June 1529, 16-20


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'Spain: June 1529, 16-20', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1: Henry VIII, 1529-1530 (1879), pp. 89-109. URL: Date accessed: 19 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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June 1529, 16-20

16 June.43. Margaret to the Earl of Surrey.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. StaatsArch.
Wien. Rep. P. Fase.
c. 225, No. 31.
In credence of Messire Eustace Chapuis, her councillor, and "maistre aux Requestes," going to England as ambassador of the Emperor, and upon business of her own.—Brussels, 16th June 1529.
Addressed: "Au Conte de Surrey, Admiral d'Angleterre."
Indorsed: "Creance en faveur de Messire Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original, p. 1.
17 June.44. Don Iñigo de Mendoça to the Emperor.
Lanz, Corresp. des
KarlV., pp.308-17.
Has not written before to relate what passed at his last conference with the King and Cardinal, when he took his leave of the former, because he really thought at the time he left England that he should be his own messenger and verbally report to the Emperor his last doings in that country. So much time, however, has since elapsed owing to reasons which will be hereafter explained, that he considers it necessary to repeat the substance of his last despatches, and report on what passed then, as well as on what seemed most probable.
About the end of last March Madame Margaret wrote by Montfort that the Emperor had been pleased to grant him permission to return [to Spain], but before his departure he (Don Iñigo) was to try again to obtain, if possible, the confirmation, of the friendship and alliance formerly existing between him (the Emperor), the King of England, and the Cardinal [of York]. Should his representations be disregarded he (Don Iñigo) was to take his leave of both, and provided with a proper safe-conduct, return to Italy, or wherever His Imperial Majesty might be at the time.
In compliance with these orders, he (Don Iñigo) resolved to make a last attempt, and although he had often on former occasions nearly exhausted his stock of arguments, set about his task as if the affair had never been mentioned before, Called first on the Cardinal (Wolsey), to whom he (Mendoza) said all that occurred to him as conducive to his object, and begged him to exert his influence over the King for the acceptance of the Emperor's friendship and alliance. The Cardinal at first hesitated, and said he would first see the King, and then let him know, which he did, ten days after.
[Relates at length his interview with the Cardinal, and then proceeds.]
One whole month elapsed without his (Mendoza) being able to obtain an audience from the King, until at last in September a day was fixed for Granuche (Greenwich). Saw the King on the 6th, when, after the usual complimentary remarks and inquiries after the Emperor's health, &c., the subject of the previous conferences was resumed, and the King proceeded to say that he had several complaints to make against His Imperial Majesty. Begged him to say whether he had any wrongs to complain of, besides the non-payment of the Emperor's private debts. The King's answer was that he had been slighted and ill-treated in several matters. The Emperor had never consented to make his peace with France through his mediation, and had besides contrived to thwart him at Rome in an affair which weighed heavily on his conscience. Replied that if His Highness recollected the conditions which the King of France himself had signed, and promised to fulfil on his faith and honour, and which he afterwards entirely disregarded by declaring war and challenging the Emperor to personal combat, he would find that out of consideration for His Highness and his own love of peace, he (the Emperor) had, previously to the said hostile declaration at Burgos, relinquished most of his rights, and made the conditions of the Madrid convention as mild and considerate as they could possibly be. Had His Highness then persevered in his neutrality he might have gained greater advantages by that peace, as well as increased his authority and reputation. As to the Emperor's negotiations in Rome, His Highness could not really complain, the affair being entirely private, and one which affected so much the honour of his family. It was but just and reasonable for the Emperor to take up at Rome the defence of his own aunt, especially when His Highness had given the example by appointing a council of prelates and Lawyers, the most learned and experienced in his kingdom, to defend her in England, having previously released them from their oaths of fealty to himself, and transferred the same to the Queen, that they might more effectually attend to her defence, all of which proved that no violence was meant. The King then retorted, "As to your saying that the Emperor has waived part of his rights to do us pleasure, I know it to be otherwise, for all the articles of the Madrid convention were made public in France long before they were communicated to us or to our ambassadors in Spain. We then interfered as We have done since, for the sake of peace as mildly as possible, until, perceiving that all our efforts were in vain, We acted with greater decision, our ambassadors having always before and after sued for the conclusion of a general peace. With regard to the Queen, she stands in no need of a protector; I, myself, can defend her, and the better to declare the truth of the affair, I have chosen such a counsel for her defence, that there is no need whatever for His Majesty or any other prince of the Imperial family to interfere in the matter, and since We do not mix ourselves up with the private affairs of others, We have a right to decline all such interference in our own."
Replied that His Highness was very much mistaken if he thought that threatening language and private difficulties had more influence over the Emperor than his unchangeable love of peace, and his wish for the tranquillity and welfare of the Christian world at large. That such had always been, and was still, his constant aim, all impartial people were ready to acknowledge. Respecting the second point, if His Imperial Majesty had interfered, it was merely for the purpose of re-establishing that harmony and perfect union in which His Highness and the Queen, his wife, had always lived, and not to widen the breach between them. The Emperor's action in that matter was a conscientious one, and such as his own honour and that of one, herself a Queen, and so closely related to him, dictated. It had hitherto been conducted with such prudence and moderation that nobody could say that it proceeded from an enemy, but from a true and devoted friend, who had always loved and respected him. To which remark the King answered in rather an angry tone, and with greater passion than was consistent with his royal dignity, that he wished the Emperor to understand that the more he took the defence of the Queen in hand the worse he would make her case, and that if he thought thereby to improve her situation he was much mistaken, for he did her more harm than he could imagine. His (Mendoza's) reply was that the Emperor could not possibly abandon the Queen, his aunt; defend and console her he must in her present tribulation, even against her own express will. He, the Emperor, could not do less; he was bound by conscience and a sense of honour.
