (Le Sauch) just as the King had done, whether he had anything particular to communicate respecting the overtures of peace proposed by Madame [of France], or with regard to the terms, time, and place of the appointment, &c., the Cardinal began after his usual manner to discourse at length on the immediate necessity of peace, and the threatening invasion of the Turk, who, he said, had 100 galleys in the Gulf of Venice (au gouffre de Venise), and intended soon to attack the estates of the King of Bohemia, as well as those of the Emperor in Sicily and Naples. Should the Turk be able to carry out his purpose, and penetrate into Germany, what (he asked) will be the fate of that poor country, distracted as it is now by the errors of the Lutheran sect? If to this be added that the German Princes and electors in general hate the King of Bohemia (Ferdinand), and that he has left the Diet of Spires in disgust, I ask you (Maistre Le Sauch) whether the state of things is reassuring? He (the Cardinal) was very sorry to see matters in such danger, and that was the reason why he so ardently wished for the peace of Christendom, which he intended to promote with all his might. Should any difficulty arise between the two sovereigns likely to prevent the speedy conclusion of it, he (the Cardinal), if apprized in time, would exert himself to persuade the King, his master, to interfere, and devise some expedient likely to conciliate both monarchs, sure as he was that of all the Christian Princes, King Henry was the one most sincerely inclined to peace. The Cardinal went on to say that since the declaration of war made to the Emperor both by England and France in 1528, the King, his master, had behaved very graciously towards the Emperor, not invading the Low Countries, as he might then have done, and that last year he had tried hard to prevent his subjects from attacking the Empire in those parts. In this manner, and without the least attempt on his (Le Sauch's) part to interrupt him, the Cardinal went on expatiating at full length on the favours and benefits (bienfaitz) which, he said, the King, his master, had at various times conferred upon us and the Low Countries.
With regard to the Turk and his designs on Hungary, the Cardinal observed that no positive information had reached England. The affair concerned greatly the King of Hungary, who most undoubtedly had every reason to look sharp in that quarter (I'oueil au guet). Yet there was, in his opinion, no danger to be apprehended for this year, and he had written so to Madame.
Le Sauch's answer was, that even granting that the King of England had behaved graciously towards the Low Countries after the declaration of war in 1528, this had turned out considerably to his own advantage and that of the English subjects, and as for an English invasion, We were not the least afraid of it, as he (the Cardinal) must have observed when a truce was discussed last year.
The Cardinal then asked Le Sauch to declare on his word of honour whether he really thought the two Duchesses were in earnest. Told him that he could answer for one of them; as to the other, time would tell. Hoped, however, that the intention was good. Upon which he (the Cardinal) again remarked that the Duchess [of Savoy] was "une bonne femme," and requested him to present his respects to Doña Margarita, as he called her, to whom (he said) he was about to write immediately, which he did, for on the 29th Brian Tuke came to London and brought the enclosed despatch. Next day (the 30th) he (Le Sauch) quitted London and returned.—5th June 1529.
Signed: "Sauch"
Indorsed: "Rapport de maistre Johan de le Sauch de son voyage d'Angleterre en May xxix., No. 49.
French. Original minute. pp. 5.
5 June.29. Miçer Mai, Imperial Ambassador at Rome, to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 848, f. 44.
ff. 44-7.
B.M. Add. 28,578,
f. 301.
The Provost of St. Mary of Utrecht (fn. 6) has arrived with letters and papers relating to the affair of that bishopric. He comes sent by Madame [Margaret]. Will introduce him to the Pope as soon as he is in a state to give audience, for at present he is very unwell.
Meanwhile he (Mai) and Andrea del Burgo have presented in Consistory the petition for help against the Turk. All the ambassadors of the League, and especially the French, object on the plea that should the Turk not come to Europe, all the money collected will turn to the profit of the Emperor and of his brother, the King [of Hungary].
[Gives a summary of the speech delivered by Andrea del Burgo on this occasion, and continues.] At the meeting of cardinals, which took place afterwards, some raised difficulties as to the appointment of a legate for the intended expedition against the Turk, alleging that the election, if made, ought to fall on one of the highest order, and that the operation would take time, &c. The objection, however, was overruled, and there, in the same Consistory, the Archbishop of Rosano was elected. The Archbishop is perhaps the most eminent orator and scholar in all Italy, and a vassal of His Imperial Majesty. He goes as Nuncio, not as Legate, instead of the Bishop of Castellamare, (fn. 7) who applied in the first instance for the post, and when recommended by us, and actually appointed, declined to go.