After this the King left the apartment to consult, as may be presumed, the Duke of Norfolk and many others who were in an adjoining room. After conversing with them for a short time, the King sent for him (Don Iñigo), and said that with respect to the friendship and alliance or particular peace to which the Emperor invited him, he had only one thing to say in answer: he would not deceive us with words, and since the Emperor had decided to make his peace first with France independently of England, he declined the offers made to him in particular. He had no objection whatever to a general peace in which all the powers should be included. The Emperor might at once name the conditions, and he (the King) would do everything in his power to bring it about for the ends and purposes which he had all along had in view.
His (Don Iñigo's) answer was that he had no mandate to negociate in England for a general peace; Madame of the Low Countries might possibly have one, or get it in time. If, however, His Highness was disposed to treat of a particular peace with the Emperor, he (Mendoza) was ready duly to accept his suggestions, provided they were directed towards a good end, equally advantageous to both the contracting parties. To which the King replied, "We see very well what you are aiming at; you have only mentioned the particular peace, to which you know We object, in order to get some word or declaration from us that may better serve the Emperor's purpose, and enable him to obtain better terms from King Francis." "Your Highness," retorted he (Mendoza), "knows little of the Emperor and his ministers, and does our sentiments wrong. Thanks be to God we have no need at present of France's friendship, and we have always preferred Your Highness' to that of the most Christian King. Your Highness is the best judge whether my proposals were feigned or in earnest; all I can say is that as Your Highness' most humble servant, and one who desires peace mostly for England's sake, I beg and entreat Your Highness well to consider how much authority and reputation you have gained through the Emperor's friendship, and how largely you have shared in the victories and successes of your ally. Were Your Highness to follow on the present occasion the steps of your predecessors people would no doubt ascribe to you most of the merit and glory gained at Pavia, as if that signal victory had been achieved principally by your instrumentality and advice. Should you still persist in your refusal you would no doubt repent hereafter for not having accepted that which was so much to your profit and advantage."
The King's answer was that the affairs of Italy were not in so prosperous a state as the Imperial ministers represented. He (the King) knew best. The Emperor's journey, if decided upon, could not take place immediately, as the fleet of galleys, that was to escort him to Genoa, had not yet left the shores of Italy, neither was the money nor were the provisions and troops required for the undertaking ready. He was sure the Emperor would have to encounter more difficulties than he imagined, and with regard to the particular peace there was no occasion for the Emperor or his ministers to insist upon it and waste their time any longer, for he could not accept it without that with France being made simultaneously.
Seeing him so determined upon this point he (Don Iñigo) said to him that since his residence at the English Court could be of no avail under present circumstances, he begged leave to quit England, and fully report to the Emperor, wherever he might be, the failure of the negociations. So the King did, much against his will, and after granting him his congé, retired to his own apartments angry and disappointed, as it appeared. He (Don Iñigo) called next on the Duke of Norfolk, and having explained to him the cause of his sudden departure, went home to wait for a safe-conduct. Two days after the Cardinal sent for him (Mendoza) on some slight excuse, as if he wanted to speak to him of his own accord, not by the King's direction. Went thither at the appointed hour, when, the Cardinal finding that his (Mendoza's) departure at such a juncture would be highly detrimental to his own interests, as the Emperor's projected visit to Italy, which he could in nowise prevent, was likely to weaken the English and result in a lasting peace with France, made every possible effort to retain him, and said among other things, "Monsieur I' ambassadeur, you ought not to wonder at the King, my master, preferring a general to a particular peace; he is in honour bound so to do, and cannot act otherwise. But in affairs of this kind every day brings change, and since your health is not good, and it is but just that you should rest after so much fatigue and trouble, I advise you to go, especially as another Imperial ambassador has been announced, with whom all these matters of the general and particular peace can at any time be discussed, on a basis equally advantageous to all parties."
Hearing the Cardinal express himself in such words, and unwilling to leave things is so desperate a state, he (Mendoza) observed that His Imperial Majesty was of precisely the same opinion. He would soon send a personage to reside in England, as liege ambassador, in order that the overtures just made should not fall to the ground. After which he (Mendoza) took leave of the Cardinal and went home. He remained seventeen more days in London, waiting for his passports to quit the kingdom.
During this time the gentleman whom this King sent to Saragossa in demand of the original dispensation brief, returned to London, and brought the King three pieces of intelligence at which he was highly incensed. The first of which was that the Emperor's journey was a settled thing; the second that his ambassadors had been sent back to Valladolid, at which he was much displeased; and the third and last, that he had not been informed of the causes for such a harsh measure. With regard to the Emperor's journey, he (the King) was so affected by the news that he immediately dispatched the Duke of Suffolk to France, to urge King Francis, as is generally believed, to take such steps in Italy as to impede, and, if possible, prevent altogether the Emperor's visit to that country; for which purpose he offered both counsel and assistance. All of which originates, as may be presumed, from this wretched divorce, to obtain which this King is sure to make superhuman efforts, that being the very reason why he will try to prevent the Emperor's journey to Italy and visit to Rome, from fear lest the Emperor should there defeat his plans.
With regard to the English ambassadors, the King wishes that one of them, at least, should go on residing at the Imperial court. He has (he says) hitherto had one even at the worst times, and he thinks that Dr. Edward Lee ought now to follow the Emperor's court wherever he goes. On the whole, the King and Cardinal now show sorrow and regret for what was done [at Burgos], and, therefore, it is prudent to dissemble with them, and for the sake of the future forget what passed on that occasion. Feels quite sure that had he (Mendoza) not asked for his congé they would have sooner or later given it him, and, therefore, something has been gained by his demanding his passports, and as it had been agreed that he should be exchanged for the Bishop of Worcester, and that Dr. Edward Lee should continue to reside at the Imperial court, it is now settled that both shall return, and himself be allowed to proceed to Spain.
In pursuance of the above arrangement, he (Mendoza) departed from London and went to Calais, where the Cardinal said he would find his passports, which, as promised, came really three days after his arrival at that port, though so full of mistakes and with such restrictions that he (Mendoza) considered them quite insufficient to travel with in safety. As, moreover, letters received both by way of Lyons and by that of Genoa confirmed the fact of the Emperor's speedy departure for Italy, he (Mendoza) wrote to the Cardinal to ask the King's permission to proceed on his journey and join the Emperor, wherever he might be, promising on his faith and honour, and if necessary under his own signature and seal, not to leave the English dominions before his ambassadors had reached the frontiers of France, and that if by any accident, which was not to be expected, the English ambassadors were detained in Spain, he (Mendoza) bound himself to return and again constitute himself prisoner at Calais, until such time as the King's ambassadors should have left Spain. The King, therefore, perceiving that there was nothing to be gained by the rumour assiduously circulated that the negociations [at Cambray] had failed, and besides that, his (Mendoza's) liberty once obtained, the Emperor could not fail to send back his ambassadors, readily granted his request.
Three were the reasons which moved him (Mendoza) to take the above step. The first and principal was that he was afraid, as public report went, that on his arrival at Barcelona he should find the Emperor already started on his journey; the second, that should he arrive in time to see the Emperor [in Spain], he felt sure that he (the King) would employ all manner of devices rather than proceed in a straightforward manner in the affair, the more so that in some conferences held here with the French ministers, matters being so delicate just now, the ambassador, Trèves, did not defend his master's interest and honour as completely as he ought to have done, at which, he (Mendoza) hears the English were exceedingly displeased. The third and last, that having hitherto attended the Emperor in all his expeditions, he (Mendoza) could not possibly be absent from one so important as the present, which he must have done had he been obliged to remain in these parts, besides which, it would have been almost impossible for him to go to Spain or Italy by sea, suffering as he generally does, whereas his travelling by land gives time for the English ambassadors to come back. Begs His Imperial Majesty to dispatch them as quickly as possible, and exact their word of honour that as soon as they find themselves safe on this side of the French frontier they shall inform the captain of Calais that he (Mendoza) may be released from his engagements, as also the Lady Margaret.
Soon after his crossing the Straits, the Emperor's letter of the 19th April ulto. was duly received, as well as the original act drawn [at Burgos] after the exhibition of the dispensation brief to the English ambassadors. This last was not needed, for the Queen's messengers had already brought a copy of it. Wrote, however, to the Cardinal asking for a safe-conduct in favour of the person whom the Emperor was about to send in his (Mendoza's) room. His answer was that it was indispensable that the name of the person appointed should be mentioned in that document, but as he (Mendoza) could not designate the person, some delay must necessarily be experienced in this affair.
At the time of his departure from London the Queen's case was at a standstill, and there were no symptoms of its being proceeded with. There was, therefore, no occasion or need for a protest, nor for making an appeal to the judges, for Campeggio had not yet adjourned the suit, and it was not yet known whether the Legate of England would accept the Papal mandate or not.
After his arrival at Bruges learned that the King was pressing the proceedings, and that the Queen had accordingly been summoned to appear before the two Legates on the 18th ins.. Of which summons the Queen immediately informed the Lady Margaret, at the same time begging and entreating her to send two lawyers, the same who had formerly attended her case, for (she thought) were she to retain any English advocates they would not be able to speak as freely as the foreign ones. Madame and her council are of opinion that since it has been alleged that the Queen's defence cannot be properly conducted in England, it would be imprudent and contrary also to the said allegation to send thither any lawyers from Flanders. For his own part he (Mendoza) should very much like to see them appear in London, if it were for no other purpose than declining jurisdiction in the Queen's name, and alleging the reasons they have for it, as well for challenging any other advocates and judges, and interposing appeals; besides which the Emperor may be certain of this, that when the Queen sees that the lawyers are not coming she will be exceedingly annoyed and distressed, and the English, who love her and generally take her part in this affair, will lose courage, thinking she is abandoned by her own relatives and friends.
As far as he (Mendoza) is concerned his intention is to attend to the Queen's case, and be useful to her, as long as he resides here (in the Low Countries) in his capacity of ambassador to the English court, and until the Emperor be pleased to send another one to replace him. Let him be a good lawyer, equally well versed in civil as in canon law, and able to see his way through the intricate maze of French and English politics. Cannot say what Madame will decide on this point, nor whom she intends sending in case she grants the Queen's earnest request.
Doctor Mai writes from Rome in date of the 17th ulto., advising all that has passed between the Pope and him concerning this affair, and enclosing copy of the protest lately entered by him. Needs not go into more details, sure as he is that by this time the Emperor has been duly informed of all of them; fancies, however, that His Holiness is delaying as much as he can the fulfilment of his promise to the Imperial ambassadors, and fears that he has now sent orders to his legates in England (Campeggio and Wolsey), to resume the suspended proceedings, and pronounce sentence in virtue of the first mandate; should this be true, His Majesty may consider the Queen, his aunt, as condemned. A notary has secretly left this city for England, with instructions to appeal against the very first act of the legates, and the Queen is to forward the appeal that it may be sent to Rome. This once done, whatever steps are taken [in England], for the Queen's defence can be of little or no avail; the remedy is only to be procured at the Pope's court. Believes, however, that the Queen is being deceived by her Council, which, though principally composed of worthy prelates and lawyers, contains some members scarcely to he trusted. That is the reason why the Queen's request ought not to be disregarded under present circumstances, and why the Flemish lawyers, whom he (Mendoza) asked for many months ago, should be sent to England forthwith. The Queen, as announced in former despatches, is a very pious and honourable lady, possessing many virtues and high qualities, which make her richly deserving of all our respect and sympathy.