In fact the cardinals of the opposite party have done, and are still doing, everything they can to prevent the formation of this new Catholic League. One of them had the other day the impudence to say, in the very presence of Cardinal Santa Croce, that this asking for help on the part of the Emperor and of his brother, the King [of Hungary], was only a pretence to deprive the Pope of his estate, and subjugate the whole of Italy. For his part (he added) he much preferred living under the Turks than under the Imperialists, who were much worse than Turks. If the King of Hungary did not feel sufficiently strong to defend his estates he could give up that kingdom to its legitimate owner, the Vayvod (Zapolsky). He (Mai) confesses that when he heard these words from the mouth of a cardinal, as reported by Santa Croce, he was so enraged that he decided to go with Burgo to the Pope, and beg him not again to send such matters for the deliberation of his cardinals in Consistory, since the nomination of legates and nuncios was exclusively an affair of his office, and needed no discussion. Did not, however, call on His Holiness, but sent him a message to that effect, adding that if ever it came to his notice that the same Cardinal, or any other member of that collegiate body, had dared to speak in such an indecent manner of the Emperor, he (Mai) took his most solemn oath that he would have him beheaded or burnt alive within his own apartment. He (Mai) had this time refrained out of respect of His Holiness, but should the insult be repeated he would certainly not hesitate in his determination. They could, if they chose, attend to their bulls and other rogueries, grant or refuse them as they liked, but in no manner should they mix themselves up with or discuss the rights of princes and subjects. (fn. 8)
This threatening message was sent verbatim to the Pope because he (Mai) knew very well that owing to certain disagreements now existing between the Pope and the cardinals, and of which Burgo gave him (Mai) notice, His Holiness would be rather glad than otherwise, and also that the Emperor's enemies may know at once how matters stand, and not he surprised at what the Lutherans say and profess to believe; for certainly excepting in matters of faith, in most other things concerning Rome the right is on their side. (fn. 9)
Has been unable to advance one step in the affair of the Military Orders. Some opposition has likewise been offered in Consistory to the bulls of Coria and Elna. Notwithstanding the Pope's verbal promise that they should be issued on presentation and nomination of His Imperial Majesty, the majority of the cardinals who, as the Emperor must know, belong to the French party, have again refused to expedite them, as demanded. This being a matter in which it is dangerous to give way, he (Mai) protested, applied again to the Pope, and has finally obtained that for this time, at least, those of Coria and Elna shall be issued "a presentacion y nominacion."
Cardinal Cesarino and the abbacy of Monte Aragon.
Bishop Urries, and the bishopric of Huesca.
Cardinals Gaddi and Doria.
San Severino, and the son of Mons. de Laxao (Lachaulx).
Commends the services of Miçer Andrea del Burgo, King Ferdinand's Ambassador, whom he (Mai) considers as a father. Has always been of great use, and worked very hard in these negociations.
A friar named Fonseca has been here [at Rome] two days on private business, as he says, of the King of Hungary (Ferdinand). He has already left for Naples without informing him (Mai), or his colleague (Burgo), of his purpose in coming to Rome. Has, however, left the enclosed letters (fn. 10) for His Imperial Majesty.
The affair Salinas is finished, and goes with the rest of the papers. That of Silli (Cilly?), (fn. 11) would have been concluded also had the Pope been in better health, for it is necessary to speak to him beforehand. (fn. 12) — Rome, 5th June 1529.
Spanish. Original, pp. 3.
5 June.30. The Same to the Same.
S. E. L, 848, f. 45.
B. M. Add. 28, 578,
f. 308 vo.
After writing the enclosed despatch he (Mai) pressed the Pope to send the Capuan (Schomberg) to Flanders, as had been resolved, but whether it be that he has changed his mind since his last attack, or that [Jacopo] Salviati, whose son (the Cardinal) is now Legate in France, opposed the idea, the fact is that when he (Mai) spoke again about it, his application was refused under various pleas. Since then, however, hearing that the conferences at Cambray, between the Queen Regent of France and Madame Margaret [of the Low Countries], have actually commenced, the departure of the Capuan has been definitively settled. He will leave to-morrow for Chamberi, where he is to wait for the courier who brings the answer from the Legate (Salviati). As soon as he gets it he will go to Cambray, and if necessary, to Barcelona, or wherever His Imperial Majesty may be at the time.