Of Madame's departure for Cambray His Imperial Majesty must have been informed long ago. Some think that the meeting of the two ladies will come to nothing. In his humble opinion the conferences cannot fail to be profitable under many aspects. They cannot do harm, even if they do not immediately turn to good. As His Majesty's departure [for Italy] must be somewhat delayed in consequence, it stands to reason that the devices and intrigues of the Italian confederates, and also of England, to prevent the same, will abate, since the hope of a general peace without cost is preferable for them to keeping up agitation at great expense. To this may be added that if the scarcity of wheat and other provisions in Italy is so great as represented in this country, there will, independently of other unforeseen obstacles which might arise, be a better opportunity and excuse for the Emperor, after the conclusion of peace, to return to his dominions than there would be otherwise: as well as that the [Emperor's] passage through France must be considered a great advantage for the prospects of peace, for we shall then be able in one week to consult him on any difficulties that may arise, and receive an answer in as many days. Knows as a positive fact that when the news of the interview of the ladies first reached England, the Duke of Suffolk, who was about to depart on a mission to France, received immediate orders to proceed to Cambray, and be present at the conferences. He was to be furnished with powers to that effect, the Cardinal having stated at the time, as he (Mendoza) has often heard him say, that the King, his master, wished to be one of the contracting parties of the treaty concluded at Cambray under whatever conditions rather than be altogether excluded from the said treaty. And, although as regards treaties with France, the kings of England have always been rather guarded and cautious, he (Mendoza) is sure that rather than lose the money he has scattered about in various ways, King Henry will change his line on this occasion, and until he has gathered his corn will do everything in his power to promote the continuance of the war. Please God, that after this king has recovered the whole of his money, and the French one his two sons, the opportunities for peace may be as favourable as at present, and our adversaries in still greater need. Hopes that those who are about to work for peace on terms more advantageous than those agreed to at Burgos, will be able to achieve something through which God may be served, and the Emperor's authority and reputation increased.
An ambassador from Scotland has arrived at this Court with offers of marriage between King James and the dowager Queen of Hungary. (fn. 1) Fancies that he has delayed his proposals till now not to displease King Francis, who has (they say) sent him a message to the effect that he prefers the friendship of England to his. That is the very reason why the said King of Scotland is now soliciting the Imperial alliance, which seems to him (Mendoza) a very desirable one under present circumstances, were it for no other purpose than to annoy and trouble this king, although it is very doubtful whether the affection which the English people undoubtedly profess to His Imperial Majesty will not prove an obstacle to the application of the Scottish ambassador. The affair (he hears) was initiated some time ago by Mr. de Bredan, who in all his missions and travels has always proved himself a zealous and devoted servant of his Imperial Majesty—Brussels, 17th June 1529.
Signed: "Don Iñigo de Mendoça."
Spanish. Original. pp 14.
19 June.45. Summary of the Treaty of Peace between Clement VII. and Charles V.
S. E. L. 2,016,
f. 32.
B. M. Add. 28,578,
f. 365.
Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 3.
18 June.46. Gomez Suarez de Figueroa to the Emperor.
S. E. Leg. 848,
f. 22.
B.M. Add. 28,578,
f. 328.
On the 13th inst. four galleys of Sicily and one of Naples entered this port [of Genoa].
The confederates were at Marignano and Gazo (sic). Antonio de Leyva had written to say that he was not the least afraid of them, as he had a sufficient force and plenty of provisions, and besides had received intelligence of the speedy arrival of the Germans.
Had arranged with the Signory to raise 4,000 men besides those she had in her pay. Belgioioso was to levy 4,000 more for the purposes already known to the Emperor. Leyva had written to say that 6,000 ducats were to be paid to the Count out of the produce of the wheat sold [in Genoa].
The galleys took on their way a brigantine loaded entirely with silk, but some doubts were entertained as to its being a lawful prize, in consequence of which a portion of the silk, said to belong to merchants of Lucca, has been restored.
This city has chosen, and is already fitting up, the quarters that the Emperor is to occupy on his landing.
The Order of Rhodes has armed four galleys, and wishes to arm a fifth. Their destination is unknown. Having imparted his fears to Andrea [Doria], the latter wrote to the Grand Master of the Order (Villiers de l'Isle Adam), who answered at once that they would in nowise be employed against the Emperor or his allies.
The Signory of Venice has sent a gentleman to ask the Genoese whether they wished them to interpose their influence with the King of France, that he might take them under his protection, and the answer of the Genoese has been such as might be expected from them under present circumstances.
Rodrigo de Ripalda sailed off the other day without despatches.
A galleon belonging, as it is rumoured, to a Florentine merchant, has just been brought into this port. She was captured by the Imperial galleys at Porto Pisano.
Belgioioso is gone to operate his junction with the troops of this Signory.
Hears that an army of 20,000 Germans and 1,000 horse will soon be in Italy. Genoa has already raised and armed 3,000, who will soon be increased to 4,000.
The sons of the Count del Verme have come with 1,000 men and two pieces of ordnance to offer their services, on condition that the community takes them under her protection.
The Archbishop of Capua (Fr. Nicolas Schomberg) has arrived. Could not see him as he was engaged writing this despatch.—Genoa, 18th June 1529.
Signed: "Gomez Suarez de Figueroa."
Spanish. Original, pp. 8.
21 June.47. The Emperor to the Duke of Lorraine.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. Fasc.
c. 224, No. 40.
His letters brought by his ambassador, Claude Chançonnette have come to hand. The present is in credence of Eustace Chapuys, officer of Geneva and of his Council [in the Low Countries], who will communicate certain matters relating to his service.—Barcelona, 21st June 1529.
Addressed: "Au Due de Lorrenne."
French. Original draft, p. 1.
22 June.48. Martin de Salinas to the King of Bohemia and Hungary.
M. R. Ac. d. Hist,
c. 71, f. 214 vo.
Received, on the 4th inst., the King's despatch and letters dated Spires, the 24th of April, and took the earliest opportunity to acquaint the Emperor with their contents. Though the news they convey is anything but agreeable, yet His Imperial Majesty showed at the time every disposition to meet difficulties abroad, and bade him (Salinas) forward all the papers and despatches for the inspection of the Privy Council, and of his confessor (Garcia de Loaysa), which was accordingly done. They are there since yesterday.