On the 2nd instant a courier arrived from Brussels in nine days, with letters from Madame of the 22nd of May, asking for particulars about the confederates, their forces in the field, their plans for a future campaign, the general state of affairs in Italy, &c. There came also within the packet letters for the Prince [of Orange], and for Antonio de Leyva, which were duly forwarded. The former has already answered most circumstantially all the Emperor's inquiries; the latter has been unable to do so; but it matters little, as whatever that captain (Leyva) may have to say about Lombardy and Milan is contained in his (Mai's) despatches, of which a summary has been forwarded to Brussels.
About the time that Madame's courier arrived no less than ten others came from France and Venice, and when the news of the meeting of the two ladies [at Cambray] was made known, fear and anxiety were visible on the face of every cardinal not attached to the Empire. The Pope, himself, was afraid of being forgotten in the conferences for peace, and he accordingly sent to Miçer Andrea del Burgo and to him (Mai), to beg and entreat that the interests of the Church should be taken care of. Assured him that they would be attended to. The Emperor had not forgotten them at the conferences of Madrid; much less would he now that the Pope seemed willing to become his friend. Every year, about the harvest season, great disturbances (revueltas) take place here at Rome. The whole of the last month (May) we have had a good deal to suffer from this abominable blockhead of Orsino. (fn. 13) Now Ascanio [Colonna] has come close to Rome with about 3,000 men and 500 horse. On his arrival he sent word that he had come exclusively on the Pope's behalf, and for his service. Transmitted the message to the Pope, who grew, however, very angry, and replied, "I want not Ascanio, nor have I sent for him. I will, on the contrary, prepare for defence," and he accordingly gave immediate orders to the Archbishop of Capua (Shomberg), and to Jacopo Salviati to call on him (Mai), and announce his determination. Answered that His Holiness had nothing to fear this time from Ascanio and the Colonnese; if they once came to Rome in arms, it was because they knew the Pope to be no friend of His Imperial Majesty. Now that the contrary was the case there was no fear of his doing anything but what was acceptable to His Holiness.
With regard to the Pope's intended journey [to Spain], he (Mai) has taken every opportunity of stigmatizing it in public as a device of the French and of the English. The Pope, in his opinion, could not quit Rome without inflicting a serious injury on the Emperor, for it was publicly asserted in Rome that he was going away, in order not to be in Italy when the Emperor landed, which was tantamount to throwing discredit on his person, and making people believe that he did not feel secure in his own capital, whereas it was quite evident that he had nothing to fear from so catholic a prince as His Imperial Majesty. If the Pope insisted on going away he (Mai) would follow him wherever he went, to the end of the world, if necessary. But in doing so the Pope must know. that his professions of friendship for His Imperial Highness could no longer be trusted. He (Mai) could not possibly object to his arming, considering the importance and authority of his person, but this he could say and promise: if the Pope did not arm, the Colonnese, far from doing him harm, would be entirely at his devotion. If His Holiness could find means for the harvest to be got in without the usual disturbances (vollicios), he (Mai) would engage to make the Colonnese go back to their country. The forces which the latter could bring into the field being much superior to those of the ex-Abbot, it was indifferent to him (Mai) which means were adopted, provided they were efficacious enough to put down the nuisance. Should they prove deficient he (Mai) could at any time let the Colonnese loose upon the ex- Abbot, &c.
The answer to this reasoning, the substance of which reached the Pope's ears, ran thus, "His fears were aroused at seeing the number of troops under Ascanio, so superior to those of the ex-Abbot and the Orsini, that they could at any time destroy him and enter Borne. However, he would not quit Italy without the ambassador's approbation." Such was His Holiness' answer, aud this must be said of him, that although he has hitherto remained neutral, he appears now to lean more on our side, and so we are actually looking out together for the means of putting down this nuisance.
Ever since Malatesta of Perugia declared for the French, he (Mai) has been trying to make the Pope forsake his neutrality and declare himself. Has offered him 6,000 men from Naples and 10,000 ducats in money, provided he takes the affair in hand and chastises Malatesta as he deserves. Andrea del Burgo has likewise offered a sum of money towards the expenses of the expedition, as we both wish him (the Pope) to declare himself openly against the League, and save Perugia from the hands of the French. Meanwhile, Bratcio Ballon (Braccio Baglione), who is opposed to Malatesta, has been enlisting troops to attack that city. He is a good servant of the Emperor, and the Pope approves of the plan. Observing, however, that the undertaking is not openly countenanced by the Prince [of Orange], or by him, though in reality it meets with their full approbation, Braccio has lately brought a fresh message from the Pope to the effect that any attempt on Perugia, if successful, would be exceedingly agreeable to him, which, in our humble opinion, is another tie to bind him the (Pope) more closely to our cause. (fn. 14)
Yesterday, the 4th instant, Diego Jayme sent from Ostia His Majesty's letter of the 15th of May. Showed it to the Pope, who was glad to read its contents. Told him how thankful he was to His Imperial Majesty for the trust and confidence placed in him. He was soon to dispatch the Capuan (Schomberg) on his mission, and went so far as to say that he would be glad if some troops from Naples came to the Roman frontier for his protection, as the confederates were continually threatening him.
With regard to peace, the Pope this last winter assured them [Burgo and Mai] that he was unwilling to treat separately of it, inasmuch as that of France, once concluded, was sure to bring about that of Italy. This, he openly declared, was the only effectual means of checking the Emperor's overgrowing power, as the peace of Italy once made, His Majesty would be enabled first to beat France, then to subdue Italy, and lastly the rest of the world. Now he thinks differently. He said the other day that he approved of the peace of Italy preceding that of France; as one would naturally bring about the other. Encouraged by this avowal, he (Mai) began to speak to him about the Duke of Milan (Francesco Sforza), who, though quite undeserving of His Majesty's mercy, owing to his having been twice in fault, yet might be forgiven under present circumstances. (fn. 15) Offered even to treat of the matter with him, and begged His Holiness to do the same, which he fully promised. Must own, however, that in his (Mai's) opinion very little reliance can be placed in the Pope's exertions for this Italian peace, though, on the other hand, something has actually been done towards its accomplishment by persuading the Pope no longer to be afraid of the confederates as he was before.
Not knowing exactly how to account for the Pope's sudden change in this particular case, he (Mai) discussed the matter with Burgo, and after long deliberation both came to the following conclusion: The Pope, in his late conduct, must have been actuated by three most potent motives. The first and principal is that he has no doubt been convinced of the Emperor's innate love of truth, and therefore that whatever the Imperial ministers have told him is substantially true. Secondly. His growing suspicion of France. Indeed, all Italy is amazed at the answer he is reported to have made to the Venetian ambassador, when the latter begged him to intercede for the Signory's inclusion in the treaty of Cambray. The Pope is known to have answered on that occasion, "I will have the matter referred to my Council, and inform you of the result." Some days after he replied in most categorical terms, "Since the Italians do not help me as I expected I must look elsewhere for what I want." Thirdly. His fear of the confederates, themselves; for he knows, and the Imperial ambassadors know also from another quarter, that there has been a design of snatching Bologna from him, as well as Perugia, which has accordingly been garrisoned with Florentine troops. In addition to this, the ex-Abbot of Farfa (Napoleone Orsino) has written to the confederates that if they only give him money to raise 2,000 men he fully promises so to worry and molest the Pope here at Rome, as to oblige him to decide against the Emperor. Hears likewise that an estate which the Pope's niece (Margaret) had in France has lately been taken from her. There is, moreover, room to suppose that Milan, being, as they say, so closely invested by the enemy, the Pope may fear that the League, if successful in that quarter, will become too strong for him. However this may be, the Imperial ambassadors will persevere in their purpose, and not fail to press the Pope whenever an opportunity offers itself, besides consulting the Prince as to whether the negociations ought to be resumed or not, for although he (Mai) is not one of those who think the Pope's friendship under present circumstances absolutely necessary or of any great importance, he yet considers it advisable to keep it as long as possible, lest he should bestow it on the enemy.
Since Caracciolo, the Prothonotary, is going to Mantua to treat with the Venetians, it seems advisable not to say anything about them here, for fear of losing reputation; yet it has been agreed between Burgo and him (Mai) to broach the subject to Cardinal Cornaro, who is supposed to be a good Imperialist.
With regard to Francesco Sforza, overtures were made some time ago to a Milanese lawyer, who resides here for that Duke. His name is Miçer Galtiero Corbeta, the son of a Milanese gentleman, and formerly an intimate friend of his (Mai), when both were students at the University [of Padua]. Miçer Galtiero listened to him attentively, and promised to communicate the affair to the Milanese ambassador in ordinary, for the Duke has another one here, at Rome, and Galtiero has only been sent to work under him on account of his father's friendship for him (Mai). As, however, Girolamo Morone has since taken a hand in this affair, and the Imperial ambassadors have been told to desist, he (Mai) had dropped it altogether. He will now resume it, and try his luck again; and since the Pope promises to speak to him besides, has no doubt that, with such assistance, all chances will be in our favour.