On the 18th Louis de Tassis arrived with the duplicate of the resolutions taken by the Diet, and also with His Highness' holograph letter to the Emperor, explanatory of the same, besides one from Secretary Castellejo to him (Salinas).
Andrea Doria landed also on the same day, and had an audience.
The Emperor was glad to hear of the levies now being made in Germany for his Italian army. He would, however, have much preferred that those destined to Antonio de Leyva had been prepared with greater speed, to relieve the dangerous position in which that captain was placed.
He was equally glad to hear of the good reception given to Montfort; not so at his too long stay in Flanders, as it was exceedingly inconvenient under present circumstances, and much time was lost through it.
To the questions which the Emperor put respecting Rocandorf (Rokendolf) he (Salinas) answered as well as he could. The Emperor remarked that he knew nothing about his having offered to raise 6,000 Germans, as advised from Flanders. A similar application (he observed) had been made some time ago by a great personage, but had been most peremptorily refused. The Emperor did not state the name and quality of the individual alluded to, but there is reason to suspect that it was Rocandorf himself who made the offer, for when he last left this place he was by no means in the Imperial favour.
Respecting Hungary and Bohemia and the rest of His Highness' patrimonial estates threatened by a Turkish invasion, the Emperor was sorry to hear the news; he, however, trusted in God that the plans of the Infidel would be defeated.
Did not fail to inform the Emperor, as ordered, of the adjournment of the Diet, (fn. 2) of the negociations with the Switzers, and of the sums paid to Brunswick for his late services in Italy, of which a detailed account came by the last post.
Gave Count Nassaot (Nassau) His Highness' holograph letter, and read also to him the paragraphs of those addressed to him (Salinas) in which he was mentioned. The Count, who is very well disposed, seems pleased at the promises of advancement and favour made to him.
With regard to Johan Lallemand, (fn. 3) he (Salinas) did not hesitate to defend his cause in the Emperor's presence. As the result of the judicial inquiry lately made shows that he is entirely innocent, not one of the charges brought against him by his enemies having been proved, he (Salinas) spoke warmly to the Emperor in Lallemand's favour, and resolutely said that there was no reason whatever to proclaim him a traitor. His enemies had accused him of things which the Emperor's secretary had never dreamt of, and it would be highly discreditable if the punishment inflicted rested on no other ground than the gratuituous charges brought by people anxious to revenge his refusal to serve their own private views. Delivered His Highness' message to that effect, and begged the Emperor to treat his secretary with his usual benevolence. The answer was that he (the Emperor) was quite satisfied as to Lallemand's innocence of the principal charges, but was neverthless highly displeased with other trifling offences (otras cosillas), which, after all, in his (Salinas') opinion, are not sufficiently proved or grievous to deserve so severe a punishment.
Don Pedro de Cordoba (fn. 4) has received His Highness' letter explaining why his charge of Chief Equerry has been bestowed upon Don Pedro Lasso. He showed regret at the intelligence, as he had hoped that the post might have been kept vacant for him, and that his late marriage here [in Spain] would have been no impediment to his filling that post.
Laxao (Lachaulx) was glad to hear of the message. He hopes with His Highness' favour to obtain the object of his wishes (que habra fin su desseo).
The Polish ambassador is now here. As his master's late behaviour in these matters of the Turk is well known at this court, he (Salinas) advised the Emperor to interrogate him about it, which was accordingly done; the ambassador said in excuse that his master [King Sigismond] never issued such orders, but that the nobleman, who gave himself out as Polish ambassador, had asked leave of absence to go to our Lady of Loretto in pilgrimage, and had then taken a different route, and done on his own account what he is charged with. (fn. 5)
One of the privy councillors, Nicolas Pernot (Perrenot) by name, better known by the title of Mons. de Granvelle, and who was Imperial ambassador at the court of France after the King's liberation, now fills Lallemand's place. He shows great inclination to serve His Highness efficiently, so that a letter complimenting him on his nomination and promising him favour would be most opportune.
Of the supplies sent by King Francis to the Vayvod (Zapolsky), the Emperor had already full intelligence through letters from that King himself that have been intercepted.—Barcelona, 22nd June 1529.
P.S.—The Emperor is writing to inquire of what size and colour the standards are to be which he is to take [to Germany] for his Turkish expedition.
As Mons. de Laxao (Laschaulx) is to accompany him, he will be best able to explain what the Emperor's wishes are. The bad health of the Archbishop [of Toledo, Fonseca], which prevents his attending the Council, is very much in Lachaulx' favour, (fn. 6) since that prelate is by no means favourable to him.
As above stated, the Emperor interrogated the ambassador of the King of Poland [Sigismond] respecting his master's conduct. The ambassador alleged as an excuse that the King gave no such order, but that the nobleman who assumed the title of ambassador and went to the Vayvod [of Transylvania], asked him permission to make a pilgrimage to our Lady of Loretto, and started in a contrary direction. Such, at least, is the excuse which this Polish ambassador offers for his master, showing the King's letters to that effect, whereof a copy is here enclosed, (fn. 7) What may be the real truth nobody knows, for certainly had the statement been correct the King [of Poland] himself would have hastened to inform the Emperor of his servant's infidelity, and not waited until he was questioned about his strange negociations with the Vayvod.
Spanish. Original draft, pp. 4.
22 June.49. Jean le Sauch to Madame.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P.
Fasc.c. 225, No. 32.
B. M. Add. 28,578,
f. 367.
After dispatching his letter from Cambray, on the 16th inst.., he (Le Sauch) left at three in the afternoon for Senlis, where he arrived on the morning of Friday. Found that the King of France and Madame [Louise de Savoie], his mother, were no longer there, but had gone two leagues beyond to Chantilly, a fine estate belonging to the Grand Master of France (Anne de Montmorency). Following the advice of L'Esleu Bayart he (Le Sauch) dispatched a messenger to the Bailli Robertet that he might immediately inform Madame of his arrival.
On the following Saturday an answer came stating that Madame was very pleased, and had sent one named Sermacre (fn. 8) , president of accounts in Bretagne, to conduct him (Le Sauch) to Chantilly, which was done, the Grand Master soon after his arrival introducing him, &c.
After exhibiting his letters of credence, he (Le Sauch) proceeded to explain, as he thought most fit, the object of his mission, for Madame must be aware that his instructions are rather vague, and that nothing was added to them on his departure [from Brussels]. Besides, finding that the affairs had lately taken another turn, that Madame had left [Cambray] soon after the conferences, that Mons. de Humières (Brinon) had also left, taking, moreover, into account many other circumstances referred to in his last despatches, he (Le Sauch) was very careful how he alluded to the object of his mission.
After presenting his respects to Madame Louise, he (Le Sauch) was conducted to the presence of the King, who after the usual inquiries for Madame's health, asked where she was then, and when likely to return to Cambray, adding that it was his earnest wish to see the present preliminary negociations come to an issue, that he might himself see and speak to Madame. Whilst commenting on his (Le Sauch's) letters of credence, said that you, Madame, having received the letters of the King, and of Madame, his mother, brought by L'Esleu Bayart, and listened to the kind message brought from them, felt that you could not do less than send some person to them to return thanks for their attention, and inform them at the same time of your intended journey to Cambray. That in conformity with this resolution you were to leave Brussels on Wednesday last, or on Thursday at the latest; that on Saturday you would be at Mons, stay there the whole of Sunday, go to Valenciennes on Tuesday, and there wait for news. With regard to the precautions which the King and Madame, his mother, wished to be taken on both sides, such as sending people of each party to the frontiers to ascertain if there were any gatherings or assemblies of men in arms, observed that certainly several courtiers had written to warn you, Madame, against your going to Cambray, inasmuch as the King of France being also expected on that frontier, he might, on the plea of protecting his own person, bring with him so considerable a number of retainers, that [one night you might find yourself surrounded in your own lodgings, and made, together with all your courtiers, lords, and grand masters (grans maistres) a prisoner in the hands of the French. That for this reason you ought not to advance beyond Valenciennes, nor the Queen of France beyond St. Quentin; that thence both ladies might communicate with each other and discuss the affairs they had in hand through persons appointed for that purpose. That your answer to such warnings and admonitions had been that you had no mistrust or fear of any sort as regarded Madame Louise or the King, her son, and that if any of your councillors or courtiers were afraid they might remain at home.
That not satisfied with this answer, the courtiers had suggested that since it was your pleasure to come [to Cambray] you ought at least to come with a considerable escort, and as you could not but consent to your own sister bringing with her an honourable company, you ought to make sure that your own escort was the stronger and more numerous, sufficient to cope with the French, and if required, with the people of the town also (et au dessus d'elle et de laville). That your answer had been, that if there was one single armed man in your suite, people might imagine that you were going on a warlike enterprise, not on a work of peace, which circumstance would be of itself enough to make you return home without delay. You had started on a mission of peace, and hoped, God willing, to be successful. You wanted nothing in your attendance that looked like war; and were coming as a princess of peace, as frankly and sincerely as she herself (Madame Louise) meant to come when she offered, if necessary, to meet you in some good town of Haynault or Flanders.
Other objections have been raised which you, Madame, had completely disregarded, thinking of nothing short of your corning personally to Cambray without escort of any kind, thus showing that in your opinion these were not matters to be discussed by commissaries on both sides, but by the common consent of your sister, the Queen Mother of France, and yourself to meet each other at Cambray or some other town, and come to an understanding, &c. Yet (I added) as L'Esleu Bayart once proposed that people should be secretly dispatched to the towns on each side of the frontier to observe whether any movements or gatherings of people were visible, you, Madame, were quite ready, if she thought the measure advisable, to grant you consent, though considering the said precautionary measure quite unnecessary on your part, or on that of your sister.
On all and every one of these particular points the Queen answered as follows: Respecting the first, she said, she was very glad to hear the good news brought her. There was nothing she desired so much as to see her sister, whom she loves extremely, and co-operate with her in the establishment of a solid and lasting peace between the Christian princes. She would have come much sooner to keep the appointment had she not been prevented by a severe illness. She doubted not but that all manner of difficulties had been raised there in Flanders. She and her son had received similar warnings from various quarters. In the first place, from the Duke of Suffolk and from Treasurer Feuwillain (Fitzwilliam), then from the Pope, who would like to see himself venerated by the Italians residing at this our Court (fn. 9) , from the Venetians and from other Italian potentates. However, the more all these people had done to prevent the conferences, the more attached she had become to her idea, and therefore had hastened on her journey as much as she possibly could, for it seemed to her that the enemy [of mankind] was tempting all and every one of the above named to throw impediments in the way of peace. (fn. 10) She then told him (Le Sauch) to announce that on Wednesday next without fail she would be at St. Quentin, and that you, Madame, would do well to inform the Emperor of the impediments thrown in her way by the English and the rest of the Italian confederates. As soon as she herself had arrived at Cambray she would not fail to acquaint you with the causes of the Duke of Suffolk's arrival at the French court, and the return to England of Feuwillain (Fitzwilliam), who came with him.
With regard to her sending special commissioners beyond the frontiers of France for the purpose of reconnoitring, and seeing whether any unlawful assemblies of armed people took place, she had no mistrust or fear of any sort, and yet considering that the French towns in that part of the frontier are more numerous and have stronger garrisons than ours, she strongly recommended that such precautions should also be taken on our part for the satisfaction of the lords and grand masters (grands maistres) of those countries.
That Mons. d' Humière's application for two gates at Cambray to be destined one for King Francis' exclusive use, and the other for your own, had only been made on the presumption and in the hope that the conferences ending prosperously, as was anticipated on both sides, the King, her son, would wish to see you privately, and with a small retinue, as Mons. d' Humières himself had previously hinted to him (Le Sauch). This, however, is a point on which they no longer insist.