Also intends speaking this very day to the secretary of the Ferrarese embassy, whose master (Alfonso d' Este), is, they say, about to declare in favour of the League, and already enlisting troops to that effect. Intends calling on him with Andrea del Burgo.
There are no more people here at Rome to be sounded respecting their views and intentions, for the Marquis of Mantua professes to wish sincerely for the alliance of the Pope and the Emperor.
With the Florentines there is nothing to be done at present, for those who reside here are all "fuorusciti" (emigrants), and consequently friends of the Pope, and opposed to those who now hold the government of that city. The Prince [of Orange] has been written to, and requested to look out for some other means of getting at them, although it is to he feared that all our exertions in that quarter will prove vain (seran diligencias en cuerpo muerto). It was the greatest mistake in the world to recall the Imperial ambassador (Alonso Sanchez) from Venice. The fiercer the war the more is an Imperial agent wanted to reside in that city, and report about the Signory's doings. Only yesterday the Pope told him (Mai) that the whole of Italy was anxiously watching the conduct of the Venetians in these times, in order to be guided by it; in addition to which, an Imperial agent is more needed than ever, as he might make overtures to the Signory, and thereby raise suspicion and discord among the rest of the confederates.
The Pope thinks of enlisting a number of Switzers for his body guard, as many as he had before, and perhaps more. By which means he hopes to keep that nation in good humour as regards temporal matters, and also in what concerns Luther.
Sanga called at the embassy last night, and said in the Pope's name that Bratcio Vallon (Braccio Baglione) had 3,000 men under him, and was over-running the land [of Perugia]. He had already ransomed (compossado), some lands in the kingdom of Naples, and was likely to do the same soon in the lands of the Church. His Holiness (he observed) might at all times have rejoiced at Baglione's success, but considering the turn affairs have taken lately he will now be obliged to alter his mind and recall him. Begged Sanga to tell His Holiness not to do anything of the sort. He (Mai) could easily apply a remedy to the evil by sending a commissary (comisario) to Baglione, and writing also to the Prince to send another. Since His Holiness' wishes in this particular were known, nothing was so easy for the Imperialists as to consider Baglione in the light of a captain in the Emperor's service, and send him whatever money he might require for the pay of his troops; such being the case, the Imperial ministers begged the Pope to allow this plan to be followed rather than risk altogether the loss of Perugia, for were that city to fall into the hands of the confederates they would no doubt over-run the country to the very gates of Florence, and get there all the supplies they wanted. Indeed, should this come to pass it would be entirely the Pope's fault for not taking active measures in time when Andrea del Burgo and he (Mai) asked him.
The Sienese are still contending with Count Pitigliano. He (Mai) is still trying to make up their differences, and has written to both parties to send agents here with full powers to treat of peace or a suspension of hostilities. The Count has already sent his, and the magistrates of the Republic have also been requested to send theirs.
The friar mentioned in his despatch of the 21st of April (fn. 16) as having preached the Lutheran doctrines at Siena, and of the probability of whose peaceable extradition by the Sienese some fears were entertained, has at last been secured, and is now a prisoner at Viterbo. Hearing from Naples that a white steed (hacanea), such as it is the custom to present yearly to the Pope, could not be procured, he (Mai) set about looking for one here. After a good deal of trouble one was found in the possession of the Pope's equerry, though very old, and having probably served already on similar occasions. Having requested the equerry to name his price he asked a most extravagant one, which he (Mai) did not hesitate to accept, owing to the impossibility of procuring another one, but when the embassy's groom called for the animal the Pope's equerry obstinately refused to give it up though the money was forwarded at the same time, and Cardinal de La Valle, who is his friend, interceded most earnestly for it. The English ambassador was also willing to sell one he has in his stable, but having learnt the object for which it was wanted withdrew his consent to the sale. In this extremity he (Mai) applied to Cardinal Grimaldo, who sent him his immediately, but would take no money for it. It would be advisable to send him two Neapolitan colts instead.
Archbishop of Saragossa and his agent at Rome,—Hungary, and the crusade against the Turk.—Rome, 5th June 1529.
Signed: "Mai."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher, pp. 5.
5 June.31. Martin de Salinas to Ferdinand, King of Bohemia and Hungary.
M. R. Ac. d. Hist.
c. 71, f. 213 vo.
Has written thrice since his arrival at Barcelona. The preparations for the voyage continue. The armament is almost complete. The Emperor has written [to Italy] to announce his determination, and promised him [Salinas] very shortly to announce by express messenger the day of his departure.—Barcelona, 5th June 1529.
Spanish. Original draft. p. ½
5 June.32. The Same to the Same.
M. R. Ac. d. Hist.
c. 71, f. 214.
In favour and commendation of the bearer, Martin (fn. 17) de Gurrea, son of the late treasurer, Ferriz, who has long wished to serve under His Highness [the Archduke], but has hitherto been prevented from doing so by various causes. Now that he hears the Turk is preparing to invade Germany he has made up his mind to take part in the forthcoming campaign, and is already on board ready to sail. Humbly begs that his offer be accepted in consideration of the many good services which his father, the treasurer, and his brothers once rendered to the Catholic King [Ferdinand], and to His Highness.—Barcelona, 5th June 1529.
Spanish. Original draft, p. ½.
5 June.33. The Same to the Same.
M. R. Ac. de Hist.
c. 171, f. 214.
To-day, the 5th of June, His Highness' despatch, dated the 24th of April, came to hand by a land route, also the letter for Don Pedro de Cordoba of the 11th ulto, from Lintz. The same messenger brought despatches of Montfort, addressed to the Emperor. All these arrived after the sailing of the galley which took the Emperor's letter, and his (Salina's) foregoing despatches.
Has nothing to add, except that the lengthy report which came by the last courier was shown to the Emperor, who told him (Salinas) to forward it to the Council. This shall he done to-morrow without fail, and at the same time a summary account of the deliberations of the Diet will be drawn up for the information of that body.
Has duly recommended to His Imperial Majesty the affair of Juan Renque. (fn. 18) —Barcelona, 5th June 1529.
Spanish. Original draft, p. ½.


1 The letter being original it may be inferred that it never reached its destination and was perhaps intercepted, unless it was intended as a copy of what Don Iñigo wrote to the Emperor. It is to be found as above in one of the volumes of the Cottonian Collection in the British Museum.
2 Probably Sir Richard, treasurer of Calais and master of the Wards.
3 Louise of Savoy, Francis's mother, whose title is generally written Angoumois and sometimes Angousmois.
4 Jean Du Bellay, bishop of Bayonne.
5 "Car il sçavoit quelle y a tousjours esté fort enclinée, et qui'il me devoit souvenir que des l'année passée il m'avoyt bien dit quil l'auoit tousjours trouvé une tres bonne femme."
6 Philip Naturelli or Neturelli, generally called Dom Prevost. See vol. III., part 2., pp. 549 and 639.
7 Centellas, a Spaniard. See vol. III., part 2, p. 974.
8 "Imbiamos a decir al Papa que no pusiese mas semejantes cosas en consistorio, pues él lo podia hacer solo; sino que yo juraba á Dios que si otra vez so atrevia á tal ni el ni otro, que le haria degollar dentro de mi casa ó quemar vivo, Y que agora lo havria hecho sino por el respecto que se ha de tener á Su Santidad, y que eunoramala que se curasen de sus bullas, y de sus bellaquerias, si las querian dar ó no dar, y que no pongan lengua en los Reyes, y querer ser jueces de la subjection de los Reynos."
9 "Y tambien porque conozean la verdad, y no se maravillen tanto de los luteranos, que á mi ver, sino tocaran en lo de la fé, en muohas otras cosas de lo de acá tienen razon,"
10 Not in the packet.
11 Claude de Cilly, whose name has occasionally been written Scilly and Silly, at one time Imperial ambassador in England. See vol. III., part 1, p. 9.
12 "El negocio de Salinas es despedido, y va con estos. Tambien fuera el de Selli sino ques menester hablar al Papa." This Salinas must be Martin, Ferdinand's ambassador, whose correspondence has been abstracted in these volumes.
13 Napoleone Orsino, abbot of Farfa, about whom see vol. III., part 2, pp. 767, 939-40. "Y este año todo hauemos sofrido á este rapaz del Abad Ursino, que es asco."
14 "Me dixo que tampoco le pesa á S. Santd. (Santidad) pues lo hiciesen de manera que saliesen con ello, porqe otramente nos pornian por acá mas fuego, de manera que es este un grande arbitrio que á poco á poco se gane este hombre."
15 "Vinele á particularizar del Duque de Milan, aunque es tan mal rapaz que por hauernos las negadas (pegadas?) dos vezes tan descaradamente, no me paresce merescedor de la gracia de V. Md."
16 See vol. III., part 2, p. 985.
17 The original has Min, which I suppose to be a contraction for Martin.
18 Iuo. Xc~ in the original, which I take to be Juan Xenque or Shenk.