She (the Queen) had no objection whatever to make respecting the arrangements and preparations at Cambray for your mutual visits, and was glad to hear that your dwelling and her's were close to each other.
After the above questions and answers Madame [of France] inquired of where Mons. du Rœulx was then, and whether he intended going soon to Spain. Answered that he (Mons. Rœulx) was in his own estates waiting for the arrival at Cambray. Had no doubt he would himself go thither, and pay his respects to both ladies, unless he were prevented by his journey to Italy, where he was to meet the Emperor. He had no business whatever to transact in Spain since the Emperor had already sailed, or was about to sail, from Barcelona to Genoa. Must here observe that this is not the first time that he has been cross-questioned about Mons. du Rœulx personally, much more indeed than about any other gentleman in the Imperial service. What the reason can be he (Le Sauch) cannot say, but he was particularly asked on this occasion to mention the names of all those who are coming with you, Madame, to Cambray.
After this conversation, the details of which he omits for brevity's sake, and because he does not consider them of paramount importance for the present question, the Queen bade him return to Senlis, remarking that he (Le Sauch) would find there better lodgings, and besides that she herself and the King, her son, would be there on Saturday the 15th, that is to-day. He would find there President Commacrc (Commercy), who had been instructed to keep him company, attend to his wants, and defray all expenses in a very handsome manner. Takes this opportunity of informing Madame that the same may be done with L'Esleu Bayart, who has, however, written to this Court that he is very handsomely entertained and honourably treated.
Has received Madame's letters dated Brussels, the 17th; by Mons. de la Hargerye (sic).
Hears that the meeting is not to take place before Sunday or Monday next, for it is not likely that the Queen Mother will travel from St. Quentin to Cambray, a distance of eight leagues, in 24 hours, and most probably she will not stop at Crevecœur. However this may be, nothing has been officially announced yet, but will endeavour to ascertain what the Queen's intentions are, and let Madame know as soon as possible.—Compiegnes (sic), Monday the 21st of June [1529.]
19 June.50. The Same to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P.
Fasc. c.225,No. 33.
Madame, the Queen and the King, her son, arrived last evening in this town. I immediately requested President Commacre (Commercy) to go to the Grand Master and inform him that I wished to dispatch a messenger, as I had not communicated with you since my arrival in this town. The President remained in Court until 11 o'clock at night, and brought no other answer except that the Queen Mother and the Grand Master of France would receive me this morning, which has been the cause of my keeping this despatch open till after the audience.
I accordingly called first upon the Grand Master, who said he had no message to deliver from the Queen Mother, except that as soon as she was ready to depart she would let me know. I did not, however, wait for this message, but suspecting there would be no time for me to see the Queen, I begged the Grand Master to go and apply for an audience after dinner. The Grand Master did as he was desired; he went first to the King, whom he found at table attended by the Duke of Suffolk and Treasurer Feuwillain (Fitzwilliam), just returned from England, and Dr. Hincht. (fn. 11) The dinner over, all the guests withdrew to the King's chamber, and the hall was cleared and prepared for a meeting of the Council.
On this information I repaired to the apartments of the Queen, who was just going to dinner. I found, however, means of penetrating into her chamber, and so contrived that she saw me, beckoned me to approach, and asked whether I had news of Madame. Answered that I had, and that not later than yesterday I had heard of your departure from Brussels on Thursday. I had been particularly requested to inform her of the fact, and send back what news I had of her intended movements. I therefore wished to dispatch a courier to apprize her of what she herself had told me at Chantilly, respecting her intended movements.
The Queen approved entirely of the idea, but observed that her arrival at St. Quentin could no longer take place on Friday, as she had at first announced, but on Saturday, for she could not possibly start to-morrow. After which she went on to say: "I depart upon this journey frankly (franchement), and full of confidence in my sister, sincerely hoping that our meeting and conference will turn out as I wish, and that whatever is agreed upon between us the Emperor will approve and ratify. I know not whether you are aware that some of the conditions have already been settled between Madame and myself by letter, and that I hardly think Madame would like me to undertake this journey for nothing, though I confess that I would have taken even a much longer one for her sake, and to have the pleasure of seeing her." My answer was: "There can be no doubt that both of you will agree on all points. The Emperor is sure to consent, and Madame herself is not likely to propose anything that he cannot approve. With regard to the conditions you speak of, as having already been settled preliminarily between you, I know nothing about them; if any one knows it must be either Mons. de Rosymboz or Mons. Guillaume des Barres, who have lately gone to the Emperor and brought the powers which, as I am told, you have received." (fn. 12)
She replied that nothing could be better than the arrangements made. It was very important, indeed, that but very few people should be made acquainted with the bases of the negotiation. She had taken the same precaution in France. Upon which I took the liberty of mentioning to her that Fitzwilliam, the King of England's treasurer, was still at Compiegne, where I had seen him, and yet I had heard her say that he was to leave for England on Saturday last. She instantly replied: "He left, as I told you, but has since returned. The King, after dinner to-day, is to hear what he and Suffolk have to say; but you may confidently write to Madame, my sister, that she need not be jealous of the English, or imagine that they can prevent my journey to Cambray, for in no case would I miss the appointment, or make less concessions than I am prepared for. The object of the English, as I am given to understand, is to send the King's plein-pouvoirs to treat in his name, he and the King of France, my son, being allies, and unable to discuss peace separately." My answer was: "Madame, it is but reasonable to fulfil what one has promised. For my part, I am inclined to think that the Emperor will raise no difficulty to having the King of England comprised in the treaty about to be made, for it is now more than a month since I, myself, took the offer to him on Madame's behalf." "I know very well (replied the Queen) that you have been in England and performed there the duties of a good ambassador, for I am informed by Mons. de Bayonne (Jean du Bellay), that you positively refused to name to the King and Cardinal the place and day for which my interview with my sister had been fixed."
After this she asked me, "Is the Cardinal of Liege coming with Madame?" I answered, "Yes, he is coming." "Is he useful to you in that country (par delá)?" "He has been so useful (said I) ever since he entered the Emperor's service, that I calculate he has been worth upwards of 4,000,000 of crowns to him, and intends doing still more, as he is determined to devote his whole fortune and talents to the cause of the Empire. (fn. 13) He is consequently the most important person in the estates of Flanders after Madame, and the one who enjoys most favour with the Emperor. There is nothing His Imperial Majesty would not grant him were he to ask for it." "Still," said Madame, "Is he a man to aim at good?" "You may believe me when I say that he is strongly attached to peace, and would like to see others share his opinion, for you must indeed believe that Madame [Marguerite] is incapable of bringing in her suite people who do not desire peace."
"Well then (replied the Queen), I am very glad to hear this. I intend bringing in my company my own chancellor, but there is no fear of his thwarting in any way my good wishes. Should he be unable to come, I intend taking with me this good old knight of Mons. de Montmorency, together with his son, the Grand Master [Anne.] (fn. 14) I take no princes or nobles in my suite because my good sister [Margaret] brings none with her, and in reality they are not wanted. Some lords from Britanny will also accompany me, such as Messieurs de Laval, de Rieuz, and Mons. de Chasteaubrien (Chateaubriand), besides a few gentlemen of my own household or of that of the King, my son. Of women, I only take with me those of my own chamber, who are numerous enough, for when Queen [Claude] died we kept them all in our service, and many are also wanted on account of the children. The dowager Madame de Vendosme comes likewise. You may write this to my sister, and tell her what my plans are, and that I hope we may hear of each other daily. Write also to her boldly that we must necessarily contend and argue, but that I sincerely hope it will be without anger or ill-will. I will tell her things which she will be astonished to hear. She thinks that the Pope is the Emperor's friend, but I can assure her that he is very far from being such, for he is evidently trying to prevent the Emperor's journey to Italy before the treaty is concluded between the parties, and in all other matters he will be found very different from what you think. I do not mean to imply thereby that he (the Pope) acts any better towards us; such is, however, his condition, that he is of no good to us, nor to you, nor to the Church itself."
My answer was: "I recollect, Madame, that on Saturday last you told me that Dr. Estienne (Stephen Gardiner), the English ambassador, just arrived from Rome, had told you that the Pope was very ill, and not likely to recover." "So it is." "I am told also that Dr. Estienne is taking to England the Pope's decision on the divorce case. Is that true?"
"I cannot positively affirm (was my reply) that he takes any document with him, or what the Pope's resolution has been; (fn. 15) but I hear that there has been some difficulty respecting a certain brief which has not been found valid at Rome; but this question of the marriage does not concern us in the least, and we have nothing in common with the English."—Compiegnes, Tuesday, the 22nd of June anno xxix., at six o'clock p.m.
P.S.—Relays of post horses have been established by the Queen between this town and Cambray, so as to be in daily communication with you.
The Queen of Navarre (fn. 16) felt indisposed last night, and has been obliged to take remedies to-day. I believe that this circumstance, and the return of Fitzwilliam, will prevent the Queen from starting to-morrow, as she intended.
Mons. de Tarbes has left for Rome post haste.
Addressed: "A Madame."
French. Original, pp. 11.


1 Mary, daughter of Philip and Joanna, and consequently sister of Charles V. Born in 1505, she was married in 1521 to Louis, King of Bohemia and Hungary, who was slain at Mohatz on the 29th of August 1526. She died at Valladolid on the 18th of October 1558.
2 "En lo del entretenimiento del Regimiento [de Inspruch ?] se hiço relacion por que su Mt. esté advertido."
3 Written "Lalleman" or L'Aleman, who, as stated elsewhere, incurred the Emperor's disgrace, and was finally deprived of his office as Secretary for Foreign Affairs, which post was given first to Nicolas Perrenot, and afterwards to Francisco de los Covos.
4 Don Pedro was Sessa's brother; he was married to Doña Felipa Henriquez.
5 The original text has, "El embaxador del Rey de Polonia está, aqui, y á mi me pareció que era bien que pues á Su. Mt. constaba lo que su amo hama echo acerca del Turco éra bien que gelo diesen á entender como Su. Mt. fuese servido y Su. Mt. se determinó de lo hazer. Y el dicho embajador dió por disculpa que su amo nunca tal mandó sino que aquel que se intituló su embaxador le pidió iicencia para yr á Nuestra Señora de Loreto, y de su propria voluntad hiço el contrario."
6 "Y lo que al presente hay en que se le pueda hazer merced es lo que e [mismo] escrive á V. Al. por la necesidad de la indisposicion del arçobispo presente." D. Alonso de Fonseca, who had heen formerly Archbishop of Santiago, was promoted to Toledo in 1524 (the 26th of April). He died on the 4th of February 1534.
7 Not in the volume.
8 Thus in the original, but evidently a mistake for Commercy or Commacre, as he is otherwise named.
9 "De la part du Pappe, qui se vouldroit faire venerer des Italiens qui sont en ceste Court."
10 "Car il luy semble que l'enemy tente chascun pour enpeschier ung si grant bien."
11 Probably Dr. William Knight.
12 " Qui ont este devers l'Empereur dernierement, et ont apporte le pooir (sic) que vous en avez, comma j'ay entendu."
13 "Il le fait tel que s'extimc son service du proffit à l'Empereur et à ses pays, depuis qu'il est au service de sa Majesté, d'escus de millions de iiii."
14 "Maìs ìl ne fault craindre qu'il me trompe; et si manque aussi ce bou vielz chevalier, le sr de Montmorency et son filz le grand maistre."
15 "Je ne veulz pas dire qu'il le apportc, et n'en poiz [que] trop maisgrement escripre, mais j'ai entendu, &c.'
16 Marguerite de Valois, sister of Francis I., better known as Madame d'Alençon, owing to her marriage with the Duke of Alençon, after whose death, in 1527, she married Henry d'Albret, surnamud King of Navarre.